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HARVARD LAW LIBRARY 


Received 


HARVARD LAW LIBRARY 


Received 


a 


on y HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 
arr 
7 


REPORT 


ON THE 


MANUSCRIPTS 


OF THE 


MARQUESS OF LOTHIAN 


PRESERVED AT 


- BLICKLING HALL, NORFOLK. 


c4 

















Presented to Parliament bp Command of gis Wisjestp. 





LONDON: 
PRINTED FOR HIS MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE 
BY MACKIE & CO. LD. 50, Fixer Srreer, B.C. 





‘And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from 
WYMAN amp SONS, Lp, Ferran Lane, EC, and 
32, ABINGDON BTREET, WESTMINSTER, B.W.; oF " 
OLIVER & BOYD, EDINBURGH; or \ 
E. PONSONBY, 116, Guarron Street, DUBLIN. 





1905. 
[Cd. 2819.] Price 28. 9d. 


20 


INTRODUCTION. 


Tue Manuscripts at Bliekling Hall, Norfolk, passed with that 
property to the Lothian family through the marriage of Lord 
Ancram (afterwards sixth Marquess) with Lady Henrietta 
Hobart, daughter of John, 2nd Earl of Buckinghamshire. 


The present publication is due to the initiative and active 
personal interest of the late Constance Marchioness of Lothian, 
who a few years before her death permitted Mr. D’Arcy Collyer 
to examine and arrange the numerous charters and papers in her 
possession at Blickling, which had not been accessible to the 
Inspector on behalf of the Commissioners on his visit in 1869. 
These on examination arranged themselves under the three 
heads which follow :— 

1. Ancient deeds and documents. 

2. Hobart papers, documents belonging to the period 
commencing with the first connexion of the Hobart 
family with the property. 

3. Buckinghamshire papers, belonging to the time of John 
Hobart, second Earl of Buckinghamshire. 


The last section comprises part of a large collection of 
diplomatic correspondence and memoranda collected and 
endorsed by Lord Buckinghamshire himself, which was 
discovered by Constance Marchioness of Lothian in a cabinet, 
enclosed in antique cardboard boxes of foreign make, in which 
they had probably rested undisturbed for just over a century. 
An instalment of these papers has already been published by 
the Royal Historical Society in 1900 and 1902 (8rd series, Vols. 
2 and 8), together with the text of the official despatches from 
St. Petersburg, noticed, but not set out, in the Commissioners’ 
first Report above mentioned. 


vl Z 


The first two sections of the present Report contain gleanings 
from the Muniment Room, a remote turret room where the 
papers had been either stored in boxes which had made many 
a journey in the London ''stage," or had been piled in 
miscellaneous heaps of rolls, charters and correspondence, relating 
to persons whose relative significance had long since been 
forgotten, and to estates long parted with. These are now 
arranged in nine large tin boxes and docketed. Not till the 
documents had been cleaned and sorted was it possible out of 
this mass to evolve order or coherence. There then revealed 
itself, however, a singular and unexpected element of continuity 
in the presence, among the earlier muniments, of charters and 
rolls belonging to the foundations of Langley and Horsham 
St. Faith, two religious houses founded by the family of Fitz 
Robert (Cheyney), the first lay tenants of Blickling after the 
Conquest. This family held their manor in Blickling by grant 
or exchange from the Bishop of Norwich, whose predecessors 
had received it from the Conqueror in suecession to Harold. 
The St. Faith's documents comprise court rolls going back to 
49 Hen. III., and a number of charters of endowment; and the 
coincidence by which the muniments reverted after the 
dissolution of the monasteries to the home of their origin, if 
fortuitous, is remarkable. By a like coincidence, a charter of 
Bishop Eborard (p. 39) 1s among the documents, the Bishop 
who is recorded as having attempted in the beginning of the 
12th century to recover the Cheyneys’ manor to the see, on the 
ground of some condition in the grant. It was the destiny, 
however, of the two divisions of the manor into which the grant 
to John Fitz Robert had divided it, to become at last reunited in 
the hands of the lay holders, and the site of the Dagworth 
Manor House (where Blickling Hall now stands) superseded that 
of the older structure (occupied by Harold) of which the traces 
are still discernible on the river’s edge, north of the Park. 


So large a collection of papers, of course, contains many 
matters of interest to the local antiquarian. The extract (at 
p. 61) of the Langley rental, which is only a minute specimen 
of the elaborate code of task work (filling many pages) detailed 
for a long list of tenants, calls to mind how old is the never 
ceasing dispute between master and men in a wet harvest; the 
24 days’ work must not be hurried over to the detriment of the 
crops, mediante equitate et justitia ne nimis cito accipiantur, 


vil 
The records of Hevingham, once a favourite lodge of the 
Bishops of Norwich (whither, too, Edward I. eame in his 
progress in 1277), supply a specimen of a manorial extent (p. 33) 
whieh exemplifies the great multiplieity of ownership which 
widely obtained from earliest times and the extremely artificial 
character of the subinfeudation. 


It is noticeable that Bishop Askew, minister to De la Pole? 
(Earl of Suffolk) in the reign of Henry VI., emerged from the 
position of parish priest in this obscure village (p. 48). 


Social life is illustrated by the covenant (of cosenage) of 
Humphrey Bourgehier (p. 65), and the letter of William Trussel 
on the education of a ward (p. 75). The letter appears to be a 
15th century copy. The Trussels were connected with 
Weybourne, where the De Veres too left their name. A will 
of John Thetford of 1565 (p. 44), gives bequests of his ‘‘sylver 
salte," his ' bow and quiver of arrows." 


Of wider and more national significance may be noticed e.g. 
the original (duplicate) in good preservation of the subsidy roll 
for the county of Norfolk made on the occasion of the knight- 
hood of the Black Prince; the names of well-known members of 
the royal party of Henry III. in a few charters; that of Joan 
Countess of Hertford (daughter of Edward I., whose title is 
handed down into Richard the Second's time in connexion with 
Saxthorpe (p. 46) ; and (in the case of the Blickling records) & 
trace here and there of the distinguished statesmen and warriors 
who found here relaxation from the toils of peace and war. 
Blickling seems early to have been a favourite place for sport, 
and it is appropriate to find John Engainet in 1807 promul- 
gating for Blickling the very scientifically drawn custumary 
which appears here (on pp. 22-24). Poaching was rife in the 14th 
century (pp. 25-28), and later Sir John Fastolf's bailiff seems 
to have had before his eyes the possible complaints of over- 
preservation of game from the ‘‘ Hommages of the Lordschepes ” 


* The De Ja Poles are chiefly remembered (locally) as the builders of the 
beautiful churches at Sa]l and Cawston. 


+ This warrior seems to have been official or hereditary master of the Pytcheley 
bunt. The lands which he held at Pightesley in the county of Northampton 
were held by the service of ‘finding at his own expense certain dogs for the 
destruction of wolves, foxes, martins and other vermin, within the counties of 
Northampton, Rutland, Oxford, Bucks, Essex and Huntingdon." 


vili 

(p.57). Devolving always among collaterals and following 
several ramifications of the Cheyney family, the manor fell to 
several distinguished owners. Margaret Cheyney, Aileen le 
Mareschal, Dagworth (who commanded in Aquitaine and 
suffered imprisonment at the hands of the Barons), Holveston, 
Sir Thomas Erpingham, of Agincourt and Shaksperian fame, 
Sir John Fastolf, the Boleyns and Sir Edward Clere, are 
among the noble owners whose names appear in these charters, 
but in none of the documents prior to the sale by Clere to the 
Hobarts can the personal share of the house in public life be 
definitely traced. 


Sir Henry Hobart, Knight and Baronet, Chief Justice of the 
Common Pleas, temp. James I., bought the Blickling estates 
from Sir Edward Clere, the representative of the Boleyns in the 
female line, and on the site of the Dagworth manor house built 
the mansion which remains so impressive and beautiful an 
example of the architecture of his time. Sir Henry Hobart’s 
publie character is best known from the sketch by Judge 
Jenkins comparing him with his great contemporary, Coke :— 
‘Two lights of the law, . . . the monument of whose genius 
‘and Jabour shall flourish so long as our most just and sacred 
"laws, the splendour, majesty and fame of England shall 
"endure. In Hobart were many noble things, an excellent 
** eloquence, the éclat of ancestry, the most engaging sweetness 
‘“animated with a singular gravity." Sir Henry’s handwriting 
in several holograph leases attests the diligence and accuracy 
with which his private affairs were conducted. His son Sir 
John, who married, first, Philippa, daughter of Robert Sydney, 
dying without an heir male, left as his widow a second wife, 
Lady Frances. This lady, who was the daughter of the Earl of 
Bridgewater and sister of Lady Alice Egerton (the ‘‘ Lady ” of 
Milton's Comus), lived to old age in Chapel Field House in 
Norwich, for many years the local town house of the Hobarts.t 

À note of Lady Frances to General Lambert and his reply to 
it (p. 89) show that the family was not without influence with 
the leaders of the Civil War; for though one or two cadets of 





* De Cressi, Fitz Roger, Engaine and Dagworth are all descendents of the 
Cheyneys io the female line. ! 

+ Recent exoavations show that the chapel of this chantry foundation stood in the 
' open ground north of the house and east of the bowling green. A paroel of title 
deeds relating to this property are preserved at Blickling. 





ix 
the family were found in the ranks of the Royalists, its main 
influence was steadily on the Parliamentary side throughout 


the crisis, while the estates and title passed to Sir John, son of 
Miles Hobart? and nephew of his predecessor. 


This Sir John, who enjoyed power and repute during the 
Commonwealth, ** a quondam lord of Oliver Cromwell," as he is 
styled by Tompson, the contemporary newswriter,t lived to 
present in 1659 a petition for the return of the secluded 
members, to see his friend Sir John Holland of Quidenham 
the next year taking part in the deputation to bring the King 
back, aud himself to return to the Lower House of Parliament 
after the Restoration, as member for Norfolk. 


Of these stirring and troublous times unfortunately no 
epistolary correspondence remains, and scarcely a trace of the 
visit paid by Charles II. to Blickling shortly after the Restora- 
tion, when he conferred knighthood on the ill-fated Sir Henry, 
Sir John's eldest son. 


The Estreat of Subsidies for the year 1668 (pp. 89-116) gives 
a list of landowners in five hundreds; the name of ‘ Philip 
Skippon, Esq., ultra mare," whose house is still conspicuous at 
Foulsham, illustrates the vicissitudes of political influence; a 
local tradition credits this noted republican general with 
profiting by his neighbourhood to Melton (p. 108) to become 
possessed by some illicit means of the plan of Naseby fight, from 
some follower of Sir Jacob Astley. 


À volume of Lieutenancy Journals fortunately preserved (of 
which a few extracts only are here given) affords a valuable 
contribution to the county history of the later years of Charles 
II. and the Revolution, and supplements the scanty entries in 
the house books and other casual memoranda in affording 
glimpses of the party jealousies which the stress of civil strife 
had exacerbated and His Majesty's presence in the county soon 
after the Restoration had evidently not permanently allayed. 
The List of Deputy Lieutenants and Officers of Militia given 
on pp. 125-7 stands as it appeared after being reformed and 





— —— eS ———— 


* The Dict. Nat. Biog. distinguishes this Miles Hobart from the Sir Miles who 
was conspiouous for locking the doors of the House of Commons during the vote on 
Tonnage and Poundage (1629). Cf. the passages there cited from the Gentleman's 
Magazine for the grounds of this conclusion. 

t Unpublished Felbrigg papers. Sir John was in fact a member of Cromwell's 
Upper House. 


X 


expurgated in the interests of the Court by Robert Paston, Lord 
Yarmouth, who replaced Lord Townshend on his removal from 
that office in 1675. It is significant that none of the three first 
signatories of the manifesto for reducing the expenses of the 
High Sheriff (pp. 122-4) are included in the new commissions as 
Deputy Lieutenants or in the Militia, and this perhaps makes it 
probable that what appears to be a harmless sumptuary agree- 
ment for reducing extravagance was represented at Court as 
having a disloyal intention.® Barillon's confidential imputations 
in his reports to Louis XIV. about this time as to the accessi- 
bility of certain country politieians to foreign influence suggest 
that economy was a matter of sufficient concern in the county 
to make the movement & natural one. 


The entry (at p. 129) below, referring to the trial at the Bar 
of the House of Commons and another mentioning Verdon by 
name, are almost the only memorials of two contested elections 
fought with much determination by Sir John Hobart for the 
county representation in 1678-9, which were both the subject of 
petition. The first of these figures more largely in Mr. Ketton's 
Felbrigg papers.t Mr. Windham on the first occasion had 
declined Sir John's overtures to engage him in Parliamentary 
life on the ground that his opponent, Sir Neville Catelyn, the 
Court candidate, was ‘‘ encouraged from above and countenanced 
here," and his surmise seems to have had ample foundation. 


The tide of Protestant and Parliamentary reaction on which 
Titus Oates was being floated to the surface was not yet flowing 
so turbulently as to discourage the Court party from making a 
bold bid for power at the general election in Jan. 1678-9, and 
Sir Christopher Calthorpe and Sir Neville Catelyn enjoyed a 
short-lived triumph in being returned as knights of the shire, 
though Sir John after the ‘trial at barr" on his petition was 
successful in replacing Sir Christopher Calthorpe, unseated.j 
But the contest was persistent and severe. The Lord Lieutenant 
and High Sheriff had been strong for the Court. ‘‘To oppose 


* Cf. Hist. MSS., Rep. VI., part I., 374, William Hughes to Lady Yarmouth. 

+ Hist. MSS., Rep. XII., App. IX., 183. 

| Dean Prideaux' impressions of this election given in the Camden Society's 
volume of his letters to Ellis (p. 176) may be compared ‘The Dean is in error in 
citing this election as for the last Parliament at Westminster of Charles II., and his 
general statements about it seem equally incorrect. He came to Norwich afterwards, 
and his report was probably at second hand. 





xl 


** any interest sett up by the civil and military government of a 
“country,” Mr. Windham had written, ** will be called faction by 
* some, inconsiderate by others, and very improbable to be 
* successful by most, and that he who is sole judge of the poll, 
*and by whom the returne is to be made, is our open and 
* declared enemie."9 Mr. Windham, however, seems to have 
been busy just at this time with the ciclings of his house at 
Felbrigg, that beautiful Italian work in high relief that 
is still one of its chief ornaments, and was dragged a very 
reluctant Cincinnatus into the strife of the second election. 
The country gentry were perhaps naturally unwilling to 
renew the strife of a generation earlier and the acts 
of fraud and intimidation charged in Sir John Hobart’s 
petition against Samuel Verdon, the under sheriff, support the 
theory that the latter was backed ‘‘from above,” and that 
funetionary's vigorous and defiant methods must have been 
exceptional even in the days of unreformed elections. First 
refusing poll books or writing materials to Sir John’s voters and 
throughout the day fraudulently hindering the record of votes, 
tearing leaves from Hobart’s poll books, several times ‘‘ beating 
and abusing’’ the freeholders, he ended by closing the poll 
prematurely in the face of 1,000 unpolled electors, *' violently 
** took the pollbooks away, and drew his sword in defence of it.” + 
Paston, the Lord Lieutenant, was believed to have taken a strong 
part. The petition charges ‘‘that before the election several 
‘“letters were dispersed as written by the said Lord as heynge 
‘‘Lord Lieutenant of the said county (Norfolk) to the gentry and 
‘clergy of the said county not only appointing persons by name 
'" to be the said knights of the shire, but assuming it would be 
" an affront to him and his authority as Lord Lieutenant to elect 





* Unpublished Felbrigg papers. 


t Unpublished Felbrigg papers. An account of Verdon and his eccentrio pro- 
grese to London is given by North in his memorial of the Lord Keeper Guilford 
(II., 21), where he also mentions how the insolence of this man secured him the 
favour of Judge Jeffreys. ‘The sergeant’s men went down and took him (Verdon) 

. But in bringing him up he would not be prevailed with, either to mount or 
dismount his horse, but forced the messengers at every town to lift him on and off, 
and at the same time had his olerks taking notes in order to testif y these assaults of 
his person, for every one of which he intended to bring an action of battery. It so 
fell out that as he was upon the road between Norwich and London the Parliament 
was prorogued, by which the warrant c»ased, and after that tho custody was a false 
imprisonment, and Verdon brought his action for it against the messengers, which 
action was tried at the Exchequer bar." 


xii 
‘for to be elected without his consent or concurrence » 
‘and the said Lord Lieutenant's Steward as by his Lordship's 
‘command required some of his Lordship's tenants to give their 
'" votes for Sir Christopher Calthorpe and Sir Neville Catelyn, 
'" who were threatened that if they did not vote for them, the 


"farms which they had of his Lordship should be taken from 
** them.” 


When Sir John's petition came on for hearing, the excitement 
of the Popish Plot was rising high, and he records how he was 
vexatiously shut into the house on one occasion, and detained 
during the arrest and examination of & suspect parliamentary 
lawyer, one Reading. 


Sir John obtained the seat at the next election, and again with 
his son Henry sat in the Oxford Parliament of 1681. The 
Ryehouse Plot in 1688 marked the decadence of the Protestant 
and popular party, and the turn of the wheel found Sir John 
obnoxious to the ascendant faction. In execution of an order 
in Council addressed to the Earl of Arundel, who had suceeeded 
Lord Yarmouth in the Lord Lieutenancy, his house was 
searched in July of the latter year. The list of arms found 
at Blickling (given at p. 180 below), is the result of this search. 
Mr. Seambler at Wolterton, Hamond Claxton at Aylsham, Henry 
Marsham at Stratton Strayless, and Thomas Newman at 
Baconsthorpe were at the same time subjected to a like ordeal. 
Dr. John Collinges, the biographer of Lady Frances and the 
Presbyterian chaplain of the Hobarts at Chapel Field, was 
arrested as a nonjuring suspect in 1685.° A few years later 
it was the turn of the Papists, and later, of the nonjurors proper, 
to experience these reciprocal visitations, Christopher Layer, of 
Booton, whosis marked for search in 1696 (p. 142), is uncle and 
namesake of the notorious conspirator who suffered at Tyburn 
in 1728. But as is shewn in these Lieutenancy Journals, these 
neighbourly inquisitions were rewarded on each succeeding 
occasion with less satisfying results. The seizures even at the 
period of the “ horrid designe " of the Rye House in 1683 were 
of less value than variety. ‘‘ A back, breast and head piece of a 
horse” are found at Colney, “three Olliverian swords” at 


eee ——— — 








* He appears to have been arrested twice this year according to the entries in the 
Lieutenanoy journal. 





xiii 

Warham. In 1696 Sir Christopher Calthorpe yields only ''9 old 
* carbines, 4 old musketts, one brass blunderbuss, 8 old pistols, 
*8 old swords. The four black coach horses seized by Sir 
Frances Guybon from Sir Nicholas L'Estrange, “one mealy 
faced and one with a white starr," are discharged by the Deputy 
Lieutenants in conclave, who certify that none of them is worth 
bl, ‘‘ they being old and lame, and some of them blind." The 
lowest point is reached in 1707 with the seizure of ‘‘ one musquet 
and a belt of bandoliers ’’ from Mr. Lake at Sparham (p. 145). 


Sir Henry Hobart on his succession in 1688 found the estates 
largely eneumbered, and had further to reduce them by sale to 
meet the demands made by creditors. Taking an active part in 
the politics of the time and on the constitutional side, he appears 
to have presided over the counsels of the county in the absence 
of the Lord Lieutenant and to have favoured a policy more 
comprehensive than that of his superior (pp. 155-6). 


It is no doubt to the appointment of his son, the first Earl of 
Buckinghamshire, to the Lord Lieutenancy, that is due the 
preservation of the Lieutenancy Journals of this period, which 
give a vivid illustration of the Revolutionary crisis of 1688-9. 
The militia force of the county is shewn to be in a high state 
of organisation, and the action of the Protestant Duke of 
Norfolk, cool-headed and constitutional.  ‘‘ Bel homme à cheval,” 
as Evelyn ealls the latter, it is evident (pp. 184-5) that his 
personality counted for something in the period of transition. 
He seems to have sat the fence with masterly firmness, and so 
long as hopes were held out by James II. that & Parliament 
would be summoned the forces of the county were engaged to 
maintain the existing régime. Not till the cause was surren- 
dered by the retirement of James II. was their weight thrown 
on the side of the Revolution. 


In 1690 Sir Henry Hobart served on King William's staff 
at the battle of the Boyne, but on his return the embar- 
rassed state of the country was not such as to afford any relief 
to his encumbered finances, and in a quarrel which is asserted 
to have had some connexion with his contested election for the 
county, he met with the wound from a left-handed antagonist ? 


(militia) Company. There was evidently political animosity involved in the quarrel. 
(See Le Neve Papers, edited by Mr. Bye). 








xiv 
that proved fatal. A stone marks the spot at Cawston heath 
where this, one of the last duels fought with swords, took place. 
The long minority and succession of his son (three of whose sisters 
were borne in their infancy to the churchyard of Blickling) 
added little of publie interest to the archives, and in the papers 
of his grandson begin what are practically modern polities. 


The diplomatic papers collected by John second Earl of 
Buckinghamshire in the course of his long life (1728-1798) 
relate for the most part, Ist, to the period of his Embassy to 
St. Petersburg (Sept. 1762-Jan. 1765); 2ndly, to the American 
Colonies; 8rdly, to his momentous Vice-Royalty of Ireland. 
Among the private letters are eight bundles addressed to 
Sir Thomas Drury, of which Lord Buckinghamshire became 
possessed through his first wife Mary Anne, eldest daughter and 
co-heiress of Sir Thomas Drury. The chief public interest of 
these consists in the record which they contain of the feeling 
with which men in the more distant parts of the country viewed 
the invasion of '45, and of the fluctuations of the money 
market at the time. 


The letters addressed by Lord Buckinghamshire to Henrietta 
Countess of Suffolk, the Lady Suffolk of Pope, Swift, and 
Walpole, are those of a son to an indulgent mother, for such 
she had been to him and his only sister since the death of their 
mother in 1726. They serve to complement and illustrate 
Lady Suffolk’s letters to him in reply, which have been pub- 
lished in Croker’s edition of her correspondence, while the 
curious narrative (pp. 166-170) of her interview with Queen 
Caroline on retiring from office at Court in 1734 goes far to 
support the belief of her friends, to which Horace Walpole refers 
while he dissents from it, that Lady Suffolk’s ‘‘ connection with 
the King was confined to pure friendship." The cryptic allusion 
to ‘Lord B." is probably to be explained by a passage in a con- 
temporary letter from Lady Elizabeth Compton (Hist. MSS. 
Comm. Report XI, 4, p. 248) in which she mentions a rumour 
that Lady Suffolk had been too often seen in the company of 
Lord Bolingbroke at Bath, and that her retirement was the result 
of consequent suspicions cast upon her loyalty to the House of 
Hanover. 


The Russian papers make a considerable contribution to the 
chronicles of British trade with Russia both before and after 








XV 


the first formal treaty of commerce concluded by Lord Forbes 
in 1734, and there is also a long series of documents relating to 
the disputed succession to the Duchy of Courland. This was an 
event which at the time passed with scarcely a comment in 
England, yet it was Frederick the Great's promise to support 
Catherine II. in her policy toward that Polish fief which was the 
first step to the conclusion of the alliance between Prussia and 
Pussia in 1764, of which the direct result was the partition of 
Poland. The absorption of Courland by Russia had long been 
in contemplation. Since the dissolution of the Livonian State 
in 1561, the Duchy had had an independent existence as a fief 
of Poland, and it was to the interest of Russia that it should be 
looked upon not as an appanage to the Crown of Poland but as 
a vassal state of the Republic. In 1788,the Czarina Anna made 
it a condition of her consent to support the election of Augustus 
III. of Saxony to the Crown of Poland that the Duchy should 
be so considered, and that it should not be divided into 
Palatinates. In 1787, the death of the last Duke Ferdinand of 
the Kettler family enabled Anna to force upon the Courlanders 
her favourite, John Ernest de Biren, whose grandfather had 
been groom to the Dukes of the ancient house. For one month 
in 1740, during the reign of the infant Ivan, the new Duke of 
Courland was Regent of Russia. For twenty years from May 
1741 he was an exile in Siberia. Meanwhile, on the 8rd of January 
1759, Augustus III. invested his son Charles Christian of 
- Saxony with the Dukedom, at the request, as he declared, of the 
states of the country. But with the accession of Peter III. in 
1762, Biren returned from exile once more to claim his Duchy, 
to become in the hands of Catherine the Second a convenient 
instrument in her design of ridding both Courland and Poland 
of the rule of the House of Saxony. It is at this point that 
Lord Buckinghamshire's papers take up the tale and furnish an 
official statement of the case on both sides between Russia and 
Poland in the matter of Courland. Stanislas Poniatowski's letter 
of 81st, May, 1764, congratulating Duke Biren on his re-establish- 
ment, is significant as giving a clue to one of the conditions upon 
whieh he received the support of the Czarina in his election to 
the Crown of Poland. 


The events which led up to that election are related by Thomas 
Wroughton, British Envoy to the Elector of Saxony and King 


XVI 

of Poland, from the point of view of & man who was strongly 
prepossessed in favour of Catherine II., with whom he had lived 
on terms of intimacy before her accession. Wroughton had at 
that time the office of Consul General at St. Petersburg, and it 
was said that his house became the place of rendezvous for the 
Archduchess Catherine and Stanislas Poniatowski. Whatever 
may have been the truth of this, Peter III., when there was a 
question of Wroughton's appointment as Envoy, refused to 
admit him to an audience, and he was in consequence recalled 
in March 1762, and sent as resident to Warsaw. 


Lord Buckinghamshire’s embassy to Russia, partly from the 
uncertainty surrounding the prospects of the new Empress, 
partly from the inadequate realisation at home of the importance 
of the Russian factor in politics (p. 871), was attended by no 
political success. He was, however, upon his return to England, 
offered the Embassy to Madrid, which he refused, and he held 
no other publie office until he became Viceroy of Ireland in 
January 1777. 


When Lord Buckinghamshire accepted the arduous task which 
Lord Harcourt had not reluctantly dropped, he encountered, 
without that cordial support from the Government at home 
enjoyed by his predecessor, a combination of diffieulties which, 
having increased under Lord Harcourt's administration, offered 
at the close of that nobleman's tenure of office a prospect which 
he felt scarcely able to encounter. The advent of a new Viceroy, 
besides being the oecasion for & renewal of unsuccessful claims 
for patronage, prompted fresh appeals for the redress of the 
eommercial and financial disabilities under which Ireland was 
suffering, and a phase of more active agitation in and out of 
Parliament synchronised with the external disquiet caused by 
the unfavourable conduct of the American war. 


During four years, however, of a period the most critical in 
English history, Lord Buckinghamshire contrived to maintain 
in some fashion the status quo. The like succeeding period of 
four years witnessed the advent and departure of as many 
Viceroys and the establishment of an independent Parliament. 
His partial success seems attributable to personal qualities 
of tact and temper, which, combined with a sincere zeal 
for the welfare of the Irish people, created, in the opinion of 
Grattan, “a passion in his favour approaching to love." 








xvil 
The impoverished and defenceless state of the country, indeed, 


seem amply to have justified the concessions granted during his 
Vieeroyalty to the export trade and the Volunteers. 


On the question of Free Trade a memorandum of Sackville 
Hamilton (p. 801) is worth notice. A number of such mono- 
graphs was collected specially by Lord Buckinghamshire for the 
instruction of Government. These able and eloquent disserta- 
tions justified the economic reform which was precipitated by 
the growing danger of the trade with France, then inflated by 
the existing embargo on the export of provisions and other 
economical restrictions. ‘Two of her" (Ireland's) ‘‘ provinces,” 
says one writer, may at this very day be called provinces of 
** France as much as provinces of Great Britain." The rupture 
of diplomatie relations with France following on her action in 
regard to the revolted colonies, foreed on the concession of an 
outlet for à trade which, diverted in illicit channels to France, 
had up to this time supplied & large share of the taxable wealth 
of the island. Of the same financial depression the rise of the 
volunteer movement was another natural outeome. The pro- 
posed militia scheme being abandoned for want of money, fresh 
drains were made on the military establishment, and the 
constant drafts of troops for the American war could not be 
replaced, even though Scotland was laid under contribution, and 
we find the Athol Highlanders among the infantry of the 
garrrison (p. 380). In these papers, however, we find little 
trace of the ‘‘impotent dismay” which the writer of the 
article in the Dictionary of National Biography (following 
Mr. Lecky) discovers in the Viceroy at this crisis. His attitude 
of passive acquiescence in the growth of these voluntary 
associations is not obscurely invited in Lord Sandwich’s signifi- 
cant reminder that ‘‘a coast cannot be protected by ships alone," 
a phrase suggesting the tacit assent of the Home Government 
to & eondition of things which the Viceroy was expected to 
tolerate, without any overt sign of approval. 


If the extent and importance of the volunteer movement were 
at first underrated by him, the famous epigram of Hussey Burgh? 
is proof that the nation itself stood startled and surprised at the 
sudden growth and formidable proportions of its own military 


* “ You have sown the dragon's teeth and they have sprung up armed men." 








xvill 


offspring. If official discouragement disparaged the movement 
in the eyes of immediate aspirants to Court favour, as these letters 
seem to show, that movement at least in iis earlier stages was 
strong in the high character and loyal disposition of its leaders. 


With the termination of his Viceroyalty, Lord Buckingham- 
shire's publie life eame to an end, though it may be gathered 
from these letters that the conduct of Irish business presented 
no difficulties (except those factitious ones arising from his 
unfortunate relation to his colleagues at home) that he felt 
unable to grapple with, and that he would not have been 
unwilling to utilise his experience in a second term of office. 


Sir Henry Clinton's letters to Lord Buckinghamshire, written 
at and about the date of Lord Cornwallis' surrender, may 
interest students of the polemies of this episode, though they 
cannot be said to throw much additional light on an unfruitful 
controversy. The rude original prints of the manifesto of the 
Pennsylvanian line are tacitly eloquent of a crisis that seems so 
nearly to have wiped out the army of the revolted colonies. 


Dying in 1798, the second Lord Buckinghamshire was buried 
the following year in the mausoleum which he had designed, 
but not lived to complete, in the centre of his park at Blickling. 
Tradition till lately kept alive the impressive memory of the 
torehlight procession which accompanied the translation from 
the church to their final resting-place of the remains of one who 
had filled an honourable place in the public life of his time, who 
had moved, a stately and representative figure, in the social and 
politica! scenes of his environment and generation. 


This Report, with the Introduction and Index, has been 
prepared, with some assistance in revision of the early documents 
from the Rev. W. D. Macray, by Mr. D'Arcy Bedingfeld Collyer. 











MANUSCRIPTS 


OF 


THE MARQUESS OF LOTHIAN, 


AT BLICKLING HALL, NORFOLK. 


SECTION I—ANCIENT DEEDS, Erc. 


In the First Report of this Commission issued in 1870, one 
page is occupied by an account by Mr. A. J. Horwood of a few 
historical papers which he examined in July, 1869. But he 
makes no mention of the voluminous contents of the Muniment 
Room, which had not then been examined for probably a century 
and a half, and were entirely unsorted and unarranged, and 
evidently not then open to his inspection, as being no doubt 
supposed to lie outside the objects of his visit. These have now 
for the greatest part been sorted and are described below. 

The manor of Blickling belonged to Harold at the Conquest, 
and the alleged site of Harold's house can even now be traced in 
dry weather in the cornfield adjoining the river which runs 
beyond the extreme end of the park from the north of the present 
Hall The manor, according to the return made in the Hundred 
Roll of 8 Edw. I. (Rot. Hundr. vol. i. p. 518), was confirmed by 
Henry I. to Herbert, first bishop of Norwich, who gave it in 
exchange for Thorpe near Norwich to John le Cheny (sic), son 
of Robert Fitz Walter. 


* Mr. Horwood mentions the existence of certain classical MS8,, with Missals and 
Books of Hours, which he was unable to see. These, which still have not been 
open to inspection, are, it is understood, chiefly, if not entirely, of foreign origin, 
possessing no English historical interest. 


17118 A 





2 


HORSHAM ST. FAITH. 


Robert Fitz Walter, with Sibyl de Caineto his wife, founded 
the priory of St. Faith near Norwich, A.D. 1105-6, as a cell of 
the abbey of Conches in Normandy, in pursuance of a vow, 
under circumstances well-known and narrated by Dugdale. It 
became independent of the abbey in 14 Rich. IT. 

The Priory documents include a charter of confirmation by 
the founder's grand-daughter Margaret Cheyney, and a copy of 
one of her father, William de Kaneto, containing one of those 
ambiguities which sometimes gave rise (as it seems to have done 
in the present case) to disputed claims. A fine levied in 34 Hen. 
III., of which the record is among the papers, settled a dispute 
between Berengarius the Prior and Hugh de Cressy the patron 
as to the title to 5 acres of wood, ‘‘ utrum sit libera eleemosina 
pertinens ad ecclesiam dicti Prioris de Horsham an laicum feadum 
ipsius Hugonis." 

Among other benefactions to the priory is one of Theobald 
Halteyn, who bestows 67 acres for the benefit of the soul of his 
lord King Henry [II.] and his lord Humphrey de Buun [Bohun], 
for which he receives 27 marks to assist him in his expedition 
to Jerusalem. The name of the first or second prior hitherto 
not recorded, Austorgius, is found in a charter which may 
be dated about 1120-80, and that of a successor, Bertrand, about 
1140-60. 

The manor rolls, commencing in 49 Hen. IIL, are very 
voluminous. The domestic discipline in regard to admitting 
Strangers to sojourn in the village appears to have been strict, à 
number of presentments being made of persons who had enter- 
tained strangers without licence. A selection of presentments is 
given below. 

There is also a small roll of the market court chiefly interesting 
in regard to the nature of the chattels ‘attached’ to answer the 
judgment of the court. 

Among later documents, the probate of the will dated 1521 of 
Helen Carter (see Blomefield’s Norfolk, vol. x. p. 488), providing for 
& Trental to be sung for twenty years by the monks, and providing 
for the repair of the cross in St. Faith's churchyard, is worth 
noting. Also the ''testimonyall" or letter of commendation 
from Prior Stokes given to one Metcalfe, the bearer of a bede-roll. 


BLICKLING. 


The rolls of greatest interest and antiquity are those of 
Dagworth manor, in Bliekling, which from the time of Bishop 
Eborard (Hen. L) was separated from the episcopal manor until 
re-united in a grant from Henry VIII. to Sir John de Clere. 
It is recorded that Eborard sought a Bull from the Pope to 
restore it to the see on the ground that it was granted away 
in order to protect it during times of civil disturbance. The 
manor belonged to & series of historical families, Dagworth, 
Holveston, Engayne, Erpingham, Fastolf, Boleyn and Clere. 








8 


An interesting order in Chancery (in English), relating to the 
terms of purchase between Sir John Fastolf and Sir Geoffrey 
Boleyn, 1s copied at length. | 

A roll of 7 Edw. IT. affords a good specimen of the varied and 
interesting matters which the early Blickling rolls contain. 
Presentments are made of a parochial chaplain prosecuting in 
a Court Christian, and for his usury; of the taking by a tenant 
the order of Exorcist without the lord’s licence; of two parochial 
chaplains for being concerned in an affray; of hamsoken; 
breaking the assize; selling mead; raising the hue and cry 
unlawfully; regrating; purpresture; &c. 

It is probably owing to the connexion of the Hobarts with 
Blickling that the muniments include so large and varied an 
accumulation of manor rolls. Lord Chief Justice Hobart, who 
amassed considerable estates in Norfolk in the time of James I., 
appears, with commendable carefulness, to have got into his hands 
the oldest muniments of the several properties which he acquired 
by purchase. It is probably owing to this that there is so large 
a collection of documents of the Priory of Horsham St. Faith’s, 
which came to him after the Dissolution, when the connexion of 
the priory with the lords of Blickling as its founders had apparently 
long ceased to exist. Many of Hobart’s leases to his tenants are 
apparently drawn in his own handwriting. 


HEVINGHAM. 


To Sir Henry Hobart is probably also due the early and 
interesting series of manorial documents of Hevingham (which 
was purchased from the Thetfords), a former ‘‘ hunting-box ” of 
the Bishops of Norwich on the road from Norwich to Blickling, 
where the bishops had a deer park, and a manor which appears 
to have flourished and increased under their ascendancy. A 
charter of Bishop William Turbus granting lands in the manor 
to Herbert Catte and Alda his wife, ‘ nepoti ejusdem Willelmi," 
suggests the origin of the name of “ Catt’s manor," which 
is not elsewhere accounted for. 

An extent of the manor of Hevingham in the time of 
Henry III., with sundry interlineations (apparently amendments 
sanctioned by the King's Commissioners in Eyre), seems to 
illustrate the method in which manorial jurisdictions sometimes 
grew. This is here printed in full, and the corrections are noted 
by being printed in italics. 

The charters connected with this manor include also an 
interesting compact under seal granting a '' peace of mayhem ”’ 
to the son of one considerable tenant who had injured another. 
The document is witnessed by a number of the junior representa- 
tives of neighbouring families. Here, as a presentment in 
Bishop Middleton’s time [1278-88] attests, it was the custom for 
the tenants to choose yearly ‘‘ tres homines ad officium prepositi, 
tres ad cornu gerendum, et unum ad officium porcarii." 

The account-roll for the year of the Black Death is among 
these documents. 


4 


An entry on one roll relates that a number of the records were 
burnt by the mob at the time of Litester's rebellion (following 
Wat Tyler's), when Bishop Spencer was riding about after the 
. rioters. North Walsham, where he defeated them, is only a few 
miles distant. 


SAXTHORP. 


There are two principal manors in Saxthorp, those of Mickelhall 
connected more especially with Valence, Earl of Pembroke, and 
Loundhall. The latter extends into a number of adjoining 
parishes. William de Valence had a castle in this place, and the 
records shew it to have been a place of much greater relative 
importance than at present. The Loundhall rental of the time 
of Rich. II. noted below shews 248 tenants. The deeds and 
documents connected with these manors comprise the names of 
Wendenual (the holders temp. Hen. I.), William Valence Earl of 
Pembroke (a good impression of his seal), Ralph Lord Cromwell, 
Sir John Fastolf, Sir Thomas Erpingham, W. Oldhalle, Grey de 
Ruthin, Gresham, Yelverton, and W. Waynflete and other feoffees 
of Sir J. Fastolf. 

There is a specimen of the seal of Bromholm priory, almost 
perfect, attached to & release of a rent of 4s. payable to the 
foundation. 

Among the deeds worthy of note (of which there are not many 
in a very large collection) is à grant by Heloisa de Wendenual to 
an old servant of her father.® 

Another of interest is the grant (27 Edw. E.) of licence to 
Sir Simon de Crepping from Richard de Hertford, the rector of 
the parish church, to have divine service performed ‘‘ per 
idoneum capellanum " in a chapel or oratory to be erected by 
Sir Simon near his court, provided that Sir Simon attends - the 
parish church on the four principal feast days. 

A record of assize of 41-50 Ed. III. gives a considerable 
contribution to the pedigree of the Dautre family. 

The free chapel of St. Dunstan seems to have been connected 
with the Mickelhall manor ; it is not that for which the license 
above was granted. 

The name of ‘‘ Peddersty " for a path (deed of 6 Hen. VI.) may 
perhaps throw a light on the vexed question of the origin of the 
name Corpusty, the name of the adjoining parish. ‘ Peddersty ” 
is presumably ‘‘ the pedlar's way." Cf. A. S. Stig. 

The series of charters and rolls for Saxthorp gives evidence of 
the thieker population of these districts in the 14th century 
compared with that at present existing. A customary of the manor 
of Loundhall temp. Richard II. shews 104 tenants paying a money 
rental, with 56 who pay in kind altogether 210. The popula- 
tion of the parish of Saxthorp at the census of 1891 was 276. 


* The Wendenyals or Wendevals are mentioned by Blomefield as the earliest 
tenants of the manor after the Conquest, but-he does not refer togthe name as 
occurring in any charter which he had seen. 


5 


LANGLEY. 


Of the manor and abbey of Langley there was an ancient 
link with Bliekling in the fact of its foundation by Robert 
Fitz Roger. Im this case also the abbey site came into the hands 
of Chief Justice Hobart after the Dissolution, by purchase from 
Sir Richard Berney, and with it a beautiful survey or rental of 
the monastic lands dated 1288 in excellent condition. 


WYMONDHAM. 


À mass of bulky manor rolls of Wymondham deserve more 
detailed examination than time has permitted; the bailiffs’ 
accounts (as in the case of all these collections) being fairly 
numerous. An interesting pedigree tracing the title of Buckenham 
from D'Albini to the Knyvetts deserves mention. 


I. HORSHAM ST. FAITH'S. 


Manor Court Rozzs, 1265-1640; viz. Courts and Courts 
General and Courts with Lete for the years :— 

Henry III. 49-55. 

Edward I. 2-6. 

Edward IT. 5-20. 

Edward III. 6-20 and 42. 

Richard II. 8-10. 

Henry IV. 2-14. 

Henry VI. 1-87, 88, (36, 87 and 89 appear to be copies). 

Henry VII. 1-24. 

Henry VIII. 1, 8-17, 31, 34, 35, 86,88, (81s W. Castlety’s first 
Court). 

Edward VI. 1, 2, 4-6. 

Mary 1, Philip and Mary 1-5. 

Elizabeth 1-18 (6 is the first Court of Richard Southwell, 
alias D’Arcy), 80-89, 44, 45. 

James I. 1-19, except 8. Sir Henry Hobart's first Court is 
James I. 10. 

1681-1640. 

Account Rolls:—1890-1509. Collectors and Messors. 

Richard II. 18-23. 

Henry IV. 1-8, 14. 

Henry V. 1, 2, 4-9. 

Henry VI. 1-89. '' The accounts of Receivers of Rent for 
Richard Lord Prior of the Priory." 

Edward IV. 2, 5, 6, 9-12, 16, 20, 21. 

Henry VII. 2-17 (except 6 and 14), 20, 21, 28, 24. Also the 
Bailiff of Ryburghs for 23, 24. 


6 


Rolls of the Market Court, Hen. VI. 18-21. 

Edw. IV. 1. 

Bailiffs Accounts, 1461-1545 .— 

Henry VI. 89-40. 

Henry VII. 28-24. 

Henry VIII. 1-29, 5-6, 8-9, 11-12, 17-21, 26-27. 36 is the 
first Court of Will. Rogers, Alderman of the city of Nor- 
wich, ** ad usum Marie Leche, uxoris Robert Leche." 

Cellarer' Account. | 

Henry IV. 2 (1401). 

Priors’ Receipts, 1408-1452 :— 

Henry IV. 9. 

Henry VI. 16, 25, 30. For the year 16: ‘Outgoings of 
Grange and tithes received from Haveringland." 

Extent (draft) of the late Priory lands, completed 4 Elizabeth 
(1562). 


ExrRAcTS FROM HonsHaM ST. FarrH's Manor BRorrs. 


Betrothal without licence. 


Presentant quod Sibilla Colbert et Radulfus le Savere affida- 
verunt se adinvicem sine licentia, ete. Morrow of SS. Peter and 
Paul, 50 Hen. III. 


Presentment of persons entertaining strangers without licence. 


Seventeen tenants are presented ‘‘ quia sunt consueti hospitari 
extraneos contra statutum curie." Monday before St. Dunstan's 
day, 51 Hen. III. 


Entry into the Homage. 


Herveus Bele devenit hominem (sic) prioris reddendo annuatim 
pro capite suo unum caponem ad Natale Domini. 

Item Levota fil. Willelmi piscatoris de Thaverham, similiter 
devenit hominem prioris reddendo annuatim pro eapite suo 
unum caponem ad Natale Domini. Wednesday after Nat. 
B.M.V., 52 Hen. III. 

Ysabell Brunville devenit hominem prioris et fecit feoda- 
gium priori et dabit annuatim pro chevagio unum caponem ad 
Natale Domini. 


Presentment against the Millers. 


Item presentatio totius soce de Roberto mollendinario et de 
Waltero mollendinario. ^ Dicunt quod fraudulenter et inique 
curam mollendinorum eis in plena curia traditam custodierunt, 
et ad opus domini et totius soce incongruam adhibuere custodiam. 
Dicunt item quod male mollant et tonn [ant ? | 

Et ideo in miserieordia. Et invenere plegios de misericordia 
et de pace reformanda eis qui conquesti sunt de ipsis. Plegii 
Walteri, Willelmus Crobert, Will. le Forester.  Plegii Roberti, 
Will. Rust et Symon Lanke. Et dietus Robertus invenit plegios 








7 


Will. Rust et Symonem Lanke. Item dictus Walterus invenit 
plegios Johannem Pokoc, Robertum Eyward. Ita quod in hoc 
anno proximo venturo proficuum dictorum mollendinorum 
procurabunt tam de advenis quam de secta, et quod fideliter 
mollent et tonn[ent?] ad opus domini sine fraude facienda domino 
sive alicui alio. 


Oath of Homage and licences of Marriage. 


Memorandum quod Radulfus le Syrer devenit hominem Prioris 
et fecit sacramentum, et habet licentiam accipere in uxorem filiam 
quondam Alani Cole, scilicet Sibilam, et dedit vij^, pleggio 
W. Holcot. 

Memorandum quod Robertus cementarius fecit pacem cum 
Priore ut habeat licentiam aecipere in uxorem filiam Matilidis 
Cole, et devenit homo Prioris et dedit ij sol. Monday before 
St. Gregory's day, 52 Hen. III. 


Presentment of Brewers. 


The capital pledges (who are not enumerated) present that all 
the brewers broke the assize. St. Peter's day, 52 Hen. III. 


Complaint against a wife. 


Henrieus le Porter conqueritur de uxore sua Alicia de 
transgressione. Pleggio Alano Coco ad prosequendum. Dicta 
Alicia atachat se ad respondendum et invenit plegium W. Holcot. 
Tuesday after St. Dunstan's day, 58 Hen. III. 


Grant of land in perpetuity at a capon rent. 


Memorandum quod Berengarius prior et conventus Sancte 
Fidis de Horsham dederunt et conceserunt Viello garcifero suo et 
heredibus suis unam peciam terre sue, videlicet que vocatur 
Presteroft per metas positas, in qua pecia continet (sic) in 
longitudine sexaginta pedes et in latitudine duodecim pedes, pro 
servicio suo, habendum et tenendum sibi et heredibus suis in 
perpetuum; reddendo inde annuatim dicto priori et conventui et 
eorum successoribus ipse et heredes sui quolibet anno unum 
eaponem ad Natale Domini pro omni servicio, consuetudine, 
exactione, et omnimoda seeulari demanda. Data in curia apud 
Horsham die Martis proxima post festum St. Dunstani anno 
Regni Regis H. fil Regis Johannis quinquagesimo tercio, in 
tempore Berengarii Carbonel tunc temporis seneschalli. 


Transyressions. 


Memorandum quod capitales plegii presentant quod Willelmus 
le Frere cecavit (secarit) unum frenum contra defensionem et 
illud vendidit sine licentia domini Prioris. 

Item presentant quod in curia Willelmi Hacun invenere 
magnum dampnum quod factum fuerit in alneto Prioris et de 
hayis fractis et hasportatis. Vigil of St. Andrew, 58 Hen. III. 


8 


Presentment as to freedom. 


Capitales plegii presentant et dicunt cum alus juratis quod 
W. Hacun non est liber, et quod non potest maritare filiam 
suam sine licentia, et quod ipsa debet solvere gersumam. 
St. Luke's day, 58 Hen. III. 


Entering the homage on marriage. 


Memorandum quod Petrus Swyft devenit hominem Prioris red- 
dendo annuatim unum caponem pro omnibus consuetudinibus ad 
Natale Domini, et dat domino xij denarios ut maritaret Agnetem 
Cappe nativam Prioris. Plegg. Will. Holkot. 


Building lease for life. 


Memorandum quod Beatrix filia Alicie Henrici concessit 
Roberto Yve unam aream in tota vita ipsius H. super quam 
possit edificare in longitudine xl pedes et latitudine xxx pedes. 
Post decessum vero dieti Roberti, dieta area quiete revertetur 
una cum edificiis tune in eadem inventis predicte Beatrici et 
heredibus suis. Et sciendum quod dicta area jacet inter 
messuagium Viell in Upgate et messuagium Anse Croket; et 
dietus Robertus dat domino Priori vj. denarios. Friday after 
Epiphany, 58 Hen. III. 


Marriage conditions on. entering on land. 


Johannes Colbert dat domini Priori vijs. pro herieto terre ipsum 
contingentis, et etiam pro licentia habenda ducende uxoris 
ubicunque voluerit, et esse sine uxore quamdiu voluerit, excepto 
hoc quod si ducat aliquam de homagio Prioris quod ipsa faciat 
pacem pro se ipsa. Et seneschallus dicti Prioris posuit. eum 
1n plena seysina de predieta terra et fecit feutagium (sic) dieto 
Priori. Plegii de dietis vij. Henricus le Mey et Willelmus Rust. 
Tuesday before St. Hilary, 54 Hen. III. 


Custody of an infant. 


Margareta Lanke dat unum marcam domino Priori pro eustodia 
Willelmi filii sui habenda usque ad etatem decem annorum, et 
pro licentia habenda maritandi filium suum predictum ubicunque 
et quandocunque voluerit. Salvo hoc, quod de consensu parentum 
ex parte patris et ex parte matris ducet uxorem, et dicti parentes 
videbunt catalla que debent dari in maritagium eum dieto 
Willelmo. Et dicta Margareta interim faciet consuetudines 
integre que pertinent ad tenementum dieti Willelmi et quod 
nullam faciet destruccionem arborum domorum nisi iu 
emendacionem messuagii predicti Willelmi. Plegii de dicta marca 
solvenda et de predictis observandis Will. Lanke, Herb. Biscop, 
Will. Crobert, Henricus le Mey. 


Becoming '* Husbond " of a tenement. 


Memorandum quod Walterus Hering factus est husbond de illo 
tenemento quod fuit patris e& matris ejusdem Walteri, et positus 








9 


est in seysinam dicti tenementi, et fecit domino Priori feudagium, 
et dat. domino Priori unam marcam argenti pro seysina dicti 
tenementi habenda, et etiam pro eo quod possit, ducere uxorem 
quando voluerit et ubicunque, et esse sine uxore quamdiu voluerit, 
et quietus de herieto (etc). St. Mark's day, 55 Hen. III. 


Villein. claiming to be a freeman. 


Willelmus Molendinarius in misericordia pro pluribus 
transgressionibus domino Priori factis, ut dicitur, videlicet pro 
eo quod debuit asportasse sepem cirea nidum cingni reparatam, 
et de asportatione straminis pertinentis ad dietum nidum, et 
similiter eo quod dietus W. et parcenarii sui detinuerunt dicto 
domino Priori unum percarium |precarium?] suarum carucarum 
prout fecisse debuerunt, et etiam super eo quod idem W. dicebat 
se liberum hominem memorati domini Prioris cum sit villanus 
ejusdem Prioris, et ita negavit dominum suum coram seneschallo 
ejusdem domini. Plegii de misericordia Henricus le Porter et 
Symon Jolle. Et sciendum est quod dictus W. spontanea sua 
voluntate posuit se in misericordia ut predictum est. Morrow of 
SS. Peter and Paul [49 Hen. III.] 


Presentatio capitalium. plegiorum. 


(Here follows a list of presentments, including several for 
wrongful encroachments in making footpaths.) 


Item Matilda Spole in misericordia quod sine licentia domini 
Prioris hospitavit quasdam, scilicet., Anwyt [am] et fil. ejus. 

Item presentant quod magister Gwydo et dominus Prior 
levaverunt quandam injustam [foveam in itinere regali juxta 
domum magistri Willelmi. 

Item presentant quod Robertus de Brie hospitavit quosdam in 
domo sua sine licentia domini Prioris. 

Item presentant quod Radulfus faber desponsavit quandam 
mulierem sine licentia, &e. 

Item presentant quod Sibilla Colbert et Radulfus le Savere 
affidaverunt se adinvicem sine licentia, &e. Morrow of 
SS. Peter and Paul, 50 Hen. III. 


Fine for false petition. 

Willelmus Cut in misericordia pro sua falsa petitione super 
hereditate Alicie filie quondam Roberti Pitans, quia omnes de 
euria dieunt quod dietus Willelmus non habet jus in petitione 
sua, et quod nullus alius heres habet jus ad eandem hereditatem 
nisi illa Alicia cum viro suo et filis suis et filiabus, nisi 
Galfridus Pitans, frater dicte Alicie, de transmarinis partibus 
arripuisset. Plegius Alexander Cocus. 

Preceptum est in curia sub pena duorum solidorum ut nullus 
hospitetur aliquem vel aliquam ultra duos dies et duas noctes. 
Court held by R. the Cellarer, feast of St. Scholastica. 

[But at the very next court on St. Dunstan's day seventeen 
persons are presented as ‘‘consueti hospitare extraneos contra 
Statutum curie." |: 


10 


Compounding an assault. 


Matildis le May in misericordia pro verberatione facta filio suo 
a filio Willelmi Mollendarii, quia reconciliati sunt per licentiam. 
Pleg. Will. Mollend. Court held by Berengarius Carhonel, 
rector of the church of Haveringlond, St. Bartholomew’s day, 
52 Hen. III. [1268]. 


CHARTERS. 


[c. 1120-80 ?] SURRENDER and QurrcLamx by RoraND and 
SIMON, sons of WinLiAM the Priest of HELETUXNE, of land 
and buildings in Heletune. 


Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Rolandus et ego Simon 
filii Willelmi sacerdotis de Heletune resignavimus et concessimus 
et quietam clamavimus pro nobis et omnibus heredibus nostris 
Deo et ecclesie Sancte Fidis de Horsham et domino Austorgio 
Priori, et conventui ejusdem loci, totam terram que fuit Willelmi 
patris nostri in villa de Heletune et in campis de Heletune quam 
nos aliquando de eis tenuimus, cum omnibus edificiis et omnibus 
aliis pertinenciis suis, in liberam puram et perpetuam elemosinam, 
pro animabus patris nostri et matris nostre et omnium ante- 
cessorum nostrorum et pro salute animarum nostrarum et 
omnium suecessorum nostrorum, ita quod nos nec aliquis heredum 
nostrorum nee aliquis nomine nostro aliquid juris vel elamii in 
predicta terra de cetero habere aut ponere possit. Set tota 
predicta terra cum omnibus pertineneis suis in proprios usus 
predictorum Prioris et monacorum integre et plenarie devolvatur. 
Et ad perpetuam eorum securitatem sigilla nostra huic scripto 
apposuimus. Hiis testibus: Willelmo de Sancto Martino, 
Radulfo de Erlham, Willelmo de Pynkeny, Hugone filio ejus, 
Godefrido filio Johannis, Radulfo de Seugham, Nicolao Bus, 
Radulfo de Chaineto, Willelmo filio Alani, Godefrido fratre ejus. 


Cory [temp. Edw. I.] of the CowriRMATION of a CHARTER of 
Rosert FrrzwaLTER and fSisyr his wife (Founders circa 
A.D. 1106 of St. Faith's Priory) by their son WiLLIamM DE 
KavNETO (Cheyney), to the monks of Horsham, with grant 
of the advowsons of St. Martin le Bailey and St. Michael 
Berstrete, Norwich, &c. 


Willelmus de Kaneto, fihus Roberti fili Walteri, omnibus 
hominibus suis Francis et Anglicis salutem. Sciatis me con- 
cessisse et hac presenti carta mea confirmasse Deo et Sancte 
Marie et Sancte Fidi et monachis de Horsham terram de 
Helgheton et advocacionem ecclesie ejusdem ville cum homagio 
et aliis libertatibus in perpetuam elimosinam, sicut Robertus 
pater meus et Sibil& mater mea predictis monachis dederunt. 
Insuper ex propria mea donacione dono eisdem advocacionem 
eeclesiarum Saneti Martini in Ballia et Sancti Michaelis de 
Berstrete in Norwyco. Item dono eis totum alnetum quod jacet 
inter eorundem curiam et boscum meum ex una parte et viam 








11 


regiam ex altera, et inter terram Gilberti Wade et Gunny (sic) 
eum pastura interjacente, et molendinum eum stagno suo ex alia 
parte vie regie cum omnibus suis pertinenciis. Et volo et 
precipio ut bene et in pace omnia predicta teneant. 

Testibus, Radulfo de Noers, Lamberto camerario, Alano 
armigero, etc. 


Cory, on the same parchment as the preceding, of a GRANT and 
Quir Cuam by RoBERT son or RoGER (c. 1280-90) of a right 
of pasture in Gunnysmede, reciting a controversy apparently 
arising from the terms of the preceding grant. 


Universis sancte Matris ecclesie filiis ad quos presens scriptum 
pervenerit Robertus filius Rogeri dominus de Horsford et de 
Werkworth salutem in Domino sempiternam. Noverit univer- 
sitas vestra, quod cum inter nos ex parte una et religiosos vivos 
fratrem Reymundum, Priorem Sancte Fidis de Horsham, et 
ejusdem loci conventum ex altera, controversia et materia 
questionis oriretur, scilicet de communia cujusdem prati in 
Horsham que vocatur Gunnyldesmedwe in quo quondam com- 
muniam ad animalia nostra et hominum nostrorum a festo 
Saneti Michaelis usque ad Purificationem Beate Marie virginis 
vendicavimus; Tandem ex nostra gratia speciali concessimus 
pro nobis et heredibus nostris, etiam quiete clamavimus, nominatis 
Religiosis et eorum successoribus communiam quam in dicto 
prato petebamus in perpetuum. Ita videlicet quod habeamus 
ingressum et egressum in dicto prato ad palicium nostrum cum 
necesse fuerit emendandum. In cujus rei testimonium presenti 
scripto sigillum nostrum fecimus apponi. 


ORIGINAL CHaRTER Of CONFIRMATION by MarGaRET DE CHESNEY. 


Universis sancte Matris ecclesie filiis ad quos presens scriptum 
pervenerit Margareta de Chesneto salutem. — Noverit universitas 
vestra quod ego Margareta de Chesneto et heredes mei debemus 
manutenere et defendere et warantizare domum Sancte Fidis de 
Horsham, videlicet personas monachorum et facultates et posses- 
siories eorum, contra omnes, sicut patroni, et sicut puram et 
perpetuam elemosinam a patre meo et antecessoribus meis 
dedicatam Deo et Sancte Marie et beate Fidi Virgini ac martyri, 
et ecelesie Conchensi. Etin hujus rei testimonium presentem 
paginam sigilli mei appositione corroboravi. 

Hiis testibus, Ada de Bedingfeld, Willelmo Peche, loma de 
Sancto Audomero, Andrea Malherb, Turgys de Chesneto, Henrico 
de Hosa, Johanne de Poswie, Toma Bardolf, et multis aliis. 


[c. 1140-50?] Grant of Lanp by THEoBazp HALTH{EIN |. 


Theobaldus Halth' omnibus hominibus suis Francis et Anglis 
salutem. Sciatis me dedisse et concessisse et hac presenti mea 
carta confirmasse Deo et Beate Marie et Sancte Fidi, et monachis 
de Horsham, xij acras terre in liberam et perpetuam helemosinam, 


12 


de dominio de Helesdh [on] quas pater meus eis in helemosinam 
dedit in brugario, videlicet quod est inter quinque hogas et terram 
quam dedieavit hospitali Ierusalem. Concedo quoque monachis 
prenominatis ex mea propria donacione viii aeras terre in eodem 
brugario juxta predictas xij acras, in liberam et perpetuam 
helemosinam, pro salute anime mee, et anime Agnetis uxoris mee 
et pro salute animarum patris [mei] et matris mee et omnium 
parentum meorum. Hujus donacionis et concessionis sunt testes 
Walterus presbiter de Oxenede, Henricus frater domini Theobaldi, 
Theob. de Belhus, Robertus fil. Hug', Rogerus Dispensator, Petrus 
de Harch', Gislabertus, Willelmus Coqus, Alexander filius Eluuriz, 
Hugo, Raimondus nepotes Bertrandi Prioris et multi alii. 


[c 1160?] Grant and CoNFIRMATION by THEeoBALD HALTEIN. 


Notum sit omnibus Christi fidelibus quod ego Tedbaldus 
Haltein, filius Walteri Halt[ein], de consilio salutis mee et 
meorum, et concessu Angnetis uxoris mee, et voluntate filiorum 
meorum, dedi et concessi et presentis testimonio confirmavi 
carte, Deo et Sanete Marie et Sancte Fidi virgini de Horsham et 
monachis ibidem Deo servientibus et in perpetuum servituris, 
totam terram illam de dominio meo que est ultra stratam 
puplicam que est à Norvico ad Horsseford per domum ospitalis 
sub Sutwuda, scilicet Ixvij ei[r]eiter acras, in liberam et puram et 
perpetuam elimosinam, pro salute Domini Regis H[enrici] et 
filiorum suorum et domini mei Humf[ridi] de Buun, et pro 
salute anime patris mei et matris mee, et pro salute parentum 
meorum et parentum uxoris mee A., et Johannis et aliorum 
filiorum et suecessorum meorum et omnium amicorum meorum, 
liberam et quietam ab omni servicio et seculari exaccione et 
penitus absolutam, nichil de illa terra mihi vel heredibus vel 
successoribus meis retinens preter solam elimosinam. Pro 
hae autem donacione mea et concessione et confirmatione 
recepti sunt in communionem orationum et beneficiorum 
memorate ecclesie Dominus meus Rex H{enricus] et omnes 
filii sui, et dominus meus Humfr{idus] et omnes sui, et ego 
et A. uxor mea et liberi nostri, et omnes amici et benevoli 
mei. Et ego de beneficiis predicte ecclesie Sancte Fidis et 
fratrum ibidem Deo militantium aecepi xxvij marcas argenti ad 
perficiendum peregrinationem meam in Ierusalem. Hane quoque 
confirmacionem meam sub presentia domini nostri Willelmi 
Norwieensis episcopl et clericorum suorum, et aliorum plurium 
ecclesie Sancte Fidis, et predictorum fratrum, per manum Bertrandi 
Prioris Sanete Fidis feci. Hiis testibus: Maistro (sic) Nicolao, 
Magistro Ricardo de Dreit', Galfrido eapellano episcopi, Maistro 
Rogero, Maistro Amicio, Rad. de Schechet', Roberto filio Ricardi, 
Tedbaldo Walter, et Hamone fratre ejusdem, Everardo et 
Henrieo fratres (sic) domini Tedbaldi, Galfrido de Hicheligge, Will. 
filio Engelrami, Waltero fil. Reg [inaldi], Augustino de Taverham, 
Rob. de Chent, Alexandro, Rogero filio Herberd', Rob. filio 
Hugonis, Hugone nepote Prioris, Reinmudus (sic) nepos suus, 





18 


Willelmo filio Scule, Alexandro janitore, Rob. de Toppesfeld, et 
Johanne clerico de Posswie, et Roberto capellano ¢ de Rendlesham 
qui banc cartam seripsit. 

There is a duplicate of this charter written in a | much clearer 
and better hand, and free from the grammatical and other mis- 
takes in the attestations. In this ‘‘Maistro” becomes 
* Magistro, Robert ‘‘de Chent" is ‘‘de Kent," Ralph ‘‘de 
Schechet " is ‘‘ de Sceget," and ‘ Will. fil. Seule " is ** Will. fil. 
Escole.” 


[r. 1180-1190 ?] CoNFIRMATION by WALTER SON or ROBERT DE 
BasiNGHaM? of a grant of Salt. 


Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Walterus filius Roberti de 
Basingham dedi et concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi 
Deo et beate Marie et ecclesie Sancte Fidis de Horsham et : 
monachis ibidem Deo servientibus, in liberam et puram et 
perpetuam elimosinam, pro salute anime mee et omnium anteces- 
sorum et successorum meorum, v wais (sic) salis in marisco de 
Maltebi, scilicet ad accipiendum in salina Edrici Hare, seeundum 
mensuram marisci de Maltebi; quam salinam avus et pater 
meus eis dederunt in liberam et perpetuam elemosinam. Et istum 
prefatum Edricum et heredes suos istum redditum in perpetuum 
reddendum predicte eeclesie assigno. Ita quod ego nec heredes mei 
aliquam molestiam nee calumpniam prefato Edrico vel heredibus 
suis de predicta salina, de prefata ecclesia bene et in pace 
tenenda, inferre possimus; reddendo semper annuatim integre 
prenominatum redditum ad Nativitatem Sancte Marie. Et si 
ita eontigerit quod prefatus Edricus vel heredes sui ante- 
dictum redditum — reddere non  valuerint, ego et heredes 
mei prefatum redditum integre et sine omni  diminu- 
eione de alis redditibus nostris in dicta villa de Maltebi 
ad predictum terminum eis reddemus et inde satisfaciemus. Et 
ego et heredes mei sepedictam elimosinam prefate ecclesie 
contra omnes homines eis warantizabimus. Et ut ista mea 
donacio rata et inconcussa in perpetuum permaneat, presentis 
seripti testimonio et sigilli mei appositione eam corroboravi. 
Hiis testibus: Hugone capellano Sancte Fidis, Rodberto per- 
song de Maltebi, Philippo de Verlt', Willelmo de Sundlond, 
Rodberto filio Seule, Symone preposito de Maltebi, Johanne 
milite, Ailmero filio Godwini, Willelmo de Winpou (?), Rodberto 
filio Sefredi, Bartolomeo de Nes, Osmundo de Nes, Bertrando de 
Wichingham, Huberto serviente Sancte Fidis, Ricardo coco, et 
multis aliis. 

Fragment of seal; a horse courant. 


[1240-50.] IwpENTED DEED or ÆExcHANGE between Prior 
BERENGARIUS and the Convent and RicHarp LE Moyne. 


Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit, 
Berengarius humilis prior Sancte Fidis de Horsam et ej jusdem 


* The grantor died in 1198. 


14 


loci conventus salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra nos 
unanimi assensu et communi voluntate Ricardo le Muyne de 
Norwico, filio Ricardi le Muyne defuncti,—pro decem aeris terre 
et dimidia quas idem Ricardus nobis et successoribus nostris et 
ecclesie nostre sancte Fidis in villa de Hyntewde dedit, concessit, 
et carta sua confirmavit, in perpetuum habendas et possidendas, 
quarum quinque aere jacent inter boseum Radulfi de Tyvile ex 
una parte et terram Rogeri de Stalam ex altera, et una acra jacet 
in eultura que vocatur Rokeshage inter terram nostram et terram 
Anabele Dunich (?), et tres rode jacent in cultura que vocatur 
Chirchecroft inter terras Radulfi de Tyvile ex utraque parte, et 
una dimidia aera jacet in eadem cultura inter terram 
nostram et terram Radulfi de Tvvile, et una roda jacet inter 
terram persone de Hyntewde et terram Johannis Bigge, et 
una acra et dimidia jacet in cultura que vocatur Lampitlond, 
inter terram dicte persone de Hyntewde et terram Rogeri Tubbing, 
et habuttat unum capud super communem pasturam, et una acra 
et dimidia jacent in cultura que vocatur Norgate inter terram 
Radulfi de Tyvile et terram Simonis de Kesewic,—dedisse con- 
cessisse et hac presenti carta nostra confirmasse decem acras et 
dimidiam terre nostre arrabilis in villis de Hyntewde, Manegrene, 
et Kesewie, de terra quam Johannes Gochop eeclesie nostre ante- 
diete et nobis dedit in perpetuam elimosinam, quarum due acre 
jacent in cultura que vocatur Surwong, inter terram ejusdem 
Ricardi le Moyne et terram Agnetis Puttoch, et due acre jacent 
inter terram Symonis de Kesewic et viam regiam, et habuttat 
unum capud super terram Henriei le Waleys versus haustrum, 
et tres acre et dimidia jacent in cultura que vocatur 
Hunnolwesbrom inter terram  Galfridi de Florindune et 
terram Ade le Neve, et una acra jacet inter terram Rogeri 
Hardekin et terram Sibille Lorewen, et habuttat unum capud 
super Egelunde, et una aera jacet in cultura que vocatur 
Larkebat inter terram Willelmi Carpentarii et terram Herberti de 
Managrene, et una acra jacet inter culturam que vocatur 
Hunolwesbrom et terram Emme del Hyrne, eidem Ricardo et 
heredibus suis in perpetuum escambium, sive plus contineant 
diete pecie terre sive minus ultra numerum antedictum, habendas 
et tenendas de nobis et successoribus nostris et eeclesie nostre (sic) 
sanete Fidis libere, quiete, integre et plenarie, prorsus 
quietas et solutas ab omni servicio, consuetudine, secta curie, 
exaccione et seculari demanda. Et nos et successores nostri 
predicto Ricardo le Moyne et heredibus suis predictas terras 
warantizabimus, defendemus, et acquietabimus, contra omnes 
gentes in perpetuum. In eujus rei testimonium et securitatem 
presenti scripto ad modum cyrographi indentato, quod residebit 
penes dictum Ricardum le Moyne, sigillum commune capituli 
nostri apponi fecimus. Alteri vero scripto quod residebit penes 
nos idem Ricardus sigillum suum apposuit. His testibus: 
Alexandro de Wallibus majore, et Alexandro filio suo, militibus; 
Willelmo le dene (?), Waltero de Karletune, Willelmo de Hyling- 
tune, Radulfo de Tyvile, Mylone de Muletune, Radulfo de 











15 


Taseburg, Henrico le Waleys, Thoma filio Nicolai, Willelmo de 
Mangrene, Nicolao le Waleys, et multis aliis. 


(ce. 1250-60 ?] Grant by WinLiaw De Mvuiers of Caldwell Mill. 


Universis sancte Matris Ecclesie filiis ad quos presens scriptum 
pervenerit Willelmus de Mullers, filius Hugonis de Mulers, eternam 
in Domino salutem. — Noverit universitas vestra me divini amoris 
intuitu concessisse et dedisse et hac presenti carta mea con- 
firmasse Deo et Beate Marie et ecclesie Sancte Fidis de Horsham 
et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus totum molendinum meum de 
Caldewelle propinquior [sic] de Tirninge versus le suth, cum aqua 
et stagno et secta et omni libertate integre et plenarie, sine omni 
retinemento, sieut illud unquam melius aut liberius in dominico 
tenui, in liberam et puram et perpetuam elemosinam, pro salute 
anime mee et Agnetis uxoris mee, et omnium antecessorum et 
successorum meorum. Quare volo et firmiter precipio ut predicti 
monachi prefatum molendinum habeant et teneant libere et quiete 
et honorifice ab omnicalumpnia et reclamatione de me et omnium 
heredum meorum (sic) in tantum quod nichil in illud (sic) 
retineo mihi vel heredibus meis preter solam elemosinam. 
Et prohibeo ne aliquis heredum meorum predicte ecclesie 
de prefata elemosina aliquam calumpniam aut molestiam 
aut contumeliam inferre presumat. Ego autem et heredes mei 
warantizabimus et defendemus predictum molendinum prefatis 
monachis cum omnibus supradictis pertinentibus contra omnes 
homines. Hanc igitur donacionem et concessionem feci consensu 
et eonsilio et bona voluntate Agnetis uxoris mee. Et ut hee 
mea concessio et donacio perpetue firmitatis robur optinent 
presentis seripti testimonio et sigilli mei apposicione eam 
eoroboravi. Hiis testibus: Rodberto filio Rogeri, Rogero de Cressi, 
Willelmo de Gisnei, Rogero de Kerdestun, Willelmo Pesche, 
Willelmo de Stallam, Rodberto Filiol, Rodberto filio Seule, 
Willelmo fratre suo, Hugone de Sancto Dionisio, Bertrando 
de Wichingham, Gervasio mercatore de Skothoth, Rogero Coco, 
Ricardo Peitevin, Benedicto de Lammesse, Radulfo de Lammesse, 
et aliis pluribus. 


Grant by Sin Roperr Havteyn, knt., of right of pasture for 
800 hoggets at Hellesdon. 


Universis has litteras visuris aut audituris Robertus Auteyn, 
miles, salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra me cari- 
tatis intuitu et pro salute anime mee, patris mei, et omnium 
antecessorum et successorum meorum, dedisse et concessisse et 
hae presenti carta mea confirmasse, in puram et perpetuam 
elimosinam, Deo et eeclesie Sancte Fidis de Horsham et mon- 
achis ibidem Deo servientibus, pasturam trescentorum bidentum 
in bruario meo de Heylisdune in perpetuum.  Dieti vero monachi 
receperunt me in fraternitatem sui capituli et omnes antecessores 
et successores meos, et in omnia beneficia sua tam communia 
quam specialia, Et ego et heredes mei warantizabimus dictis 


16 


monachis et successoribus suis dictam pasturam contra omnes 
in perpetuum. In eujus rei testimonium huie scripto sigillum 
meum apposui. Hiis testibus: Magistro Reginaldo de London, 
magistro Willelmo de Tukeby, Johanne capellano, Radulfo de 
Rudham, capellano, Roberto Auteyn, Henrico le Porter, Johanne 
de Camera, Simone Seule, et aliis. 

Seal of arms; three . . . . , in chief a label of five points ; 
* Sigill Roberti Hautein." 


[1955-1965.] ExcHaNcE between the ABBoT and CowvENT of 
LanGLey and the Prior and Convent of Sr. Farrx of two 
pieces of land in Ryveshale, each containing 6 perches in 
width and 48 in length, the perch containing 164 feet. 


Hiis testibus: Magistro Johanne de Alvechirche, Archidiacono 
Suffolehie, domini Norwicensis officiali, Ricardo de Witton, 
Will. de Gysinghe, Henrico de Sancto Paulo, Rogero de 
Hekingham, domino Henrico de Ryveshale milite, dominis 
Willelmo de Wendlinge, Galfrido de Lodnes, Reynero de Werthe 
capellano, Johanne filio dicti domini Henrici de Ryveshale, 
Rogero de Dicleburch, Johanne de Holebeche, Henrico le Neve, 
Waltero le Brun, Stephano Alvered de Ryveshale, et aliis. 


Grant of an acre in the field of HorsHam, by Simon SCULE, son 
of the late Ropert ScuLE of Sr. Farrn’s, to the Priory, for 
twenty-five shillings and sixpence. 


Hiis testibus: Barthol. Cordel, magistro Thoma de Derham, 
Henrico janitore, Johanne Fraunceys de Spykeswrthe, Willelmo ad 
Ecclesiam de Spykeswrthe, Willelmo Palmer de Cattone, Rogero 
de Feletorp, Rogero filio sacerdotis de Cattone, Alexandro fratre 
ejus, Benedicto de Tungate, Waltero Avis de Einford, Willelmo 
Seeth de eadem, et aliis. 


RELEASE by Henry DE BRapereur, formerly porter of the 
Priory, of a messuage and 6 acres. 


Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Henricus de Bradefeud, 
quondam janitor de Sancta Fide, remisi et quietum clamavi de 
me et heredibus meis in perpetuum totum jus et clamium quod 
habui aut habere potui in uno messuagio et sex acris terre cum 
pertinenciis in villa de Horsham, que habui de dono Austorgii 
quondam Prioris et Conventus Sancte Fidis de Horsham, que 
fuerunt Johannis le Careter et Margarete Rygeday uxoris sue, 
villanorum predictorum Prioris et Conventus. Ita videlicet quod 
ego dietus Henricus nee aliquis nomine meo aliquid de cetero 
inde poterimus exigere. In cujus rei testimonium huie seripto 
sigillum meum apposui. Hiis testibus: Galfrido Rydel, Simone 
Seule, Johanne fratre suo, Willelmo le Curtays, Willelmo 
Huggemayden, Willelmo de Stanighale, Bartholomeo Cordel, 
Rogero de Feletorp, Willelmo le Palmer de Catton, Willelmo 
Gurnel, Willelmo de Spyheswrd, Willelmo Schet de Heinford, et 
aliis, 














17 


Grant of land and a villein by RoBERT DE MannaM. 


Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Robertus de Marham con- 
cessi et dedi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Deo et beate 
Marie et ecelesie Sancte Fidis de Horsham et monachis ibidem 
Deo servientibus, totam medietatem terre cum omnibus 
pertinenciis que fuit Roberti sacerdotis de Tirnigges, cum 
messuagio Willelmi sacerdotis de Tirnigges et prato ejusdem 
Willelmi clauso in Benetingesker. Concessi etiam et dedi 
predicte ecclesie absque ullo retinemento humagium Emme filie 
ZEluriei cum omni sequaci progenie filiorum et filiarum, scilicet 
ipsam et totam progeniem suam in liberam et puram et perpetuam 
elemosinam ; [etc. 

Hiis testibus: Alexandro et Philippo capellanis de Sancta Fide, 
Willelmo de Miliariis, Richero de Huuitewelle, Hugone Daubeni, 
Willelmo filio Rocelin, Alexandro persona de Tirninges, Matheo de 
Stred, Roberto et Willelmo filiis Seule, Roberto clerico de Scothoch, 
Eudone clerico, Henrico Mercatore, Willelmo filio. Radulfi, 
Hunfrido de Tirninges, Waltero Coco, Roberto filio ejus, Willelmo 
de Belache, et multis aliis. 


CoNFIRMATION by WinLLiaM Pyziecrowe of a grant by his 
grandfather of land in Brockdish. 


Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Willelmus filius Nicholai 
Pyllecrowe de Brokedis concessi et hac presenti carta mea con- 
firmavi Deo et monasterio Sancte Fidis de Horsham et religiosis 
viris Priori et Conventui ejusdem loci et eorum successoribus, in 
liberam puram et perpetuam elimosinam, totam terram quam 
Willelmus pater Nicolai patris mei dedit dictis Priori et Conventui 
Sanete Fidis in campo de Brokedis, que quidem terra quondam 
fuit Christine filie Willelmi Basseth, videlicet duas turneras in 
campo qui voeatur Seveneacris, in quibus turneris sex acre terre 
continentur, que jacent inter Wygate et terram que fuit Reginaldi 
de Brokedis, quarum una turnera abutat super Ryvishalemerke 
versus boream et alia super terram quondam Willelmi predicti 
avi mei versus nothum (sic) ; [etc. | 

Hiis testibus: Domino Johanne de Ryveshale, Mylone Pille- 
erowe, Reginaldo Pollard, Willelmo Alger, Rogero de Ketelleye, 
Will. Gundolf de Brokedis ; [eto. | 


Grant of twenty-five acres of land by JogN and WILLIAM, sons 
of GEOFFREY PALMER, of Marlesford. 


Omnibus Christi fidelibus presens scriptum visuris et audituris 
Johannes et Willelmus filii Galfridi Palmer de Marlesford 
salutem. ^ Noverit universitas vestra nos concessisse et hac 
presenti carta nostra confirmasse et in puram et perpetuam 
elemosinam dedisse Priori et Conventui Sancte Fidis de Horsham 
viginti quinque acras terre, cum omnibus pertinenciis ad eandem 
terram spectantibus, que fuit Alexandri capellani le Fraunceis, 
et quam nos deracionavimus in curia domini Regis coram 


17118 B 








18 


justiciariis per breve directum contra Willelmum le Fraunceis ; 
et omne jus ad eandem terram spectans ad predictum Priorem 
et Conventum concedimus ; [etc.] 

Hiis testibus : Johanne de Estrin, Willelmo Hamund de 
Estrin, Hugone serviente de Horsford, Willelmo Russel, 
Willelmo Curteis, T. Fowle, Adam le Schipper, Rogero Norreys, 
Stephano le Chanu de Tibenham, Simone le Frauncieys, Wydone 
rectore ecclesie de Sorpesti [Corpesti ?], R. de Tynkebi. 


RELEASE by Cecizy, relict of Richard the baker of the house 
of St. Faith, to the Priory of her right by reason of 
dowry in 24 acres and one rood in Westfeld, bounded by 
land called Westaker and Chaungedelond; with a clause 
barring herself by her corporal oath, ‘‘tactis sacrosanctis 
evangeliis,” against any future revocation ‘‘instigatione 
inimici." For this release the Priory gives eight shillings. 


Hiis testibus: Domino Thoma Bardolf, Will. Burel, Petro 
fratre ejusdem, Steph. de Colne, Will. Pyam, Ric. Sket, Will. 
Russel, Radulfo de Cattone, Radulfo de Staninghale, Johanne de 
Wyniston, Johanne de Beston, Joh. de Salle, capellano, presentis 
instrumenti scriptore, et aliis. 


[c.12802°] Grant by ALAN son or JoHN DE REINHAM of villeins 
to the Priory. 


Universis ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit Alanus filius 
Johannis de Reinham salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas 
vestra me in liberam et puram et perpetuam elemosinam dedisse 
et concessisse et hac presenti carta mea confirmasse Priori et 
monachis Sancte Fidis de Horsham, Ywinum de Sudgate de Heg- 
letune et Isabellam uxorem ejusdem cum omni sequela eorundem, 
videlicet filiis et filiabus ab eisdem procreatis et procreandis et 
omnibus ab eisdem descendentibus, et cum omnibus terris, tene- 
mentis et catallis que de me et antecessoribus meis tenuerunt vel 
tenere debuerunt in villa de Hegletune et de Reinham, absolvendo 
eosdem et quietos clamando pro me et heredibus meis ab omni 
honere servitutis, auxilii, consuetudinis, et servitii in quibus mihi 
et antecessoribus meis vel successoribus tenebantur vel teneri 
potuerunt vel debuerunt. Ita scilicet quod ego vel heredes mei 
nichil juris aut clamii in predictis hominibus vel eorundem 
catallis terris vel tenementis possimus vendicare vel exigere in 
perpetuum. Et ne in posterum aliqua oriri possit. contentio 
ratione alicujus pasture ab eisdem antiquitus use (sic) vel 
percepte, concessi eisdem et successoribus suis leberas (sic) pas- 
turas et immunes ab omni exactione prestatione et auxilio, in 
omnibus locis in quibus averia eorum pascere consueverunt vel 
debuerunt in villa de Reinham vel de Hegletune. Ego vero et 
heredes mei warantabimus predictam donacionem et quietam 


* The grantor died before 1291. Blomefield’s Norfolk (8vo edit.), VIT, 148. 





19 


clammationem dictis priori et monachis contra omnes. Et ut hec 
omnia firma et inconcussa permaneant huic seripto sigillum 
meum apposul. 

Hiis testibus : Magistro Constantino de Ley, magistro Reginaldo 
de Londiniis, Galfrido de Rudham, Willelmo filio Petri, Waltero 
Schule, Bartholomeo de Aldreford, Galfrido de Secheford, Nicolao 
Buis, Johanne fabro, Radulfo fabro. 

Seal in brown wax; an eagle displayed; ‘‘Sigillum Alani fil. 
Johannis." 


[c. 1280-90 ?] ExcHaNaE of Lanp. 


Seiant presentes et futuri quod ego Walterus clericus de 
Newetune filius Willelmi de Newetune concessi, relaxavi, quietam 
clamavi, et abjuravi in perpetuum de me et heredibus meis, 
Deo et beate Marie, et ecclesie Sancte Fidis de Horsham, et 
monachis ibidem Deo servientibus, in curia domini mei Roberti 
filii Rogeri, totum jus et clamium quod ego et heredes mei 
habuimus aut habere potuimus, aut habere poterimus, in quinque 
aeris terre que quondam fuerunt toftum Walteri de Horsford, in 
villa de Horsham. Et pro hac relaxatione et quieta clamantia 
et abjuratione, dederunt michi predieti monachi, in excambium, 
quinque acras terre in campis de Horsham ad valentiam 
predietarum quinque acrarum, et unum toftum quod jacet inter 
domum Walteri Brennecat et domum Godwini Lanke, videlicet 
tres acras in Longefurlond, citra cheminum acram et dimidiam, 
et ultra eheminum acram et dimidiam, et juxta toftum Willelmi 
le Mai unam acram et unam rodam, et tres rodas que abuttant 
super Derling. Et ut hec relaxatio et quieta clamantia et 
abjuratio rate permaneant et inconcusse, eam hujus scripti 
testimonio et sigilli mei appositione roboravi. Hiis testibus: 
Domino Roberto filio Rogeri, Alexandro de Dunham, Roberto de 
Kent, Galfrido le Gros, Willelmi Bataille, Rogero filio Willelmi, 
magistro Ada Daco, Waltero de Couele, magistro Hugone 
medico, Roberto capellano de Lings, Hugone et Johanne 
eapellanis de Sancta Fide, Johanne de Stanford, Roberto filio 
Seule, et multis aliis. 

Of this charter there is also a copy with the added confirma- 
tion of Robert Fitz Roger at the end. ‘Et ego Robertus filius 
Rogeri ad majorem hujus rei securitatem in hujus rei testi- 
monium perpetuum, ad instanciam et peticionem predicti Walteri 
clerici de Newetune presenti scripto sigillum meum apposui." 
But the seal (in brown wax) is only ‘‘ Sigillum Walteri Clerici." 


[1280-90.] Rezease by AcNES, widow of GEOFFREY LE SVEIN 
of Bt. Faith's, to Prior Raymund and the Convent, for the 
sum of two marks, of all her right in eleven acres of land 
which her late husband held of the Priory. 


Hiis testibus: Domino Johanne de Strus, Rogero Feltorp, 
Willelmo Russel, Ricardo Sket, Herveo Burel, Johanne Lomb, 
Ricardo Pluket, Simone Seule, et aliis, 





20 


1524, March 10. Grant from William Castleton, Prior of St. 
Faith's, and the Convent, to John Greye, gent., William Russel, 
citizen of Norwich, William Wolcy, William Birton, Robert 
Rynouse, John Burwode, and Robert Warden, and their heirs, 
of a Guild-house formerly built by and at the cost of Prior John 
Ryssley for the Guild of St. Andrew, ‘‘et pro potationibus ad 
[usum] ecelesie parochialis S. Andree de Horsham predicte in 
eadem domo tenend. et custodiend.”’ 


1595. CrRcuLAR LETTER, sent with a bede-roll, requesting 
offerings and prayers for departed members of the Priory. 


Omnibus Sanete Matris Ecclesie filiis ad quos presentes litere 
pervenerint Nos Johannes Stokes, permissione divina Prior 
monasterii Sancte Fidis de Horsham, et ejusdem loci conventus, 
ordinis Saneti Benedicti, Norwicensis diocesis (sic), salutem in Eo 
quem peperit uterus Virginalis. Si grata sit et laudabilis apud 
Deum compassio qua hic vivis pauperibus corporibus alimentum 
porrigitur, quanto commendabilior est apud Deum oblatio qua 
defunetis fidelibus panis vite qui de celo descendit proponitur, 
culpa quevis remittitur, et per precum suffragia defunctis in Christo 
venia, vivis in mundo gracia, et mortuis in celo gloria, feliciter 
eomparatur. Divina siquidem clementia sic dignatur lapsibus 
humanus (sic) de congruo remedio providere, ut non solum 
peregrinantibus in via, verum etiam resolutis carne ad pene 
refrigerium per oblacionem Victime salutaris annuit benigne sub- 
venire. Cum igitur salubre sit hie vivos reficere et defunctos in 
Domino per pias preces et hostias pacificas penis eruere, a culpis 
absolvere, et sanctorum consorciis post mortem aggregare, vestram 
rogamus et exortamus in Domino caritatem ut nostris in Christo 
mortuis quorum nonina vobis transmittimus oracionum suffragia 
et oblacionem (sic) solacia caritatis intuitu salubriter impendatis. 
Et Galfrido Metealfe, latori presentium, ne deficiat in via, 
humanitatis officio favorabiles propicios et benignos prompta 
benignitate piaque munificencia liberales studeatis vos exibere. 
Vestris equidem pro nostris reciproca vicissitudine volumus 
obligari. In eujus rei testimonium has literas patentes sigillo 
nostro communi fecimus appenso. Datum apud Horsham Sancte 
Fidis in domo nostro capitulari, vicesimo sexto die mensis 
Agusti (sic) anno Domini millesimo ccece vicesimo quinto. 


A small parcel of documents relates to the family of Burel of 
Horsham; viz. Hervey Burel, William son of Hervey Burel, 
Hervey son of William, and William Burel and Agnes his wife, 
in the time of Hen. III. and Edw. I. 


There are about 77 other deeds relating to Horsham from the 
time of Henry III. to that of the Commonwealth. 


BLICKLING. 
MaNoRIAL AND OTHER DOCUMENTS. 


In 2 Ric. II. is the first court of Joan Holveston. In the 
next year is the first court of Thomas Gyssing, knight. This 
Lord continues during 4 and 5 Ric. Il. The Lady Joan 


21 


Holveston appears to resume the manor in the 6th year till the 
12th, when there is a precept to distrain the tenants for homage 
and fealty and to shew their titles. 

At the next court, viz. on Friday, St. Katherine, 12 Ric. II., in 
accordance with this precept, ‘‘ad istam curiam totum homagium 
veniunt et concedunt domine ex mera sua propria voluntate, pro 
recognitione predicta, x*." The vicar of Aylsham, who seems to 
have held the mill, is three times threatened with distraint, but 
not after this last entry, which seems to be a compromise. The 
very elaborate and particular customary of the manor made in 
the 85th year of Edw. I. expressly states that no recognition 1s to 
be paid on the accession of a new lord. 


List oF THE BLicxziNG Manor Rorrs. 


Court Rorrs:—Edward I. 29. 

Edward II. For the years 2, 5, 14, 17. : Besides two 
undated of this reign. 

Edward III. 1-17, 19-21, 25, 84-89, 40, 41, 48, 46, 47 (with 
others defaced). 

Richard II. 1-7, 12, 18, 15, 16, 18, 91. 

Henry IV. 1-18. (8 is the first court of Richard Pycot, 
Agneta Fransham and of Henry, Bishop of Norwich? 
"ratione minoris setatis Will. fil. Baudwini de Thaverham.'' 

4 and 5 the court is held by Ric. Pykot, Agneta Fransham, 

William Taverham, Thomas Erpingham, knight, farmers 

of the dower of Eleanor relict of Nicholas Dagworth.) 

Henry V. 4 and 9. 

Henry VI. 8, 9, 14, 16-24, 25, 26, 28, 31-86, 89. Court 
General 49. 

Edward IV. 1, 18, 22. 

Edward V. 1. 

Richard III. 1, 2, MP 

Henry VII. 1, 7,8 

Henry VIII. 18, 19, aL 83, 84, 37, 38. 

Edward VI. 1- 6. 

Mary 1-5. 

Elizabeth 1-14, (except 4) 17, 19. 

And for the years 1622-86, 1689, 1640. 

Leet BRoLLs:— 

Edward I. 84. 

Edward II. 10, 18, 19, 28 (and other rolls with dates defaced). 

Edward III. 16. 

Richard II. 2. 8, 5, 8, 9, 18, 14, 16. 

Henry IV. 1-8, 10- 18. (Bi is the first court of Thomas Langlee, 
Bishop of Durham, (Lord Chancellor) ‘et sociorum suo- 
rum." 18isthe first Court of John Pelham, John Ingoldes- 
thorp, and Robert Barney, knights, co-feoffees.) 

Henry VI. 9, 11-14, 16-28, 81-86, 49. 

Richard ITI. 1-8. 

Henry VII. 1, with view of frankpledge. 


* Henry Despenser or le Spenser; Bp. of Norwich 1870-1407. 


22 


Henry VIII. 85. 

Edward VI. 1-6. 

Mary 1-5. 

Elizabeth 1-14 (except 4), 15, 20. 

James I. 9, 19. 

And for the years 1632-1636, 1638-1640. 


Account RoLzs. 


Edward III. Collectors’ accounts for the years 25 and 26. 
Henry IV. Bailiffs' accounts for years 11-18. 
Henry V. 8. 
Henry VI. Bailiffs and Collectors for 10 and 11. 
Edward IV. 3-4, 7-8, 11-18. 
Henry VIII. 6-7. 
Elizabeth 6. 
À Rental. temp. Henry IV. 


CusTOMARY OF THE Manor, 85 Epw. I. [1807.] 


Omnibus Christi fidelibus presentibus et futuris et ballivis et 
fidelibus suis Johannes Engayne salutem. Quia per sacramentum 
proborum et legalium hominum de manerio nostro de Blyclinge 
et eorum visneto, scilicet Roberti Sket de Erpingham, Johannis 
Baldewyne, Henrici de Yernemuth, Bricii Sweyne de Ingeworthe, 
Roberti de Caldewode, Thome de Rystone, Edwardi Carpentere, 
Willelmi ad Ecclesiam, Walteri fil Johannis ad Ecclesiam, 
Nicholai Passe, Jacobi Attewode, Roberti Kenyng, Godwyni et 
Valentini le Doo, TInvenimus quod dictum manerium est de 
antiquo dominio corone domini Regis, et homines nostri tenentes 
de eodem manerio sunt sokemanni et tenere debent tenementa 
sua in eadem villa per fidelitatem et certa servicia et 
consuetudines subscripta annuatim nobis facienda et reddenda, 
Reddendo nobis et heredibus nostris annuatim triginta duas 
libras cum redditibus provenientibus de liberis tenentibus manerii 
predicti ad quatuor terminos subscriptos, Et reddendo annuatim 
pro nobis et heredibus nostris domino Norwyci Episcopo ad finem 
triginta duarum septimanarum tres solidos sex denarios pro warda 
castri, et eidem Episcopo scutagium domini Regis cum evenerit 
quantum pertinet ad feodum unius militis, Et facienda secta ad 
curiam nostram in eodem manerio de tribus septimanis in tres 
septimanas. Et nos tenebimus visum franci plegii in eodem 
manerio quolibet anno die Sancti Petri ad Vincula. Et 
habebimus amendas de omnibus transgressionibus factis in boscis, 
aquis separalibus, warrennis, hutesiis injuste levatis, sanguinis 
effusione, wayf, stray, catallis felonum et fugitivorum, rapinis, 
hamsoken, rescussu, thesauri et armorum inventione, et 
purprestura in separali nostro. Et omnes tenentes dicti manerii 
sokemanni habebunt amendas de omnibus aliis purpresturis in 
villa factis, de assiza panis et cervisie fracta, de falsis ponderibus, 
ulnis, mensuris, et omnibus defectis capitalium plegiorum et 
eorum decennariorum ; et placita debent tenere omnium 
transgressionum et querelarum si prius querantur eis quam nobis 





28 


et inde amendas habere. Et ipsi homines ad proximam 
curiam nostram tentam ante festum $S. Michaelis quolibet 
anno colligere (sic) debent collectorem, messorem, et duos 
custodes bosci, pro quibus respondere voluerint. Ita quod 
messor respondeat de omnibus attachiis et districtionibus 
in dieto manerio faciendis. Et custodes bosci respondebunt 
nobis de omnibus transgressionibus in bosco et warennis 
factis et collectis de bosco et alus proficuis bosci venditi. 
Et collector nobis respondebit de omnibus exitibus dieti 
manerii infra dictum manerium per rationabilem compotum 
ad quatuor terminos anni, videlicet ad festum Sancti Andree 
Apostoli, ad festum Annunciationis Beate Marie, et ad festum 
Nativitatis Saneti Johannis Baptiste, et ad festum Sancti 
Michaelis. Ita quod ad quemlibet terminum solutionis sue 
fidelem habeat acquietantiam. Et si in fine anni super 
compotum suum in arreragio fuerit, et inde ad solutionem non 
sufficiat, tota soca pro eo nobis respondebit. 

Et ipsi reparabunt fossatam nostram circa boscum ne 
dampnum intus fiat defectu clausture. Et nos sustentabimus 
et reparabimus sumptibus propriüs molendinum nostrum in 
omnibus vectariis, salvo tantum cariagio unius mole per annum 
et reparatione stagnorum et enclusarum, scilicet ad quod de 
terra operari debet. Et ipsi facient sectam ad molendinum 
nostrum. Et de jure molare debent ex antiqua consuetudine 
duo quarteria et dimidium frumenti vel ordei pro dimidio 
bussalo ejusdem bladi et tria quarteria brasii pro dimidio 
bussalo brasii. 

Et piscare debent in omnibus communibus aquis dicte ville. 
Et heredes dictorum sokemannorum post mortem eorum ante- 
cessorum, cujuscunque etatis fuerint, habere debent hereditates 
suas sine relevio, herietto, aut aliqua fine inde nobis facienda. 
Et si quis heres eorum post mortem antecessoris sui infra 
etatem fuerit, proximi parentes ejus quibus hereditas descendere 
non debet habebunt custodiam ipsius heredis et tenementi 
sui usque plenam etatem quindecim annorum. Et placitari 
aut implacitari non debent de tenementis suis infra dictum 
manerium nisi per parvum breve domini Regis de recto clauso 
secundum consuetudinem  manerii nobis aut ballivis nostris 
directo. Et si in amerciamentis nostris inciderint tam per 
breve quam sine brevi per pares suos inde debent afforari. 
Et maritare debent filios suos et filias suas tam extra manerium 
quam infra sinelicentiam petere aut aliquam finem inde facere (sic). 
Non debent chevagium dare aut recognitionem facere in adventu 
alieujus novi domini dieti manerii, neque gersumam dare pro 
mulieribus parientibus extra matrimonium. Et si quis eorum 
aliquod tenementum de bassa tenura adquisierit, in curia nostra 
finem faciet rationabilem pro ingressu inde habendo secundum 
antiquam consuetudinem, pro meliori acra campestri quatuor 
solidos, et pro mesuagio clauso et prato et pejori terra secundum 
valorem tenementi. Et non debent talliari ad aliquam talliagiam 
nisi quando dominus Rex facit talliari dominica sua per Angliam, 
et hoc per breve domini Regis. Et cum aliquis forinsecus infra 


24 


dictum manerium alicui mulieri heredi se maritaverit, ideo non 
faciet finem pro licentia ad ipsam mulierem ingrediendam. 

Et quod de nullis consuetudinibus quam de predictis pro 
tenementis suis onerari debent. 

Nos dictus Johannes Engayne dietas consuetudines appro- 
bantes, ratus habentes, volentes et concedentes, ex eonsensu 
Elene consortis nostre, pro salute animarum nostrarum pro 
nobis et heredibus et assignatis nostris, quod omnes dieti 
homines heredes de dicto manerio in perpetuum remaneant 
ut de antiquo dominio sicut compertum est, et quod habeant et 
teneant omnia (tenementa sua predicta per predictas con- 
suetudines et servicia predicta sine mutatione alicujus servicii 
aut consuetudinis. Et omnes alias consuetudines et servicia que 
vel quas ab eis exigebamus eisdem hominibus et eorum heredibus 
de nobis et heredibus et assignatis nostris remisimus et quietum 
clamavimus in perpetuum. Salvis nobis et heredibus nostris 
consuetudinibus et serviciis prenominatis. In hujus rei testi- 
monium his duobus scriptis in modum cirografii confectis die 
Annunciacionis Beate Marie anno regni Regis Edwardi filii 
Regis Henrici tricesimo quinto, quorum parti penes dictos homines 
remanenti Johannes Engayne sigillum suum apposuit, et parti 
penes dictum Johannem remanenti dieti homines sigillum eorum 
commune apposuerunt. 

Testibus: Johanne de Erpingham, Rogero de Calethorp, 
Johanne de Colby, Henrico filio ejus, Rogero de Woltertone, 
Johanne de Irmynglonde, Radulpho de Irmynglonde, et aliis. 
Datum per copiam. 


Court holden there on Monday in the feast of St. Peter ad 
Vineula in the 7th year of Ed. II. (T'ranslation.) Mutilated roll. 

Head Borghs. John Attwode, John Skyppyng, Adam de 
Bondeker, John Impe, Ralph . . , John Bemund, Adam Passe, 
Richard le Palmere, junior, Robert Prayd, John Haghene, John le 
Waler, . . . Ketchod, Thomas Belle, Stephen de Skothowe, 
Richard Keye, John le Munne, Henry Mort, Nicholas Sukke, 
Robert Rente, Will. Kythod, . . . . Sworn. 


Say upon their oath that John le Chusser ought to repair a 
certain well at Lund ; therefore, etc. 6d. 
And they present that Richard de Thorp drew blood of Thomas 
Wytlok against the peace, etc. 6d 
Also they present that Beatrice Prigge committed hamsoken on 
Maud Doleh by carrying away a belt of the said Maud from 
the house of the said Maud against the peace, etc. 8d. 
And they present that Agnes de Thorpgate did not open a 
ditch through which water ought to have course; by reason 
whereof, etc. 6d. 
Also they present that Thomas Wrchipe drew blood of Henry 
Grys. 6d. 
Also they present that Reginald, son of Robert Sucke, ‘‘ fecit 
vetitum Matillidi uxori Roberti Dolch de bidentibus 
voluit inparcasse pro damno facto." 8d. 





À 


25 


Also they present that the said Maud drew blood of the said 
Reginald ; therefore, etc. 8d. 

Also they present that Simon Fyn broke a certain division 
between himself and Richard le Palmer in length . . . and 
unlawfully removed a certain boundary placed by the consent of 
the parties ; therefore, etc. 6d. 

Also they present that Margaret, the daughter of Simon Spye, 
is an habitual thief in autumn time of the neighbours’ corn 
and . . . . and does great damage ; therefore, eto. 

8d. Pillory. 

Also they present that Margaret, daughter of Agnes of Matelask, 
is an habitual thief in autumn time of corn and all the year 
through is used to steal hens and do damage to the neighbours ; 
therefore, etc. And the said Agnes is a receiver ; therefore, etc. 

Pillory. 

Also they present that Beatrice, the wife of Semann the Smith, 
raised the hue and cry upon John Wodeman the hayward 
(messorem) unjustly ; therefore, etc. 

Also they present that when John de Causton stood at his gate 
in the peace of the lady, thither came Richard and Robert, 
chaplains of the parson, with two forks and atrociously assaulted 
the said John ; whereupon John for fear of the assault raised the 
hue and cry upon them lawfully, but did not follow them to the 
hall because John the servant of the lady was present and 
Thomas. 1s. 

And John de Causton, because he raised the said hue and ery 
and is not present, and therefore he is amerced. 6d. 

Also they present that John Payn is a common fisher, fishing 
on the lady's banks. 

Also they present that William Figge brewed and broke the 
assize ; therefore, etc. 


Also they present that Will. Wildun did the like. ds 
Also they present that Reginald le Palmer did the like. 1s. 
Also they present that John Skipping did the like. 1s. 
Also they present that Nicholas Caterine did the like. ls. 
Also they present that Adam Godsone did the like. 25. 
Also they present that Cecily Salve . . . but she is dead. 
Also they present that Agnes Salve brewed four bushels. 6d. 
Also that Agnes Grand did the like. 6d. 
Also that Elviva Keninge did the like. 1s. 
Also that Edmund Larke is a baker and broke the assize. 6d. 
Also that Roger Rose did the like. 6d. 
Also that Adam Bateman is a regrator; therefore, etc. 8d. 
Also that Nicholas Ffre is the like. 8d. 
Also that Simnel Lewyn is the like. 8d. 


Also that Margaret Edes brewed and broke the assize. 8d. 

It is also presented that Robert son of John Demund, the 
parson's servant (manupastus), arrested Roger Hullerd with 
his cart on the King's highway and detained him by night 
against the peace, etc. 


26 


Also they present that Richard the Chaplain, attorney of the 
parson, prosecuted Roger Hullerd in a Court Christian about 
matters which do not concern our testimony. They are agreed. 

Also that the said Richard prosecuted Hugh le Mune in the 
Same way. 

Also that Richard the parson has eneroached upon the high- 
way with a wall built 22 feet in length and a foot in breadth. 2s. 

Also that Richard the parson's chaplain is an usurer 40d. 

Also that the said Richard dug the King's highway and made 
it beyond measure deeper than before, to the great hurt of the 
whole vill. 6d. 

Also that John de Thorp dug the King's highway and 
deteriorated it, to the detriment of passengers. 6d. 

Also that Robert Luue ploughed under a certain division 
between the said Robert and John Impe to the length of sixteen 
feet. 6d. 

And that Estrilda Prigge damaged the corn of her neighbours 
throughout the summer. 94. 

And that Margaret, daughter of Richard Grys, is an habitual 
doer of damage to her neighbours in summer. 6d. 

And that John son of Beatrice entered the house of William 
Kytot and did damage to the amount of 6d. 9d. 

And that Mariota wife of William Schirlok is a habitual doer 
of damage to hens and other things of the neighbours. 8d. 

And that John Freysell and John his brother, John le 
Pillemere, and Nicholas son of Hugh, and John Payn came by 
night to the lady's closes for eels, against the peace, ete. 1s. 8d. 

And that William de Holt fished on the lady's bank. 


And that the Master of the Hospital did the like. 25. 
And that Thomas and Ralph sons of Richard son of Adam 
did the like. 1s. 
And that Henry de Colby did the like. 25. 
And that the son of Payn Meye did the like. 10d. 
And that Ralph the baker did the like. 6d. 


And that the willows on the side of the sacrist of St. Edmund 
hang on the bank and hinder the course of the river so that the 
(fields) on that side of the village are inundated and submerged, 
to great damage, etc. 6d. 

And that William Lytot and John Chusser, assayers of beer, 
did not fulfil their office as they ought; therefore, etc. 

Aud that John Skyppyng brewed honey mead and sold it con- 
trary to the assize. 

And that Roger Palmer did the like. 

And that Richard Waller came within the liberty of the lady 
and took one cow of John G . . . . and drove the said cow 
to Irmingland, to the great prejudice of the lady and her liberty ; 
therefore, etc. 


[There are a few more entries, of which the following are the 
more noticeable : 

** All the capital pledges, for concealment, because they did not 
make their perambulation to the tenement between the lady and 


27 


Edmund the carpenter to see the boundaries broken between 
them, as had been ordered in the Court. 

John son of Roger Adyolf is accustomed to take chicken 
(pulcinas) aud capons with nets which Robert Keye had at 
the lady's mill. 

Juetta the wife of Richard le Palmere is an usuress, and sells 
at a dearer rate for accommodation. 

And they ask to distrain the said Juetta to answer to the lady 
about the said usury."] 


EXTRACTS FROM THE Court RoLLs. 
Taking the order of Exorcist without licence. 
St. Peter ad Vincula, 18 Edw. II. 


Preceptum est, sicut pluraliter, attachiare Andream Wardeyn 
per corpus suum eo quod cepit ordines exorciste sine licentia. 


Levy for fabric of the church. 
Tuesday after St. Barnabas, 18 Edw. II. 


Preceptum est messori levare de communitate agistamentum ad 
fabrieationem ecclesie ad opus Roberti Keye. 

Prescriptum est levare de communitate agistamentum ad 
fabricationem ecclesie ad opus Roberti Keye eo quod pacavit pro 
eis et delib. . . . nomina eorum messori per billam. 


Presentment of the Bishop. 
8 Ric. II. 


Present. est domine quod Episcopus fecit unum cursum aque 
apud Hallemedwe in aysiamentum plus vicinorum. 


Of the Vicar of Aylsham. 


Present. quod Rieardus vicarius de Ailsham exaltavit stagnum 
suum in ponendo blestas altius quam facere debet in 
mergendo fossata de feodo domine injuste, etc. 

Item present. quod predictus Richardus fecit purpresturam 
super pratum Johannis Impe ponendo . . . ad exaltandum 
vivarium aliter quam facere debet ad prejudicium domine, etc. 

(This Richard was a benefactor to St. Peter's Coll. Camb.) 


Swearing in of youths to the Tithings. 
St. Peter ad Vincula, 5 Ric. II. 


Nicholas filius Ricardi Kethod juratus est in decennium. 
Johannes Kethod filius Johannis Kethod juratus est similiter. 
Johannes filius Nicholai Kethod juratus est similiter. 


28 


Poaching. 
12 Ric. II. 


[Presentant] quod Johannes de London, capellanus, fugatus fuit 
infra warrennam captando lepores. 


Leaving the manor. 
St. Agnes, 12 Ric. II. 


Robertus filius Symonis Fygge nativus domini est fugitivus et 
manet extra dominium, etc., et ubi ignorant, etc., et precipitur 
seisire [per] corpus. 

Robertus filius Johannis Froysel nativus domini de sanguine, 
similiter et similiter, e& manet 1n villa de St. Botulph ; ideo pres. 
etc. 

Robertus fil. John Wederall nativus domini similiter et similiter, 
et manet in Hemesby. 

Johannes filius Roberti Altholf, et Thomas et Radulfus fratres 
ejusdem Johannis sunt similiter, et manent in Cleye, et Radulfus 
manet in Salle, et precipitur similiter. 


Pleading in a Court Christian. 
15 Ric. II. 


Item quod Johannes fil. Thome Wattys injuste vexavit 
Robertum Fanmakere in curia Christianitatis. 


Tuesday aft. St. Agnes, 16 Ric. II. 


Item quod Joh. Melior injuste vexavit Johannem servientem 
Johannis Love in curia Christianitatis pro re tangente curiam 
regalem; ideo precipitur est seisire omnes terras et tenementa 
que idem Johannes tenet in villenagio domini. 


Poacher's assault on a keeper. 


Distringere Radulfum filium Johannis de Irmyngland ad 
respondendum, eo quod fecit rescussam Roberto Berte, custodi 
bosci domini, de duobus leporariis, et ipsum verberavit et male 
tractavit contra pacem, etc. 


Regrating. 
15 Ric. II. 


Quod Johanna Parys junior est regratrix panis et vendit contra 
assisam. 


1868. Henry de Berneye, William de Qualissal (?), ànd Thomas 
Hervy, grant to Sir James Holveston, and Joan his wife, the 
manor of Blicklyng to hold to them and the heirs male of the 
body of Sir James; remainder to Sir Nicholas Dagworth and the 
heirs male of his body; remainder to the rightful heirs of Sir 
James Holveston. 492 Edw. III. 

1373. Indenture between James de Holveston and Johanna 
his wife, of the one part, and John de Colby of the other part. 





29 


Compounding a dispute about the flooding of Holveston's land by 
the misuse of Colby's water mill at Ingworth. (In French.) 
Friday, St. Andrew's day, 47 Edw. III. 

1415. Roger Brekes and William Annes, churehwardens of 
Blickling. Declaration of trust of three roods of land in one piece 
in Blickling at the Kirkegap, adjoining the common path through 
the churchyard on the east. To remain for ever a garden of the 
church of Blickling and all parishioners of the said church. 
Tuesday after Nat. B.M., 8 Hen. V. 

1444. Edward Love of Bliclyng grants to Richard Chever and 
others all his messuages in Bliclyng called Bertrams, otherwise 
Dygardes, with right of keeping two running dogs to catch foxes, 
and liberty of foldage, bull and boar; and other tenements. 
Conditionally on payment of 1601. 1 Sept., 28 Hen. VI. 

1448. Henry Inglose, knt. and John Lynford, release to John 
Fastolf, knight, all their right in the manor of Bliklynge, and a 
piece of land containing 7 acres which they had together with 
the said John Fastolf and others. 21 Sept., 27 Hen. VI. 

1448. Sir William Oldhall, knt. releases to many co-feoffees 
his right in the preceding land, as conveyed in a feoffment of 
7 July. 8 August, 27 Hen. VI. 

1506. Wm. Multon, clerk, at the special request of Thomas 
Boleyn, son and heir and executor of the will of Will. Boleyn, knt. 
demises to Richard Davy, clerk, Robert Davy, his brother, 
Thomas Semann, clerk, and Thomas Lanyon, junr., all the 
messuages in Bliclyng which he held with Robert Heyles, and 
2d. rent. 9 Nov., 22 Hen. VII. 

[1551], March 8, 5 Edw. VI. Covenant for the conveyance 
by Sir James Boleyn, knt. to ‘‘ the right noble ladie Elizabeth, 
daughter of the late King of most famous memorie, King Henry 
VIII., sister of our Soverayne Lord King Edward VI.," of all his 
manors, lands, &c., in Heveningham, Marsham, Buxton, and 
various other places in Norfolk. 

1554. Sir James Boleyn, knt., and Dame Elizabeth his 
wife and Sir John Clere on the one part, and John Mason, of 
Erpyngham, on the other part; lease of Blicklyng Mill for 60 
years, reciting that James Boleyn and Elizabeth his wife were 
seized of the manor of Blikling with remainder to Sir J. Clere. 
7 Bept., 1 and 2, Ph. and Mary. 

1554. Conveyance by Edward Lord North and John Williams 
of the advowson of Blykelyng to Bir John Clere and Edward 
Clere. 22 Oct., 1 and 2, Ph. and Mary. 

1558. Probate of will of Thomas Wilkinson, of Blickling. 


Chancery Order in a suit between Sir John Fastolf and Geoffrey 
Boleyn respecting the purchase of the manor of Blickling. 


Beit remembred that the Tewesday the v. day of Septembre 
the yere of the reigne of our soveraigne lord King Henri the 
sixte . . . apperid afore my Lorde Cardynall the Chauncellor 





30 


of Englande at Fullham Sir John Fastolf, knight, and Geffrey 
Boleyn, Alderman of London, with both theire counselles, where 
it was desired at that tyme for the partie of the said Sir John 
the delivery of two obligations eyther of them of the summe of 
x. marc, thenne beyinge in the kepyng of Master Thomas 
Eborall, and also a dede of an annuite of marc xx. and iiiis. &c., 
agenste the which desire it was answered for the partie of the 
said Geoffrey that the saide obligations and dede of annuite oght 
noght to be delyvered to the said Sir John afore that he hadde 
fulfilled diverse conditions conteyned in certeyne Indentures 
thenne rehersed, and the tenour of theyme redde by Byllyng, 
Recorder of London, afore my saide Lorde, the whiche 
conditions as it was thenne surmytte for the partie of the 
said Geffrey in no wise wer perimplissht, and in especiall 
a defaute was assigned in the nonne delyvery of certayn 
stuffe of shepe and other that the saide Geffrey oughte to 
have with his purches of the manour of Bliclyng, accordyng 
to the saide indentures, ete., and the nonne attournement 
of diverse tenantes holdyng of the saide manour. Wherto 
it was replied and sayde by som of the counsell of the 
said Sir John that he had no noumbre of shepe at his first pur- 
chas of the said manour, and thenne my saide Lord answered 
and reherced that thendenture specified that the said Sir John 
hadde solde to the saide Geoffrey the saide manour with the stuffe 
of shepe and other, ete. And also how the same Sir John as it 
was thenne declared for the partie of the said Geffrey hadde sent 
by his letter to Bliclyng aforesaide to his servant there to delyvere 
to the said Geffrey dlix. shepe. Wherefore my saide Lorde thenne 
saide that hym thoght it accordyd noght well to make any suche 
allegeaunces, and so in conclusion forasmoche as it was thoght 
that the saide Sir John oghte of reason to delyvere the stuff of 
shepe and other accordyng to the saide indenture and also the 
other condicions in the same indenture specified trewly performe, 
etc., it was agreed at the laste for the partie of the saide Geffrey 
at the reverens of my saide Lordes lordship that the dede of 
annuitie and one of the saide obligations sholde be delyvered 
to the saide Sir John, and that other obligation to remayne stylle 
with the saide maister Thomas to [sic] the said stuff were 
delyvered and the other conditions in the saide indenture 
specified performyd, etc., and that Haydon and Genny the elder 
sholde examyne and make reporte of the noumbre and value of 
the said stuff, etc. 


HEVENINGHAM. 
. Manor Horas. 
An undated Roll of Henry III. ? 


Edward I. For the years 6-21, 25, 26. The 25th is the 
9th of the Pontificate of R. (Walpole), 1297. 
Also for Cattes manor 4-7. 





81 


Edward III. 2, 8, 5, 6, 18, 14, 16, 17. 2 and 8 are the 4th 
of the Pontificate of W. (Ayermine or Armine), 1829. 
18, 14 and 16 are the 2nd, 4th and 6th of the Pontificate 
of Anthony (Bek). 

There are ‘‘ Letes " for the years 2, 5, 14, 16. 

Richard II. 1, 2, 8, 5-28, except 12 and 15. That of the 
year 5 has this note :— 

‘Prima curia ib. tent. die mere. prox. post festum 
St. Petri ad Vincula anno Regis Ricardi II. post 
conquestum quinto, postquam rotuli curis, custu- 
maria, rentale et rotuli secte curis, et alia monumenta 
dicti manerii cremati fuerunt per tenentes Domini 
et alios communes quando communes comitatus Norf. 
et aliorum com. surrexerunt contra pacem domini et 
magna dampna fecerunt, etc.” 

18, Catts manor. | 

Henry IV. 1-14. 2 is the 31st of Episcopate of Henry 
le Despencer, 1401; at his court in 8 John Spencer and 
others are farmers of the temporalities. (2, 10, and 11 
are also Lete courts.) 

Henry V. 1 (Lete). 2-10. 8, First court of the Kingon 
escheat following the death of Courtenay, Bishop of 
Norwich, 1415. A? 4 is the first general court of 
Bishop Wakering, 1417. 

1-8 also Catts manor. 

Henry VI. 1-88 (Courts, Courts General, and Letes). 7 is 
the 2nd court of Bishop William Alnwick, 1429; 15 is 
the first court of Bishop Thomas Brown, 1487 ; and 27 is 
the 4th year of Bishop Walter Lyhert, 1449. 

Also Cattes manor, 4, 5-8. 

Edward IV. Courts and Courts General, with separate 
jurors for Parkhalle, Ryptonhall and Keritoft, 1-8, 8-12. 
(Letes, Hevingham cum Marsham, 1-6.) 

Catts manor, 19-28. 

Richard III. Catts manor, 1. 

Henry VII. 1-24. 

Henry VIII. Marsham eum Hevingham and Hevingham 
Courts, and Marsham cum Hevingham Letes, 2, 8, 5-11, 
18, 15-80 (Anno 80 is Marsham Hegis and Hevingham 
Regis), 31 (first court of James Boleyn), 82, 83, 84 (cum 
visu franciplegii), 96, 87, 38. 

Cattes manor, 1-87. 

Edward VI. 4, 5 Hevingham; Hevingham eum Marsham, 
1-6. 

Philip and Mary. 

Cattes manor, 8-6. 

Elizabeth. 1, 2, 4-8, 29-84, 87, (17, 18 is the court of 
W. Yaxley). Also a roll for the year 1564. 

Catts manor, 1-8, 17, 18, and between 82 and 42. 

James I. 4, First court of Sir H. Hobart, 


32 


Account Rous. 


Edward III. Provost’s and Messor’s accounts for years 2, 
8, 6-18, 86, 40, 41. (18 is the 1st year of the Episcopate 
of W. (Bateman) Bishop of Norwich.) 

Farmer’s accounts, 20-21. 
Bailiff's accounts, 27-28. 

Richard II. Provost’s account for year 18 and 14. 
Bailiff s account, 20-21. 

Account of works (task), 28 to 1 Hen. IV. 

Henry IV. 1, Account of work (tasks). 

Ripton and Critoft manors. Messor’s account for years 
5 and 7. 

Cattes and Ripton manors. Messor’s account, years 11 
and 12. Account of work (tasks). 

Henry V. Messor's account for years 2 and 8 (Parkhalle). 
(Hevingham cum Marsham.) Bailiffs account for years 

5 and 6. 

Henry VI. Bailiff's account for years 28, 24, 27, 28. 
(Rypton.) Bailiff's account, 8 and 9. 

(Parkhalle. Messor’s account, 15 and 16. 
(Critoft.) Messor’s account, 24 and 25. 

Edward IV. Provost’s and Messor’s accounts, 2 and 8, 8 and 
9,9 and 10. 

Henry VII. Messor’s account, 16 and 17. (The account of 
John Helwyn, deputy. Same date, like account of Robert 
Bushop.) 

(Hevingham eum Marsham.)  Provost's and Messor's 
accounts, 8. 
Henry VIII. Messor's aecount for year 24 (John Martyn). 


Manor HRoLrs. 


1881-2. Ripton Hall. Rental, Richard II. 5. 


Customary, Rich. II. 8? 

1884-5. Parkhalle Manor. Customary and Rental, Rich. Il. 8, taken 
before Henry Cat, Lord of the Manor, and his tenants. 
1444. Hevingham. Rental, Hen. VI. 22. In part renewed, 
Hen. VIII. 1. 

1444. Hevingham Cattes. Rental and Customary, endorsed 
Hen. VI. 22. (Also an extract of an ancient extent 
undated.) 

1500. Hevingham Critofts. Customary, Hen. VII. 15. 

1584. Hevingham with  Marsham.  Abuttal and Rentals, 
Henry VIII. 26. 


1544. 
1569. 


1598. 


Hevingham Cattes. Book of Demesne Lands, Henry VIII. 


86. 

An abuttal of Andrew Thetford, Esq. His free lands 
in Hevingham filde, 1569. (Formerly Master's.) 

Hevingham. Rental endorsed E.T. 1598. 

Tenant Rolls of the manors of Hevingham, Repton or 
Rypton Halle, Crichetots, ete. (undated). 


Ce eee d 





38 


1847-48. Account of Geoffrey Horsford, servant of Sir Constantine 
[Mortimer], for the manor of Hevingham, from Mich. 20 
to Mich. 21 Edw. III. The year before the Black Death. 


Idem re[cepit] de xxxvi quarteriis bladi multure r [eceptis] 
de firna duorum molendinorum quorum unum ventricum et 
aliud aquaticum per annum. Summa xxxvi. qu. 

De quibus, liberat. Johannis Randolph, tenentis, carucantis 
ab in erastino S*- Michaelis usque diem Veneris proximum post 
festum S" Johannis ante Portam Latinam per xxxii septimanas, 
jii dies, iii qu. ii bus., capientis quarterium per x septimanas. 

In lib. unius tenentis carucantis per totum annum preter 
iii septimanas in autumpno iii quarterios vi bus., capientis 
quarterium per x septimanas. In lib.ii fugantium carucantium 
ab in erastino S" Michaelis usque diem Veneris prox. post f. S*! 
Johannis ante Portam Latinam per xxxii septimanas et iii dies et 
a festo Nativitatis beate Marie Virginis usque festum S*'- Michaelis 
per iii septimanas vi quarteria, quorum quilibet capiat quarterium 
per xii septimanas. In lib. J. Daye per totum annum iiii 
quarteria ii bus. dim. capientis quarterium per xii septimanas. In 
lib. i [unius] bercarii per idem tempus v quarteria ii bus. et dim. 
capientis quarterium per x septimanas. In lib. i herciatoris per 
xiv sept. et tres dies i qu. ii bus. iii p. capientis quarterium per 
xii sept. In lib. i porearii a festo S"- Michaelis usque diem lune 
proximum post festum Augustini in Maye per xxxiii sept. et iii 
dies, ii quar. iv. bus. p. eapientis qu. per xiii sept. Item lib. eidem 
versus Burnham pro porcis domini ibidem custodiendis iiii bus. 
precepto domine. In lib. i aucarum custodis, eustodiendis bestiis 
in Heselholt ii bus. In lib. Willelmi Soukis, eustodiendis bestiis 
in Heselholt in estate vi. bus. In pane frumenti pro stotis tem- 
pore sementis ordei vi. bus. Item datur Henrico precepto 
domine ii.. . . Item datur Johanni Randolph ii bus. precepto 
domine. Item datur Thome de Midilton i bus. precepto domine 
in expensis autumpnalibus ii qu. iii bus. In venditione i quar. 
ut in fr. Item allocatur pro stacione molendini aquatici per 
unam xiv"- ii bus. Item in stipendio i garciferi euntis ad 
carucandum ante festum Natalis Domini per iii sept. ii bus. 


[c. 1250?]  ExrENT of the Manor or Hevinenam. 
Episcopus Norwic. est capitalis dominus ville. [Words added.] 


Episcopus Norwic. habet in eadem villa unum messuagium et 
unum parcum [stagnum continentem. ii acras infra clausum :— 
words struck out] unam acram terre arabilis in dominio. 


Villani ejusdem. 


Habet quinque villanos qui tenent v messuagia et xxvii acras 
terre. 


17118 C 





84 


Tenentes. 


Will. de Parco tenet unum messuagium xl acras terre arabilis, 
unam acram prati, unum molendinum aquaticum, cum stagno, 
de episcopo Norwic. 


Villani. 


Idem Will. habet ij villanos qui tenent ij messuagia et unam 
acram terre. 


Cotarii. 
Idem Will. habet v cotarios qui tenent v. cotagia. 


Liberi tenentes ejusdum Willelmi. 


Henry de London tenet 1 cotag. et reddit 11j*- 

Galfridus Craske tenet 1 cotag. et reddit v. den. 

Rich [erus] de Pagrave tenet medietatem unius messuagii et 1 
acram terre, et reddit per annum iij*- ob. 

Ricardus Faber tenet unum messuagium et dim. acram terre 
et reddit per annum xx‘ 

Willelmus fil. Christiane tenet unum cotag. et reddit inj? 


xi sol. xd: ob. 


Willelmus le Kat tenet xxiiij acras terre. 
Richerus de Pagrave tenet de eodem Will. i acram terre et 


annum iij? Et dictus Will. tenet predictum tenementum et 
liberos tenentes de episcopo Norwic., et reddit per annum ij* vj* 
ob., et tenet per socagium. 


Andreas de Bramton tenet v villanos qui tenent v messuagia et 
viij acras terre, et tenet de episcopo Norwic. et dat per annum 
iij* iij . 

Rich. de Pagrave tenet unum acram terre de episcopo Norwic., 
et reddit per ann. pro se et pro Joh. fil. clerici vj* ob. 

Johannes fil. clerici tenet dim. acram terre de Rich. de 
Pagrave et dat per ann. iij? 

Et dietus episcopus est patronus ecclesie de Hevyngham, et 
ecclesia habet in proprios usus xx acras terre et unum 
messuagium et unum villanum qui tenet ij acras terre. 

Will. Olok tenet j rodam terre et dat per annum j* 

Will. fil. Simonis tenet dim. acram terre et reddit 11j* 

Et idem Episcopus habet visum franciplegii [aprum, taurum, 
wayf de aver. extranea, furcas, thumerell ; struck out]. 
Et tenet totum predictum tenementum cum libertatibus et 
predictos villanos cotarios et libere tenentes eum eorum tenen- 
tibus de Domino Rege per baroniam episcopatus Norwic. 








35 


. Dominus Rex. 


Andreas de Branton (sic) tenet decem villanos qui tenent decem 
messuagia, |x et xiij acras terre, et unum eotarium qui tenet unum 
cotagium, et tenet predictos villanos, cotarium, de domino Rege 
de manerio de Aylesham de antiquo dominico pertinente ad suum 
manerium de Branton, quod quidem manerium tenet per servic. 
xv - et viij 

Willelmus de Ecclesia et ejus tenentes tenent xij acras terre de 

Andr. de Brantone et reddunt per annum xij*- [De] rege sed quo 
waranto et per quod servieium jurati nesciunt. [Last clause 
struck out. | 
: Rich. Cucuk et parcenarii sui tenent x acras terre et unum 
messuagium. Idem habent unum cotarium qui tenet unum 
cotagium. Et tenent de Domino Rege de manerio de Aylsham de 
antiquo feofamento, et reddunt per an. iiij* iiij* 

Thomas Faber et parcenarii sui tenent iij acras et dim. terre de 
Domino Rege, et reddunt per an. viij* 

Thomas fil. Galfridi tenet iij acras et dim. terre de Domino 
Rege, et reddit per an. viij* 

Et tenent de manerio de Caustone de antiquo feofamento. 


Comes Glovernie. 


Willelmus le Chat tenet unum messuagium, lx acras terre et 1j 
acras prati. Idem habet xiiij villanos qui tenent xiiij messuagia, 
quater viginti et xij acras terre arabilis. ltem habet iij cotarios 
qui tenent iij cotagia. 

; Rich. de Pagrave tenet dim. messuag. 
unam rodam et dim. terre, et reddit per 
ann. vj* 

Isti subscripti | Henry le Blunt tenet unam acram et 
tenent de Willel- | dim. terre, et reddit per an. iiij* 
mo le Kat. Liberi; Willelmus fil. Walteri tenet unum mes- 
tenentes ejusdem |suagium et vj acras terre, et reddit per an. 
Willelmi. iij" 

Willelmus de Ecclesia tenet unum mes- 
suagium et iiij acras terre, et reddit per an. 
uj* 


Et dietus Will. le Kat tenet predictum tenementum, villanos, 
cotarios, et libere tenentes de comyte Glovernie per scutagium 


scil. ad xl. sol. quinque sol, ad plus plus, ad minus minus, et 
tenenteg dioti Oofmitis] 


debet pro tenemento suo [ words interlined are substituted for those 
in italies] [debent] unam sectam hundredi de Erpingham quam 
Johannes Parys et heredes sui facere tenentur. Et Comes tenet 
de Domino Rege per baroniam comitatus Glovernie viij pars 
unius feodi militis. Et idem Will. habet liberum aprum et taurum 
et faldam. Et debet unam sectam bis per annum comitatui Norvic. 
[words struck out |. 








96 


Henricus de London tenet v acras terre et j acram prati de comite 
Glovernie per serv. j*- et scutagium, scil. ad xl* v* 

Et habet duos villanos qui tenent duo messuagia et ix acras 
terre. 

Rich. de Pagrave tenet unum aeram et dim. terre et reddit per 
an. j*- ob. 

Petrus ad Pareum tenet unam acram terre et dat per an. iiij 

Thomas Wayt tenet 11] rodas terre et dat per an. E 

Radulphus Bonde tenet j acram terre et reddit ijf- 

Thomas Faber tenet j acram et dim. terre et reddit per an. ij* 

Et isti tenent de 

Henrieus le Blunt tenet unam aeram | Will. fil. Walteri, 
terre et dat per an. iiij: et Willelmus tenet 

ji de Will. le Kat, et 

Henricus Rake tenet unam acram terre et | reddit per an. iiij 
dat per an. j* pro toto tenement 

suo, et VW. le Kat 

Johannes fil. clerici tenet dim. acram |tenet de Henr. de 
terre et dat per an. ij* London et reddit 

\per an. j*: 

Et dictus Henr. de London tenet dictum tenementum, villanos, 
et liberos tenentes de Thoma Jurdon per scutagium, scil. ad xl 
sol. v sol., ad plüs plus, ad minus minus, et debet unam sectam 
hundredo de Erpyngham quam Willelmus fil. Walteri et heredes 
sui facere tenentur. Et Thomas Jurdon tenet de Comite 
Glovernie et Comes de Domino Rege per baroniam eomitatus 
Glovernie. 


Kerebrok. 


Willelmus de Ecclesia tenet iij acras turbarie, et habet unum 
cotarium qui tenet unum cotagium. 

Wulmere Bondes tenet unum cotagium de eodem Will. et 
reddit per an. iij*^ Et Will. de Ecclesia tenet de domo de 
Kerebrok et reddit per an. iij^, et domus tenet in libera elee- 
mosina; de cujus feodo ignoratur. 


Prior de Gyslingham. 


Will. le Kat tenet lx acr. pasture de Will. de Ecclesia et reddit 
per an. dim. marc., et Will. de Ecclesia tenet de Priore de 
Kyslingham, et Prior tenet in libera eleemosina de honore de Ry 
ex dono antecessorum J. le Mareschal. 


Prior de Bromholm. 


Johannes fil. clerici tenet unum messuagium et xviij acras 


terre, 1j acras et dim. prati, de Priore de Bromholm, et reddit per 
e Baronia de Ry 


an. vij" vj", et Prior tenet de domino Rege sed qualiter [words inter- 
lined are substituted for those in italies] et per quod servieium 
tenet jurati nesciunt, 





37 
Honor Ry. 


Dominus J. le Marchal tenet in Hevingham xl acras terre 
arabilis, unum messuagium, xi acras prati, xvi acras pasture, x 
acras turbarie, et cc acras bruerie. Idem habet ix villanos qui 
tenent ix messuagia et lx acras terre. Idem habet iii cotarios qui 
tenent iij cotagia. 


Et dominus J. le Marchal percipit per annum de feodo Guyet 
xxij ob. ad wardam castri Norwic., et ad seutagium quando venerit 
ad xls. xx* ad plus plus, ad minus minus, et habet visum franci 
plegii et faldam. Et tenet predictum tenementum cum liber- 
tatibus, villanos, cotarios, et liberos tenentes a principio tenure 
sue infrascriptos, de Domino Rege per baroniam de Ry. 


Liberi tenentes ejusdem J. 


Thomas Schade [tenet] ij acras per j* de J. le Mareschal. 

Henricus Prente tenet dim. acram terre. 

Petrus Guyet tenet unum mess. et unam acram terre. 

Ricardus Howard tenet unum mess. et vj acras terre. 

Ric. de Pagrave tenet 4 acras et dim. per ij4 de J. le Marschal. 

Willelmus ad Ecelesiam tenet vj acras terre. 

Thomas Wayegrave (?) tenet 1j acras. 

Radulphus Belle tenet unam acram. 

Willelmus Brese tenet dim. acram. 

Radulphus fil. Roberti tenet iiij acras. 

Willelmus Cueuk tenet dim. acram per j ob. 

Johannes Cucuk tenet unam acram per j* 

Henricus Cucuk tenet iij rodas per ob. 

Ricardus Faber tenet ij acras per j^ 

Willelmus frater ejus tenet dim. acram terre de Ricardo fratre 
ejus per j ob. 

Henricus le Kat tenet 1j acras terre. 

Ric. Mariot tenet vij acras terre per vj* de J. le Mar [eschal]. 

Petrus Wiltam tenet unam acram. 
. Adam Knut tenet dim. acram. 

Thomas de Alvingetun tenet dim. acram. 

Elvida Schade tenet dim. acram terre per 1j4 

Philippus de Middelton tenet dim. acram terre. 

Robertus serviens persone, tenet dim. acram. 

Johannes atte Fen tenet dim. acram terre. 





88 


Robertus Faber tenet 1. cottagium. 
Radulphus le Pottere tenet i. cotagium. 
Johannes le Minere tenet 1. cotagium. 
Adam le Minere tenet i. cotagium. 
Robertus le Potere tenet i. eotagium. 


Johannes Luve tenet i. cotagium. 


Henrieus capellanus tenet i. messuagium et viii acras terre de 
Willelmo le Kat et reddit Willelmo v* et J. le Mareschal 924, et 
Willelmus tenet eundem (sic) tenementum de J. Marchal per 
scutagium. 


Radulphus Streyt tenet unum mess. et unam acram et 
reddit v*- 


Thomas Sade tenet unum mess. et iii acras de eodem Rad. 
et reddit vd; et Rad. tenet totum tenementum de W. ede 
Lovesæ et reddit per an. vi: ob, et Willelmus tenet de J. de 
Marchal. 


Johannes fil. clerici tenet 1 acram et unum cotagium de Joh. 
de Lem, et reddit vj* et J. de Lem tenet de J. de Marchal per 
scutagium. 


Wlvive (sic) Bondes tenet 1 acram terre de J. de Lem, et reddit 
vjt: et J. de Lem tenet de J. le Marchal per scutagium. 


Ricardus serviens persone tenet 1 cotagiuni et reddit ecclesie 
de Hevingham per an. iij* ob. 


Radulphus Cappe tenet i cotagium de War. de Herford et 
reddit i*- 


Willelmus Veys tenet 1 cotagium de Will. de Ecclesia et reddit 
iij^- et Will. tenet de J. le Marchal. 


Idem Willelmus de Ecclesia tenet unam acram prati de 
Johanne clerico et reddit viij** et Johannes tenet de J. le Marchal 
et reddit vj*- 


Henricus de Branteston tenet unum messuagium, iiij acras et 
dim. terre de heredibus Henriei le Neuman, et reddit x* ob. et 
ipsi tenent de Johanne le Marchal. 


Item pater noster tenet j cotagium et j acram terre de eisdem 
heredibus, et dat per an. x*, et ipsi tenent de J. le Marchal. 





p0—————— 


99 


— —— — — 





— —Ó —Ó—Ó —Ó —M—M—M—Ó— —— D—— - = - - — 


Thomas Schade tenet dim. acram de eodem feodo et dat per 
an. j* 

Rich. fil. Simonis tenet unum cotagium et reddit iij*- 

Alicia Guyet tenet unum cotagium et ij acras et reddit iij 

Willelmus Capellanus tenet unum messuagium et ij acras terre 
et reddit v* ob. 

Mariota Leces tenet unum cotagium et dim. acram terre et 
reddit ij*- 

Wulvive (sic) Bondes tenet unum messuagium et ii acras terre 
et reddit vij* 

Henrieus Lante tenet unum cotagium et reddit iij* 

Henrieus Rut tenet unum cotagium et dim. acram terre de 
W. le Kat, et reddit v*: ob. 

Et Willelmus le Kat tenet eundem (sic) tenementum de Will. de 
Parco per eundem servicium. 

Matilda Guyet tenet unum cotagium et j acram terre et 
reddit 1j*- 

Filie Henrici le Neuman tenent vj acr. terre et reddunt vij*- 

Radulphus Goding tenet unum cotagium et dim. aer. terre et 
reddit viij*- 

Henricus le Blunt tenet v acras terre et redd. v* ob. 
Le Rich. de Pagrave tenet j acram terre et dim. et reddit 

* ob. 

Simon le Blunt tenet dim. aer. terre et reddit 1* ob. 

Wulvive (sic) Parker tenet unam aeram et reddit 1% 

Mirylda la Blunde tenet vj acras et reddit viij? 

Alexander de Feltorp tenet ij acras terre et reddit iij* 

Jocel[inus] Buleman tenet dim. aer. terre et reddit 1j? 


Omnes isti sub cireulo scripti tenent de Willelmo de Parco 
per servicium subscriptum et per scutagium in eartis suis 
contentum, et Willelmus tenet de J. le Marchal per 
scutagium de feodo Guet. 


[c. 1185-1145.] Grant of EgBerarn, Bp. of Norwich, to his 
officer PurL1P.9 


> In Nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti. Amen. 
Notum sit omnibus tam presentis quam futuri temporis fidelibus 
quod ego Ebrardus Dei gratia Norwic. Episcopus dedi et con- 
eessi prece et concessione proborum hominum meorum huie 
Philippo ministro meo pro servitio suo et pro dimidio marco (sic) 
de gersuma, in feudo et in perpetua hereditate iiii toftes (sic) terras 
inter Heuigham et Ripeteunam, et simul cum illis iiii. toftes 
lviii acras de terra lucrabili et boscum et prata atque pascua et 
omnia eidem terre juste appendentia. Concessi etiam ei 
molendinum quod fecit in prato suo de quo stagnum ligatum 
est in bosco meo licentia et eoncessione mea. Hsec omnia 


— —M——— we —— ——— — ——— eee ———À — —— — — 





*Qu. Philip, arehdeacon of Norwich 1188-60 ? 


— —  ——_——— € 


40 


supradieta eidem Philippo hereditarie dedi, faciendo mihi 
per annum v sol. de servitio. Preterea noscat dilectio vestra 
postea me concessise et dedisse prenominato Philippo et 
heredibus suis terram meam de Stratuna quam Herbertus 
bone recordationis Episcopus dedit Jordano cognato suo. 
Hoc autem feci prece et bona voluntate et concessione 
ejusdem Jordani per idem servitium quod Jordanus tenebat die 
qua Herbertus Episcopus fuit vivus et mortuus, videlicet per duos 
solidos per annum pro omnibus servitiis sicut carta Herberti 
Episcopi et carta mea, quas predictus Jordanus sua bona et 
spontanea voluntate liberavit Philippo, testant. Hec omnia 
supradieta volo et firmiter precipio ut bene, honorifice, et 
in pace teneat per prenominatum servitium. Et ut ista donatio 
rata permaneat impositione sigilli mei et nostre ecelesie sigilli 
eonfirmo. Sunt etiam testes ad hane donationem corroborandam, 
Willelmus Prior et Conventus eeclesie Sanete Trinitatis, et Willel- 
mus, et alter Willelmus, et Walkerel', Rogerus archdiaconus,° et 
Adam et Walterus, nep[otes] episcopi, et Toraldus et Gaifer 
capellani episcopi, et Johannes dapifer episcopi, et Petrus 
stab latins] et Symon de Nuers, et Rogerus de Fleg, et 
Gocelinus Grossus, et Willelmus de Ecclesia, et Herveus 
eam [erarius], et Adam dapifer, et Hugo de Blafer', et Osmundus 
Ruffus, et Rodbertus cocus, et Rand[ulfus] cocus, et Willelmus 
pistor. 


[c. 1150.] Grant by BisHop Wizziam TurB to HERBERT Car. 


Notum sit futuris et presentibus Christi fidelibus quod ego 
Willelmus Dei gratia Norwicensis Episcopus dedi Herberto Catto 
et Alde uxori sue, nepti mee, et heredibus suis totam terram que 
fuit Grimbaldi in Ripetunia, cum omnibus liberis consuetudinibus 
ad eandem terram pertinentibus, pro duobus solidis annuatim. 
Kapropter volo et precipio ut teneat ipse et heredes sui post 
eum predictam terram pro prefato servitio bene et in pace, libere 
et quiete, et in pratis et in pascuis et turbariis. Et ut hee donatio 
nostra firma et inconcussa permaneat sigilli nostri impositione 
eam confirmo. Teste (sic) Daniele Abbate de Hulmo,t Helya 
Priore, Johanne dapifero, Petro de Mall[ar|d, Petro constabu- 
lario, Ric. de Ferreris, Hernaldo Lupell, Turoldo capellano, 
Hemero presbytero, Philippo de Martham, Gwarino hostiario, 
Roberto Wandelardo. 


[c. 1170-4.] Grant by Bishop WinLiaw TurB to WinnnM Car. 


Willelmus Dei gratia Norwie. Episcopus, omnibus hominibus 
suis Francis et Anglis salutem. Sciatis quod ego reddidi et 
concessi Willelmo Catto terram que fuit Grimbaldi de feodo de 
Marsham, videlicet xxx acras quas pater ejusdem Willelmi 
Herebertus Cattus tenuit, ei et heredibus suis, tenendam de me 


* No Roger is found in the printed lists of the archdeacons of the diocese in the 
time of bishop Everard. 
+ Died in 1158. 

















41 


et de meis in perpetuum successoribus ita bene et libere et per 
idem servicium sicut pater suus melius et liberius eam tenuit. 
Volo igitur et precipio ut idem Willelmus et heredes sui habeant et 
teneant prefatam terram libere et quiete et hereditarie, honorifice 
et pacifice, per prenominatum servieium. Test: Willelmo et 
Staingro'? Archidiaconis, Gaüfrido filio Petri dapiferi, magistro 
Nicholao, Roberto Crasso, Richerio de Marsham, Roberto Grisio, 
Johanne clerico filio Roberti, Osmundo, Rie. Daniel, Stephano 
Ruffo, Joscel [ino] fratre Willelmi Archidiaconi, Roberto Pincerna 
et Godefrido fratre suo. 


Grant of two pieces of Land by Roger Gur of Hevingham to 
WiLLIAM LE Kar and LaunETTA his wife, the one called 
Hevidlond and the other Brodlonde. 


Hiis testibus: Willelmo de Parco de Hevingham, Willelmo 
filio suo, Willelmo de Monasterio, Willelmo et Andrea de 
Levishaye, Henrico de London, Nieholao et Herveo filiis suis, 
Willelmo de Marheshal, Johanne filio clerici, Thoma Schade, et 
multis aliis. 


Grant of Land by Henry Firz-Simuon to Wizzraw LE Kar in 
consideration of a '*PEAcE or MAYHEx.” 


Seiant presentes et futuri quod ego Henricus filius Simonis de 
London concessi dedi ét hac presenti carta confirmavi Willelmo 
le Kat unam peciam terre mee in campo de Dudewik jacentem 
super Langfurlong inter terram Willelmi Spendluue ex parte 
orientali et terram Hugonis del Hil ex parte occidentali, et abuttat 
super terram Gerard versus austrum et super terram Will. 
Aldman versus aquilonem. Et homagium et servicium Walteri 
de Mendham merkatoris quod mihi debuit per annum pro 
tribus peciis terre, seilicet unum clavum gariofili pro tribus 
_peciis terre quas aliquando de me tenuit. Quarum una 
pecia est medietas de messuagio Alquen, et alia super Wotelond 
inter terram Roberti le Kniht ex parte oriental et terram 
Petri le Kat ex parte occidentali. Et tertia pecia in crofto quod 
fuit Radulfi Alyetti inter viam regiam ex parte orientali et terram 
que fuit Radulfi prenominati ex parte occidentali, cum releviis et 
eskaettis et omnibus aliis rebus que mihi accidere possent de 
prefato Waltero et suis heredibus. Habendum et tenendum eidem 
Willelmo et heredibus suis vel suis assingnatis bene et in pace in 
perpetuum sine aliquo seculari servicio, pro pace de mahenio 
formata et facta per predictum Willelmum inter prefatum 
Walterum ex una parte et me et Richerum filium meum ex 
altera parte. Et ego Henricus et heredes mei vel assingnati 
mei warrantizabimus, acquitabimus, defendemus predicta tene- 
menta et servicia cum eskaettis et releviis et aliis rebus 


* Btaingrin (Taingrin in Le Neve) was archdeacon of Norwioh in 1174-5, in which 
latter year bishop William died in January ; but no William appears to be found in 
the lists of archdeacons of Norfolk, Suffolk, or Sudbury about that time. 





42 


inde accidentibus prefato Willelmo et heredibus suis vel suis 
assingnatis pro pace de mahenio facta, sicut predictum est, contra 
omnes homines et feminas in perpetuum. In cujus rei testi- 
monium presens scriptum sigilli mei impressione corroboravi. 
Hiis testibus, Johanne de Leem, Johanne de Tudeham, Willelmo 
de Parco de Hevingham, Willelmo et Richero filiis suis, Henrico 
de Leveshaye, Willelmo et Andrea filis suis, Reginaldo de 
Refham, Johanne filio suo, Willelmo de Monasterio de Heving- 
ham, Henrico et Willelmo filiis suis, Eudone Toppais, Petro filio 
suo, Rogero Guet, Johanne filio Johannis clerici, Richero Streit, 
et multis aliis. 


Grant of VinLLEINS by WiLLIAM AT CHURCH to WiLLram LE Kar. 


Omnibus Christi fidelibus presens scriptum visuris aut audituris, 
ego Willelmus ad Ecclesiam de Hevigham salutem. Noverit 
universitas vestra me concessisse dedisse et hac presenti carta 
mea confirmasse Willelmo le Kat, de eadem, et heredibus suis 
de se et Laurota condam uxore sua procreatis et eorum heredibus 
vel asignatis (sic), corpus Johannis Popi et corpus Seyhive matris 
sue et corpus Cecilie filie dicte Seyhive servos meos, cum toto tene- 
mento et tota sequela eorundem, pro vinginti (sic) solidis argenti 
quos michi dedit premanibus. Habendum et tenendum de me 
et heredibus meis illi et heredibus suis prenominatis et heredibus 
eorum vel asignatis in perpetuum. Reddendo inde annuatim 
michi et heredibus meis unum clave de gelofero pro omni 
servicio consuetudine et seculari demanda [etc.]. His testibus: 
Andrea de Branton, Petro filio suo, Roberto de Bolewik, Will. de 
Levishaye, Rogero de Refham, Johanne filio suo, Will. de Park, 
Joh. le Clerk, Will. de Thorp, Hen. de Lundune, Richero filio 
suo, et multis aliis. 


WiLLIAM LE Kat of HEvVINGHAM 


grants to Henry, his eldest son, his whole messuage in 
Marsham. Witnesses: Sir Tho. Bardolf, kt., Sir Will. de Whitwell, 
kt., Will. de Merceshalle, Will. de Leveshaye, John de Refham, 
Henry de London of Hevingham, Andrew de Braunthonne, John 
son of Philip de Stratehonne, John Huberd of the same, Richard 
Seyet, Henry de Belagh, John le Bond, Christopher de Botheby, 
Simon Wrantham, clerk. 


Sarra, daughter of Ralph the Smith (**fabri"), of Hevingham, 
releases to Ralph Smith (sic) all right in the land formerly her 
father's in Hevingham. One of the witnesses is Walter Bukeskin, 
the King's seneschal at Causton, and another, Henry le Cat. 


1977[-8]. Roger, bishop of Norwich, for himself and his 
*nativi" of Hevingham, restores to William de Parco, of 
Hevingham, seven acres of meadow and one of alder-wood “ in 
stagno," of which he had been disseised by William le Kat and 
many others named in a writ returned before the judges at Norwich, 
“ cujusmodi disseisine faciende quidem nativi nostri de Heving- 
ham personaliter interfuere." Suthelmham xvij Kal. Feb. 1277. 


43 


1318. Fine for settlement of lands in Hevingham, &c., 
between William le Kat and Katherine his wife, and Robert 
Felbrigg and John his brother, comprising 88 messuages, two 
mills, 500 acres of land, &c.—Octave of Hilary 11 Edward II. 


1859. Andrew le Smyth of Hevyngham grants to Will. Burel 
of Hevyngham and Andrew Huberd of Straton all his lands, 
tenements, and messuage, in Hevyngham and Marsham, except 
a small house at the east of the messuage '' pertinente ad artificium 
fabri."—Hevingham, Monday after Purif. B.M.V., 38 Ed. III. 


1871. John de Herlyngge, John de Berneye, Nicholas, parson 
of the church of Boton, and William Curszon release to Will. 
Cat and Margaret his wife their rights in Riptonhalle and Park- 
halle. Witnesses : Sir Will. de Wychingham, Will. de Clere, and 
others. Hevingham, 45 Edward III. 


1411. Robert Mauteby to Henry Katt. Covenant to settle 
Hevingham manor on marriage. French. Easter Monday, 
12 Hen. IV. 


1489. Deed of Henry Catt of Hevingham, reciting a feoffment 
of all his manors in Norfolk to William Bishop of Salisbury, by 
name of Master Will. Askewe, clerk, Will. Yelverton, and others, 
to the uses of his will; directing the sale of certain manors for 
payment of debts, with gifts of residue; inter alia, his best Missal 
to his wife Dionysia, for her life, afterwards to the chapel of St. 
Mary in the church of Hevingham for ever, or so long as the 
same should last. 


Declaration under seal by Wizzram [Askew] BisuoP or 
SALISBURY about Catt’s Manor of HEviNGBAM. 


1442. To the Cristen people that this presente wryting see or 
here, I William by the grace of God Bishop of Salisbury sende 
gretyng in our Lord God. Inasmoche as it is said and I am 
enformed that Henry Catte late of Hevyngham in the county of 
Norff., squir, shuld have died seised in his demene as of fee in 
the manor of Hevyngham and other his manors lands and 
tenements rents and services with thappurtenances in the said 
county of Norff., and for as moche as it 18 merytory and byhofful 
(behoveful) to witnesse trouth and to put away perjurie and other 
perill, I by this my writyng witnesse and thus notifie that the 
sailed Henrye the fiftene year of the reigne of our soverayne lord 
the King that now is, me at that tyme being person of the 
churche of Hevyngham aforesaid, made & lawful feoffment of the 
said manor and other of his said manors landes and tenementys 
in the said counte of Norff. to me and to William Yelverton, 
Robert Mortymer, and to other, and to our heires in fee for ever 
more, to thentent to do and performe thereof his will: and we, as 
eommone cours is, suffered the said Henry to occupie by our 
suffrance all his lyve, and otherwise deyde he not seisd in his 
demene of fee ; and this wol I seyn and witnesse as ferre as mine 


44 


estats axith or requireth, and for the more open evidence hereof 
to give my writyng I have sette my seall the xvii day of the 
moneth of Feverere, the xx yere of the reigne of King Henry the 
sixth after the conquest of Inglond. 


1171. Will. Aynse of Hevyngham and Nicholas Lincolne of 
Skothowe demise to John Wotton, '' jurisperito," John Abbes of 
Buxton, sen., and James Jurdon of the same, two messuages with 
closes and 14 acres of land in Hevyngham which they had by 
demise of John Hall of Stratton.—2 Nov. “anno ab inchoatione 
regni Reg. Hen. VI. 49, et readeptionis sue Regie potestatis anno 
primo."  Witn. Rob. Brampton, Will. Vergeons, Rich. 
Arnold, esq., Rob. Bulley, Rob. Marsham, &c. 


1479. Release by John Ryther to his son William; 
reciting that he held a moiety of the manors of Ripton Hall, 
Park Hall and Kerytoft in Hevingham, Marsham, Brampton, 
Stratton next Hevingham, and half the manor of Horsted, called 
Cattes in Horsted, for life, in right of Johanna his late wife, one 
of the daughters and co-heiresses of Margaret Calys sister and 
heiress of Henry Catte; with remainder to his said son William, 
heir of said John and his wife Johanna; which moiety he now 
releases to him.—20 May, 19 Edward IV. 


1479. Edmund Auncell, of Hevingham, ‘‘ husbondman,” 
grants to Thomas Tyler and John Coduham, of the same 
place, five acres of land in Hevingham. Witnessed (inter alios) 
by ''reverendo domino domino Thome (sic) Seroope, episcopo 
Dromorensi." 25 Aug., 19 Edward IV. 


1553. James Boleyn, knight, grants by royal license to Edward 
Lomnour,? esq., and Thos. Payne, gent., the manors of Heving- 
liam, Causton, Cardeston and Ryffehame, which he and his wife 
Elizabeth had by sale of Henry VIII., by letters patent, dated 
22 March, 28th of his reign; to hold of the Queen in capite, by 
military service for the tenth part of one knight's fee, with the 
condition that they should make a recovery to the use of the 
said James and Elizabeth his wife and the longer liver, with 
remainder to the Princess Elizabeth, commonly called the Lady 
Elizabeth's Grace.—9 October, 1 Mary. 


1550. Will of John Martyn of Hevingham. Probate, 
15 March, 1555. 


1557. Will of Robert Martyn, of Hevingham, and probate at 
Aylsham the same year. 


1565. Will of John Thetford, of Heveningham, gent. 


Forty-four other deeds relating to Hevingham between the 
reigns of Edward I. and Eliz. have been examined and 
summarized, and about thirty-three examined from the time of 
Hen. IV. 


* This name is evolved from Le Mynor, through Lemynour, to Lomnour and 
Lumnor. 


45 


SAXTHORPE 
With the Manors of MICKELHALLE and LOUNDHALLE. 


Manor Rozzs. Between 1290 and 16928. 


Courts AND Courts GENERAL. 


Edward I. for the year 18. 

Edward III. for the years 2, 6, 7, 8, 20, 22-86. For Lound- 
halle : 28, 30, 31, 32, 38, 34, 86-50, except 46. Copies (?) 
also of 41,47, 50. (Theroll for the year 2 much damaged.) 

Richard II. 1-28 except 4. (The year 10 is the court of 
Edmund Gurney.) For Mickelhalle: 17. 

Henry IV. For Loundhalle : 1-14, except 8 and 9. 

Henry V. For Loundhalle: 1, 8-8. 

Henry VI. For Mickelhalle : 8, 14-82, 85, 86, 87. For 
Loundhalle: 1-4, 7-12, 16-28, 81-82, 38, 85-88. (The year 4 
is the first court of ‘‘ Oldhalle and others." 6 is the first 
eourt of Sir John Fastolf and others.) 

. Edward IV. For Mickelhalle : 8, 5, 15, 18, 19, 21, 22. 

Richard III. For Loundhalle: 1-8. For Miekelhalle: 1. For 
Saxthorpe: 1. 

Henry VII. For Loundhalle: 1-24. For Mickelhalle: 1, 2, 6, 
12, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, (18, 19, 20, with Matlask). 
For Saxthorpe: 1, 2, 9, 10, 12, 18, 14, 17. 

Henry VIII. For Loundhalle: 1-88. For Mickelhalle: 1-16 
(except 3), 17, 18, 20-28, 25-28, 29. For Saxthorpe: 21. 

Edward VI. For Loundhalle: 1-6. 

Mary. For Loundhalle: 1 and 2 to 5-6, P. and M. For 
Saxthorpe: 4-6. 

Elizabeth. For Loundhalle: 1-28. For Mickelhalle: 11-25. 
(18 is with Briston ; 19 is Sir Christopher Heydon’s first 
Court. For Saxthorpe: 1, 2, 8, 6, 7-17. 

James 1. For Loundhalle: 15 and 18, Sir Henry Hobart's 
Court. For Mickelhalle: 14-20. 


Leet Rozzs:— 


Edward IV. for year 21. Mickelhalle with Byrsten. 

Henry VII. For Mickelhalle : 6, 12, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 28 
(18, with view of frank pledge). For Saxthorpe: 1, 2,9 
10, 12, 18, 14 (1, 2 and 14 with Briston). 

Henry VIII. For Mickelhalle : 1-16 (except 8), 17, 18, 20-28, 
25-29. For Saxthorpe : 21. 

Elizabeth. 1, 2-18. 


Account RoLLs:— 


Edward I. For Loundhalle: Provost's accounts for 25, and 
accounts for 81. Two fragments, temp. Ed. I. 

Edward III. For Loundhalle: Account for 10; Provost's 
for 18; Bailiff's for 24; ‘“‘Serviens” for 29 and 80. 

Richard II. ‘‘ Serviens " for 9 and 10. 

Henry IV. For Loundhalle: Provost's (W. Skottowe) for 6. 

Henry V. For Mickelhalle, Bailiff's for 20-21, 


46 


Henry VI. For Loundhalle: Bailiffs for 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 
20, 91, 98, 24, 95, 27-80, 86-87. For Mickelhalle : 
Bailiff s for 18-21. For Saxthorpe: 12, 18, 25. Messor’s 
and Farmer's for 16. Account of John Bert, Bailiff to Sir 
John Fastolf, 16, 17. 

Mary. For Loundhalle: Bailiffs for 1-5, P. and M. 

Elizabeth. For Loundhalle: 1-8. Sir Christopher Heydon's 

ourt. 


Rental of Mickelhalle, of Edward Grey, Esq. Undated. 


Rental of Loundhalle. Undated, temp. Henry III. 


A very fine rental of Loundhall, temp. Ric. IL,? in good 
preservation, entitled : ‘‘ Manerii de Lound, de liberis custumariis 
et nativis, termini solutionis, videlicet festis Pasche, Johannis 
Baptiste, Michaelis Archangeli, et cetera. Nomina tenentium, et 
cetera." Followed by particulars of 106 money rents, 54 fowl rents. 
‘ Corpusty, Héidone, extenta eorundem; termini solutionis 
redditus, videlieet fest. Purifieationis, Pentecosten, S. Mich. 
Archang. Nomina tenentium, &c." With particulars of 55 
money rents, 16 fowl rents. Huneworth, with 6 money rents, 6 
fowl rents. Memoranda as to rents payable to Dominus de 
Brewse, Dominus de Valence, Dominus Ric. Nugun, and others. 
Attached is an ancient list of tenements liable to the office of 
messor in rotation. 


Rental of Loundhalle, in the time of Joan, Countess of Hert- 
ford, daughter of Edw. I. 


SUMMARIES OF DEEDSs. 


Helvisa de Wendenval grants to Geoffrey le Cras the 
land and tenement which Elgar Kide, merchant, held of her 
aneestors in the vill of Saxthorp ''et libere adquisivit," to 
hold **ita quod nen faciat venditionem terrarum nee more nec 
turbarum, nec destructionem, sed accipiat ad mensuram quod ad 
vietum sufficiat ardendi in domo propria." After his death to 
the heirs of him and his wife Elviva, daughter of the said Elgar. 
Rent of 2s. 10d., quarterly, and one hen or one penny for 
2 aeres, of the fee of Wikemere; two shillings for scutage. 
Reeord of homage by Geoffrey and delivery of deed sealed by 
Helvisa, ‘‘ pro salute anime Ruellenni fratris mei in eujus servicio 
idem Galfridus multum laboravit." 

Witnesses: Willam her chaplain, Ralph le Nugun, Nicholas 
his son, Robert Tirel, Roger de Croft, Roger de Saule, Robert 
de Kent, Simon de Crosdale, Godfrey ehaplain, and many others. 
Oblong seal, broken, in green wax, a fleur-de-lis; “.. . Avelise 
de..... ” | 


* A faint note at the head, in a hand of late 15th oent., runs thus: ''Patet esse 
tempore Ric. 2 per rot. cur. in nominibus tenentium." 








47 


Ralph de Clere releases to Ranulph Fitz Robert, Lord of 
Lound in Saxthorp, all his right in a rent of 8s. which was 
paid for the submersion of his common by the mill pond of 
Lound Mill; also of his right of turbary in the pool beyond 
the old course of the river, with rights of fishery, &c. 
The said Ranulph grants to said Ralph de Clere half the profits 
of the mill of Lound, provided that he pays half the expenses 
and costs thereof, and that his whole suit of villeins of all the 
homage pertaining to his manor of Styntone grind their corn at 
the mill. 

Witnesses: Richard de Langcroft, Ralph de Nuion, Richard his 
son, Ralph de Irmynglond, Godfrey de Irmynglond, Robert 
Parker, Adam de Aula, John Josep, Simon de Crosdale. 

À copy, made probably about A.D. 1800. 


Ralph de Brus, keeper of the manor of Lund in Saxthorp, 
grants to Sigar de Oultone, for sixteen marks, all his tenements in 
Iteringham (except the homages of Skut of Iteringham) ; also 
Legatemill in Saxthorp; to hold the tenement and mill of him 
and his heirs in fee and inheritance ; rendering yearly ‘de censu 
23s. and three halfpence and two capons; for the lord’s aid, 
14 pence to the mark, “et ad plus plus et ad minus minus," 
‘et similiter ad omne servitium forinsecum.”’ 

Witnesses: Sir Roland de Averas, Sir Ralph de Clere, Ralph 
his son, Ralph de Irmigland, Richard de Nugun, William Bainard, 
Geoffrey de Beck '* serviente domini," William Bainard, Ranulph 
de St. John, and all the lord's soke. 


Ralph de Brus grants to Robert son of Sigar de Oweltune, 
for six marks of silver, all the tenement that Sigar his father 
held of him, as in the preceding charter. 


[c. 1200-20.] Ralph de Nugun, grants to Roger son of 
Steingrim of Corpesti all the land which he holds of Warin 
de Salla in Corpesti, viz., in Mueclelund and Litelelund, . for 
one mark and *' pro uno bisantio quod dedit Sabine uxori mes," 
paying annually 26d. and two capons. 

Witnesses: Ralph de Irmingheland, Symon son of Alan, Richard 
son of Nicholas, Warin de Tithebi, Benedict his brother, Robert 
the merchant, Richard Fitz Warin, Matthew de Storh', Adam de 
Aula, Everard son of Stengrim, Richard de Norwich, Everard son 
of Hugh. 


[1252.] 86 Hen. fil. Joh. Gervase and John, sons of Roger 
son of Arnald, grant to Simon son of Roger de Birston all the 
land of Roger their father in the vill of Saxtorp, ‘de feodo 
Templi Gerosolomitani," to hold free of all secular exactions at a 
rent of 2s. yearly. 

Witnesses: Godfrey de Irmigl[ond], Bartholomew his brother, 
Geoffrey son of Simon de Irmigl[ond], Ralph his son, Roger de 
Irming|lond], Arnald de Irming[lond], Simon de Crosedale, 
Nicholas Morel, Richard de la Croft, Richard the baker, Joh. 
Joseph, Geoffrey the smith, Robert son of Adam de Corpesti. 











48 


John son of Joseph de Saxtorp to William de Peletot. Grant 
of land ealled Marlepit, and buildings between the free land of 
Saxtorp church and land of Robert son of Eda de Lund. 

Witnesses: Sir Nicholas de Bernigham, knight, Walter Tirel, 
Godfrey de Irmiglond, Bartholomew his brother, Geoffrey de 
Irmiglond, Ralph his son, Roger de Corpesti, Hugh his brother, 
Richard de Crufta, Nicholas Morel, Simon de Brisstune, Simon de 
Crosedale, Nicholas Cappe, Robert Coli, Geoffrey the smith. 
Seal. 


Roger, son of the late Simon de Birston of Saxthorp, grants 
to Robert son of the late Robert Ode of Saxthorp, a piece of 
land at Saxthorp which Robert acquired from Robert Hunewyne, 
and two pieces which Adam son of John de Glosdale acquired 
from John Joseph. 

Witnesses : Ralph de Hirminglond, John de Hirminglond, 
Roger le Cres of Saxthorp, Roger his son, John le Neuman, 
Simon de Crosdale, Nieholas the tanner, Robert the tanner, Luke 
Bate, Edmund Pilyng. Small seal. 


Robert son of the late Lucy de Coventre, daughter of John 
de Coventre, grants to John his brother all his right in the 
land of his mother at Saxthorp, which she held of the lady 
Helewisa de Wendeval. 

Witnesses: Walter Tyrel, Nicholas Morel, Simon de Birston, 
Simon de Crosdale, Geoffrey the smith, Ralph Mus, Richard de 
Croft, Nicholas Cappe, John le Quyit, Nicholas le Neuman, and 
William de Basingham. 


John Covyn[tre], son of Lucy de Coventre of Ouletoune, 
grants to Robert Ode of Saxtorp, for the sum of 40s., one piece of 
his land lying in Saxtorp in the place called le Ride, one end 
abutting on the land of Sir William de Valence, ‘‘ quae com- 
putatur pro quatuor acris et dim." ; paying annually 2s. 8d., 
and 2d. for a scutage of 40s. ; with power of assignment except 
to religious houses. 

Witnesses: Walt. Tyrel, Walter his son, Nicholas Morel of 
Saxtorp, Simon de Birstune of the same, Roger his son, William 
the tanner of the same, Simon de Crosdale of the same, Geoffrey 
the smith, Ralph Mus of the same, Thomas de Croft of Birstonne, 
Nicholas Cappe of the same, Joh. Quyit of the same. Seal, a 
fleur-de-lis ; ‘* S' Johannis fil’ Lucie de Coventre.”’ 


' Odo de Peletot grants to Stephen son of Adam de Gloresdale 
all that messuage that was Nicholas Gibney's in Saxthorp and 
five acres of land which said Nicholas had in Saxthorp and 
Corpesty of Sir Robert Wendeval, and one piece of land which 
he held of Nicholas Morel, and a piece of land ealled Marlepit- 
lond which his brother William bought of John Josep, and 12d. 
annual rent from a cottage which Sibilla Gibny held of him in 
Saxthorp; ‘‘reddendo inde annuatim dominis feodi servicium 
sieut continetur in cartis quas habui de predictis dominis, et mihi 
et heredibus meis unum obolum ad festum St. Mich,” 








49 


Witnesses : Walter Tyrel of Manyngton, Walter his son, Sir 
William de Parc of Saxthorp, Nicholas Morel of the same, Simon 
de Briston of the same, Roger his son, Robert Ode of the same, 
William his son, Simon de Crosdale of the same, William the 
tanner of the same, Thomas de Croft of Briston, and Nicholas 
Cappe of the same. 


[c. 1260-70.] William de Valence, “ Dominus Panbroch’,” 
grants to Roger le Cras the land and tenement which his 
ancestors held of the grantor's ancestors in the vill of Saxtorp, 
at a rent of 2s. 10d., quarterly, and one hen or one penny for 
half an acre held of his fee of Wykmere. 

Witnesses : Geoffrey Scatelyn, Jordan de Sakevile, knights, 
William de Saxtorp, chaplain, Walter de Bynetre, Simon de 
Birston, Roger his son, Nicholas Morel, Nicholas Cappe, Robert 
Ode, William his son, Ralph de Irmyngland, Geoffrey the smith, 
Richard de Croft. Seal of arms; barry of six, thereon eight 
martlets : '*Sigill Willi de Val...... ” 


John son of the late Lucy de Coventry grants to William son of 
Rob. Ode of Saxthorp, for half a mark, 44 acres ‘‘ inter terram 
Beatricis fil. Lucie versus austrum et terram Johannis fil. Joh. 
Robyn versus aquilonem, et unum capud abuttat supra terram 
Domini Will. de Valence et aliud super regiam viam." 

Witnesses: Sir Richard de Creppingge, knight, Walter Tyrel, 
‘Simon de Birston, Roger his son, Simon de Crosdale, Will. the 
tanner, Nich. Neuman, Will. de Basingham. Seal. 


John le Plomer and Agatha his wife grant to Sir Richard 
de Creppyng and Margaret his wife, ' pro quadam summa 
pecunie,” all their right and title in the Baililond in Saxthorp 
"simul cum dote quando acciderit." 

Witnesses: Bir John de Cokefeld, Sir Ralph de Nougoun, Sir 
Roger de Wolterton, John le Pouere, Thom. de Burston, John de 
Ermilaunde, Simon de Burston, Roger his son, William Ode of 
Saxthorp, Thomas de Apedall, Ralph Godes,Godfrey de Brandeston. 


Ralph son of the Lady Wlviva de Iteringham grants to 
Gervase son of Richer Hare of Saxtorp one piece of land which 
he holds of Robert Siger of Oweltune in Saxthorp, lying between 
land which he holds of Sir William his brother, and the land 
which the sons of Turkill hold of William son of Robert de 
Iteringham, for ten shillings; paying yearly 2d. 

Witnesses: Walter Tyrel, Ralph de Irminglond, Roger his 
brother, Godfrey deIrminglond, Bartholomew his brother, Richard 
de Oweltune, Benedict his brother, John de Corpesti, Symon de 
Crosedale, Nicholas Morel, John Joseph, Martin the clerk of 
Saxtorp, Richard the baker of Corpesty. Seal, a cross; ''Sigill 
Radulfi de Hiteringham." 


Simon son of Simon de Crosdale of Saxtorp grants to Godfrey 
son of Ralph Totinger of Saxtorp three acres in Saxtorp for 
three marks and a yearly rent of 8d.; with power to give to 
assigns, “‘ exceptis domibus religiosis." 


17118 D 





50 


Witnesses: Ralph de Irminglond, John his son, Walter Tyrel 
de Manington, Walter his son, Nicholas Morel of Saxtorp, Simon 
de Birston, Roger his son, William son of Robert Ode of Saxtorp, 
William the tanner of the same, Nicholas le Neuman of the 
same, Robert Simenel of Irminglond. Dated Sunday after f. of 
SS. Peter and Paul. Seal. 


[1975.] Hugh Tyrel and Matilda his wife release to Richard 
de Crepping, his heirs and assigns, all their right in a mill 
at Saxthorp called Gate mille, which they had by way of dowry 
on the death of Thomas Syger, former husband of the said 
Matilda, to hold for the lives of the said Hugh and Matilda, 
rendering yearly three quarters of barley as good as comes 
commonly to the mill; with power to seize the barley by their 
bailiff for the time being if in arrear for 8 days.—Saxthorp, 
Tuesday after f. of St. Katherine V., 8 Edw. I. 

Witnesses: Ralph de Irmingland, John his son, Bawdwine de 
Cankewell, Hugo le Parlene, Simon de Birston, Roger his son, 
Roger de Crosdale, Robert Simenel, Walter de Appleby, clerk. 


. 1277. Stephen son of Adam de Gloresdale grants to William 
son of Robert Ode of Saxthorp all the messuages that were 
formerly Nicholas Gibny's in Saxthorp, 5 acres which the said 
Nicholas held of Robert de Vendeual, and a piece of land called 
Marlepitlond, which William de Peletot bought of John Josep. 


1977. Juliana daughter of Robert Tyrel of Saxthorp, widow, 
grants and quit-claims to Robert Ode of Saxthorp and Matilda 
his wife all her rights in all the tenement with the houses, etc., 
that belonged to Robert Tyrel, her father, in Saxthorp, for 45s., 
with all liberties, etc., as contained in the charter of feoffment of 
Helewisa de Vendewal.—Dated Sunday before f. of St. Gregory 
the Pope, 5 Edw. fil. Hen. 1276[-7]. 

Witnesses: Sir William de Park of Saxthorp, chaplain, 
Walter Tyrel of Manington, Walter his son, Simon de Birston 
of Saxthorp, Roger his son, Nicholas Morel, William the tanner, 
Simon de Crosdale, Ralph Mus, all of the same, Thos. de Croft 
of Birston, Nicolas Cappe of the same, William de Bassingham 
of Manington. Seal: ‘ $’ Juliane fil’ Rob’ Tirel." 


1299. Richard de Hertford, rector of the church of Saxthorp, 
grants to Simon de Creppingge, son and heir of Sir Richard de 
Creppingge, knight, permission to have, during his life, divine 
service performed in a proposed oratory or chapel near his court 
in Saxthorp, ‘‘ per idoneum capellanum "; provided that he 
attend the parish church on the four greater feast days of the 
year, and that the offerings be paid over. Dated at Possewyk, 
Tuesday after the f. of St. Hilary, 27 Edw. [I]. 


Parpon to Simon CnEPPING by Epvw. II. 


1818. 1 Aug. Edwardus Dei gracia Rex Anglie Dominus 
Hibernie et dux Aquitanie, omnibus ballivis et fidelibus ad quos 
presentes litere pervenerint salutem. Sciatis quod cum Simon de 





51 


Creppingges nuper implacitasset, ut accepimus, Johannem le 
Neweman coram Justiciariis nostris de Banco per breve nostrum, 
de uno messuagio, sex acris terre, quatuor acris prati et tribus 
acris pasture cum pertinenciis in Saxthorp, idemque Simon coram 
prefatis Justiciaris nostris in curia nostra per consideracionem 
ejusdem curie messuagium, terram, pratum et pasturam 
predictam versus eundem Johannem per defaltam post defaltam 
recuperasset, ac postmodum idem Johannes suggerens in curia 
nostra coram eisdem Justiciariis quod ipse in loquela predicta 
summonitus, seu visus de eisdem tenementüs factus non fuit, 
quodque tenementa illa in manum nostrum capta non fuerunt, 
ut est moris, breve nostrum de deceptione versus prefatum 
Simonem impetraverit, de qua quidem deceptione idem Simon 
eoram prefatis Justiciariis nostris ad prosecutionem dieti 
Johannis convictus fuit et prisone nostre ea occasione adjudicatus, 
in qua sic adhuc ut dieitur detinetur: Nos eidem Simoni volentes 
super hoe gratiam facere specialem, perdonavimus ei id quod ad 
nos pertinet de imprisonamento et deceptione supradictis: 
Nolentes quod predictus Simon per nos vel heredes nostros, 
justiciarios, vicegerentes, seu alios ballivos vel ministros nostros 
quoseunque inde occasionetur in aliquo seu gravetur. In eujus 
rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste 
me ipso apud Notingh. primo die Augusti anno regni nostri 
undecimo. Per ipsum Regem, nunciante magistro Thoma de 
Cherletone. Fragment of seal. 


1812. Luke Bate of Saxthorp grants release to Sir Simon de 
Creppinge, knight, of all actions, claims and demands which he 
might have against Richard de Creppinge and Margaret his 
wife.— Saturday after Easter, 4 Ed. II. 


1819. John le Neuman of Saxthorp releases to Sir John de 
Merewrth, knight, and Margaret his wife, daughter and heiress 
of Simon de Creppingge, and to all their tenants, both free and 
serfs, and to Ralph Gerveys of Saxthorp, chaplain, and Reginald 
Fox of Corpesty, clerk, and all men whom it concerns, all 
actions, elaims, debts and demands on aecount of any trans- 
gression or deception against him by the said Simon de 
Crepping or any in his name, for which he has recovered against 
the said Simon ‘‘ sexcies viginti et decem libras in curia domini 
Regis."—Baxthorp, Sunday after Nat. of St. John Bapt., 
19 Edw. fil. Edw. 


1824. John le Neweman of Saxthorp releases to Bir John de 
Merewrthe, knight, and Marjory his wife and all their tenants 
in Saxthorp, Corpesti, Irminglond, etc., all actions, quarrels and 
demands occasioned by any transgression by them done to him 
in the time of Sir Simon de Crepping or after his decease.— 
Saxthorp, Sunday after Translation of St. Thomas the Martyr, 
17 Ed. fil. Edw. 


1886. Release by Reginald de Bilney of all actions and 
demands against Sir John Mereworth and Hugh de Derby.— 
Saxthorp, Tuesday before f. of St. Luke, 9 Edw. III. French. 








52 


1861. Indenture of grant by Sir Ralph de Cromewelle, knt., 
to Esmon Gurnay of the wardship and marriage of William son 
of William (Dautre), heir of Margaret widow of John de 
Mereworth, with the manor of Loundhall, for 86 marks of silver. 
—Westbarsham, Monday after St. John Bapt., 85 Edw. III. 
French. 


1368-77. Record of Assize on a claim against Leonell Dautre 
and John de Bery for wrongful disseisin of Dautre's assigns at 
Saxthorp, showing the descent of the owner, William Dautre, 
from Simon Crepping through the marriage of Simon's daughter 
Margaret to Sir John de Mereworth.— Between 41-50 Edw. III. 


* Mem. quod Edwardus Gurney anno xxxvi. E. tertii perquisivit 
de Radulfo Cromewell custodiam Willelmi Dawtery consanguinei 
Margerie Mereworth ac custodiam manerii de Saxthorp. 

Mem. Johannes Gurney obiit anno ix. H. quarti et Johannes 
Drew super [vix ]it."' 


1867. William Dautre grants to Ralph de Beston, parson of 
the church of Harpelee, Thomas de Beston, and Simon 
Gurwhant, the manor at Saxthorp. [This enfeoffment is 
defended and maintained in the preceding record of assize.]— 
Sauxthorp, Monday before f. of St. Katherine V., 41 Edw. III. 


1872. William son of William Dautre grants and quit-claims 
to Thomas de Beston and Simon Gurquant, chaplain, all his right 
in the manor of Saxthorp called Loundhall.—West Lexham, 
Sunday after f. of St. Matthias, 46 Edw. III. [See the two 
preceding documents. | 


1377. Thomas de Beeston and Simon Gurwhan, chaplain, 
grant to Hamon de Felton, William de Elmham, Ralph. de 
Shelton, knts., William de Gunthorp, rector of the church of 
Fakenham, Edmund Gurnay, William Wynter, Clement de 
Bretthenham, Edmund de Clypesby, and John Gurnay, the 
manor of Loundhalle in Saxthorp.—Wednesday after f. of 
St. Agnes, 50 Edw. III. 


1890. William Dautre grants to John Gurnay, John Wynter, 
Richard Creyke, and Simon Baret his manor of Saxthurp called 
Loundhalle, in exchange for the manors of West Lexham and 
Gurnays in Wotton, with the wards, &c. ‘‘ ef cum omnibus nativis 
et eorum sequelis," with all the appurtenances of the manor in 
the vills of Saxthorp, Corpesty, Irmynglond, Heydon, Bernyng- 
ham Parva, Plumstede, Briston, Eggefeld, Itringham and 
Honeworthe.—Saxthorp, Monday after Whitsunday, 18 Ric. II. 


1891. Fine levied at Westminster before Roberd de Cherlton, 
Will. Thirnyng, Will. Rikhill, John Wadham and Richard 
Sydenham, justices, between Robert de Martham, John, vicar 
of the church of Saxthorp, Robert, parson of the church of 
Great Rakheythe, and Matthew, parson of the church of Little 
Rakheythe, and John de Yelverton and Margaret his wife, con- 
veying to the four former a messuage, 50 acres of land and 











53 


2 acres of meadow in Saxthorp, for 100 marks paid to said John 
Yelverton and his wife. A previous fine in 14 Rich. II. had 
conveyed the property for 50 marks.—Octave of Bt. Joh. Bapt., 
15 Rie. II. 


1394. Simon Baret of Hecham releases to John Gurnay all 
his right in the manor of Saxthorp called Loundhalle which the 
said John Gurnay, John Wynter, Richard Creyk and the said 
Simon acquired from Will. Dautre.—Bakunsthorp, Monday 
before St. Bartholomew Ap., 18 Ric. II. 


1406. Thomas Erpyngham, Robert Berneye, Ralph Shelton, 
knights, John Wynter and John Yelverton, demise to John 
Gurnay, esq., John Drewe, clerk, William Brygg and Thomas 
Taseburgh, the manor of Saxthorp called Loundhalle, which 
manor they lately had by feoffment of the said John Gurnay.— 
Saxthorp, Monday before Annunciation B. M. V., 7 Hen. IV. 


Same date, Power of Attorney by grantors to deliver seisin. 


1407. John Gurnay, John Drewe, parson of the church of 
Harpele, ànd Thomas Taseburgh grant to Robert Morle, knight, 
Thomas Astle, John Boson, Robert Brunham, burgess of Linn 
Episcopi, John Eyre of Skulthorp and John Person of Massing- 
ham 20{. of annual rent from their manor in Saxthorp called 
Lonndhallo.  Baxthorp, 1 April?, [*xxxij mensis Marcü" !], 
8 Hen. IV. 


1409. Alice Gurnay, late wife of John Gurnay, releases to 
Simon de Felbrigge, Robert Berneye, Roger Drewry, knights, 
Robert Mauteby, Edmund Oldhall, Edmund Wynter, Clement 
Herward, Robert Wynter, clerk, and Will. Howlyn, clerk, all her 
right in the manor of Saxthorp called Loundhalle, which the said 
Simon, &c., had by feoffment of John Drury, clerk, and Thos. 
Tasburgh.—Saxthorp, Thursday before Nat. S. Joh. Bapt., 
10 Hen. IV. 


1410. Simon de Felbrigg, Robert Berneye, Roger Drewry, 
knights,. Robert Martham, Edmund Oldhalle, Edmund Wynter, 
Clement Herward, Robert Wynter, clerk, and William Howlyn, 
clerk, demise to John Wynter, esq. , and Alienora his wife 
the manor of Saxthorp called Loundhalle, which they lately had 
by feoffment of Roger Drewe, clerk, and Tho. Tasburgh, to hold 
to the said John and Alienora for their lives, with remainder to 
the grantors.—Saxthorp, Thursday in Whitsun week, 11 Hen. IV. 


1412. Alice, widow of John Gurnay and of John Wynter, John 
Drewe, parson of the ehurch of Harpelee, William de Snetesham, 
and William Morel, chaplain, execute deed of arrangement for 
sale of the manor of Saxthorp for payment of the debts of said 
John Gurnay.—Bakenesthorp, Tuesday after the week of 
St. Hilary, 18 Hen. IV. 


1426. Clement Herward, John Grene, John Drew, clerk, and 


John Baxtere of Honyng appoint Nicholas Manne, chaplain,. 


54 


and Walter Arnold, attorneys to deliver seisin to William 
Oldhalle, Thomas Kyngston, knights, William Alyngton of the 
county of Cambridge, esq., William Fynderne, esq., W. Kynge, 
chaplain, John Harleson, esq., and John Conteshale, of the manor 
of Loundhalle.—81 July, 4 Hen. VI. 


1428. The path called ''Peddersty" and the way called 
‘“Walsingham waye” are mentioned in a feoffment dated at 
Saxthorp, St. George the Martyr, 6 Hen. VI. 


1428. William Oldhalle, knt., and Thomas Kyngeston, knt., 
release to John Fastolf, knt., Henry Inglose. knt., John 
Kirtling, clerk, Henry Sturmer and John Lynford, all their 
right in the manor of Loundhall.—Saxthorp, 9 June, 6 Hen. VI. 
Oldhall’s seal, a lion rampant, remains. 


1429. Edmund Wynter, esq., grants to John Fastolf, Henry 
Inglose, knts., John Fastolf, esq., John Kyrtling, clerk, Henry 
Sturman and John Lynford, their heirs and assigns, all his 
tenement called Odes in Saxthorp and all his land in Saxthorp, 
Briston, Manyngton, and Stafford Berningham, which he had 
(in common with John Braunche, John Hagon and Thomas 
Robyns, parson of the church of Berningham) from Thomas 
Barker of Bernigham, son and heir of John Barker of Saxthorp 
[by deed in 10 Hen. V.]—Saxthorp, 12 May, 7 Hen. VI. 


1442. Will. Oldhall, kt., releases to John, Cardinal Archbp. 
of York, John Archbp. of Canterbury, W. Bishop of Winchester, 
Ralph Lord Cromwell, Ralph Lord Sudley, John Lord 
Beauchamp, John Fortescue, Ch. Justice of the Common Pleas, 
William Yelverton, Justice of the same, Richard Waller, esq., 
Will. Tolye, Clement Denston, Thomas Ludham, Thomas Howys, 
clerks, Thomas West, esq., William Wangford, Nicholas 
Gyrlyngton, William Genneye, and Thomas Grene, all his right in 
the several manors and tenements formerly held by him jointly 
with them under the grant of Sir John Fastolf, viz., in the 
manors of Castre in Flegge by Great Yernemouth, Redham halle, 
Vaux and Bosons, advowson of St. Jo. Baptist there, manor of 
Hemsby, 25 marks rent of Hickling priory from Netherhall 
manor, one third part of Runham manor, manor of Wynterton 
called Begvyles, manor of Boyton called Pedhamhall, manor of 
Mundham with the advowson of the church of St. Ethelbert, 
manor of Heylesdon and advowson of the church and two 
chantries there and the water mills, manor of Drayton and the 
advowson, manor of Felthorp with the advowson, half the church 
of Taverham, manor of Heynford with the advowson, manor of 
Guton in Brandeston with the advowson, manor of Blyclyng with 
the appurtenances, manor of Loundhall, in Saxthorp, with water 
mill and appurtenances, manor of Tichewell with the appur- 
tenances ; and all lands in Caistor, Great Ormesby, Scroutby, and 
forty-five other places in Norfolk, tenements in Norwich, manor 
of Caldecotys, and manors and lands in other places in Suffolk, 
manor of Dedham, Netherhalle and Overhall in Essex with the 
watermill, and the manor or messuage in St. Olaves, Southwark in 








55 


Horseydoun in Surrey, with the watermills and appurtenances, 
formerly Henry Yevele’s, and seven houses and 25 acres of 
land in said parish of St. Olave, Southwark, called Dunleys. 
— 12 Jan., 20 Hen. VI. 


1442. Edmund Grey, Lord de Hastynges, Creysfford, and 
Ruthyn, grants to Robert Grey, esq., his manor of Saxthorp. 

Witnesses: John Fastolfe, Henry Ynglose, Thomas Todinam, 
knights.—11 June, 20 Hen. VI. Fine seal of arms. 


1469. William Boleyn occurs as a witness, 9 Edw. IV. 


1470. Edmund Grey, Earl of Kent, William Calthorp, knight, 
Henry Boteler, gent., demise to Humfrey Grey, esq., Thomas 
Tresham, knight, John Bellers, William Catesby, son and 
heir of William Catesby, knight, William Alyngton, William 
ffilddyngs and Everard ffilddyngs, the manor of Saxthorp with the 
appurtenances and advowson of the free chapel.—5 June, 10 Ed. IV. 


1470. John Hunte of Burbage, co. Leicester, yeoman, 
releases to Humfrey Grey, esq., Thomas Tresham, knight, John 
Bellers, William Catesby, son and heir of William Catesby, knight, 
Wm. Alyngton, William ffylddyngs and Everard ffylddyngs, his 
right in the manor of Saxthorp and the advowson of the free 
chapel.—20 July, 10 Edward IV. 


1472. John Paston, knight, releases to William Waynflete, 
Bishop of Winton, David Husbond, William Gyfford, clerk, 
Thomas Danvers, William Danvers, and Richard Burton, all his 
right to the manors of Heynford, Saxthorp, ete., formerly John 
Fastolf's, knight.—10 April, 12 Edward IV. 


1472. Will Wayneflete, Bishop of Winton, Thos. Ursewyk, 
knight, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, John Say, knight, David 
Husbond, William Gyfford, John Nele, William Tebard, Richard 
Bernes, Stephen Tyler, clerks, Thomas Pounde, Thomas Danvers, 
William Danvers and Richard Burton, demise to John Morton, 
John Selot, clerks, John Heydon, Hugh Fenne, Henry Heydon, 
John Fyncham, Richard Southwell and Thomas Brampton, the 
manor of Loundhall in Saxthorp and all the lands formerly John 
Fastolf's, and also all the lands, etc., formerly Alienora Wynter's, 
which they had by demise of Robt. Anketell and Nicholas 
Westcote.—10 May, 12 Edward IV. 


1472. William Paston, esq., reciting the seisin of Wm. 
Waynflete, Bishop of Winton, and his co-feoffees of the manor of 
Loundhall and the land late Sir J. Fastolf's, and their demise 
of the same to Jóhn Morton, John Selot and others, releases all 
his right in the said premises to Sir John Morton, etc.— 
1 July, 12 Edward IV. 


1472. Similar release from Sir John Howard, Lord Howard, 
William Yelverton, knight, Thomas Littleton, one of the Justices 
of the King's Common Bench and Wm. Genney, Sergeant-at-law. 
—1 July, 12 Edward IV. 


56 


1473. William Gurnay, esq., releases to John Morton, John 
Selot, clerks, John Heydon, Hugh Fenne, Henry Heydon, Richard 
Southwell, esqs., all his claim in the manor of Lound Hall, with 
the lands, etc., formerly Sir John Fastolf's.--14 Jan., 12 Edw. IV. 


1474. William Yelverton, knight, grants to Robert Wyngteld, 
knight, Thomas Brewes, knight, William Yelverton, esq., son of 
the said William Yelverton and the lady Ela his late wife, Robert 
Brewes, jun., William Wayte and John Motte all his messuages, 
lands and tenements in Saxthorp and Irminglond.—27 Dec., 
14 Edw. IV. 


1547. Fine between Richard Heydon and Rowland Shakerley 
and Anna his wife, and Robert Bedyngfeld, deforciant, con- 
veying to the said Robert the manor of Micklehall in Saxthorp, 
with 80 houses, 20 tofts, 300 acres of land, 40 acres of meadow, 
100 acres of pasture, 20 acres of wood, 500 acres ‘‘camporum 
et bruarium," and the advowson of the free chapel of St. 
Dunstan in Saxthorp.—15 days after Easter, 1 Ed. VI. 


[1549.] Sept 26, 8 Edw. VI. Sir Thomas Woodhous, of 
Waxham, knt., conveys to Christopher Heydon, esq. ‘‘totam illam 
nuper capellam S. Dunstani in Saxthorp, et totum scitum 
ejusdem nuper capelle, et omnes illas decimas garbarum, 
granorum, bladorum, lane, agnellorum, et feni, et alias decimas 
quascunque annuatim ut de tempore in tempus crescentes, 
provenientes, sive renovantes, in villa et campo de Saxthorp 
predicta, modo vel nuper in tenura sive occupatione Anthonii 
Temple, dicte nuper capelle S. Dunstani in Saxthorp predicta 
dudum spectantes et pertinentes."  Recites a grant from the 
Crown of 29 Sept. in the previous year of the Chapel to 
Sir Thomas Woodhous. With seal and signature. 


[1558.] March 81, 7 Edw. VI. Building lease from 
Sir Christopher Heydon, knt., to William Empson, of Saxthorpe, 
miller, of Lound Mill, for 21 years, at sixty shillings a year; the 
said lessee to “‘ mak, frame, sett up, and fynyshe one watremylle 
with all things necessarye in all purposes for the goyinge of a 
corne mylle or fullers mylle, in the place where the olde fullynge 
mylle was sometyme edyfyed at Lounde Wood in Saxthorpe, and 
also that he the s&me Wyllym shall repare and make the 
dammes and cawnses, and repare and amende the olde mylle 
hous now ther edyfyed." 


Bailiffs covenant with Sm Jon Fasrorr for farming the 
manor. [Hen. VI.] 


“This Indenture made at Castre the 15 day of August 
wytnesseth that John Bert baily of Saxthorp hath made 
covenant wyth John Fastolf knyth that he at the said S" John 
Fastolf's costages shall done erye sowe and harwyn at Saxthorp 
Ixx [acres] of divers cornes, that is to sayn xl acres of ote 
xx acres of barley x acre of pesen, which shall ben in due and 
sesonable tyme, the said John Bert takyng for erying and 





57 


sowyng and harwyng of yche acre of ote x‘, for yche acre of 
barly at all erthes cutte thereof 2° 24, and for yehe acre of 
pesyn at the sowyng and harwyng thereof ix’, and the said 
Sir John Fastolf wyl and graunteth that en cas the said John 
Bert may lete sufficient ferme these said landis or part thereof 
that he panne for as many londes as he so leteth xal ben 
discharged of the saith earth and sowyng; and if there be mo 
londes in the said Fastolf is hands the said John Bert graunteth 
to erye and sowe them under the same ferme. 

(Endorsed.) Item, the said John Bert shal kepe and answer of 
covynet partriches and fesaunts within the wareyn of Eynford 
and Saxthorp, so that no defaute may be found in hym by the 
hommages of the lordshepes." 


Many other deeds relating to lands here have also been 
examined and summarized, viz. :— 

Nine temp. Edw. I. 

Fifteen temp. Edw. III. 

Sixteen temp. Rich. TI. 

Eight temp. Hen. IV. 

Eight temp. Hen. V. 

Three temp. Hen. VI. 

Eight temp. Edw. IV. 

Three temp. Hen. VIII. 

Seven temp. Edw. VI. 

One temp. Mary. 

Three temp. Eliz. 

Two temp. James I. 


TINTERN ABBEY. 


1518, March 10. Grant from Abbot Thomas and the Convent 
of St. Mary of Tinterne to Henry Palmere, of Moughton, of 
twenty-six acres of land, a piece of water called The Pounds, etc., 
at Acle, at an annual rent. 


Sr. MARY'S ABBEY, YORK. 


1518, Oct. 16. Letter of Proxy from Edward [Whalley] 
Abbot of St. Mary's, and the Convent, to John Diatson, Prior 
of their cell of Romburge in the diocese of Norwich, John 
Longe, M.A., and Robert Burghe, Proctor General of the Con- 
gistory of Norwich, to appear on their behalf before the Bishop 
of Norwich, his commissaries and delegates, in all matters con- 
nected with the cell. 


1568-1567. A bundle of papers relating to an arbitration 
by Thomas Gawdy and John Blennerhasset on a difference 
between William Blennerhasset and Sir Richard Southwell as 
to the partition of certain rights under a joint lease of Horsford 
Park. The correspondence contains several letters of Sir 
Richard Sackville, P.C., the father of Thomas Sackville, Earl of 
Dorset. 


58 


1526. Will of Helen Carter, of Horsham. 

*In Dei nomine Amen. I helyn Carter, widow, of Horsham 
Saint Fethes, beyng in my good mynde this 80' day of August 
in the yere of our Lord God MCCCCCXXVI thus order my will. 
Inprimis I commende my soul to Almyhte God, to Our Lady 
Saint Mary, to the virgin and martyr Sente Feyth and all the 
holy company of hevn, and my body to be buried in a covenient 
place there as it shall please master prior of Sant Feythes or my 
son Dawne John Carter to doo, to wit I leve and bequeath to 
Master Prior of Sant Feythe and to Dawne John Carter my son 
all my goodis movable and unmoveable upon this condition that 
they dispose my said goodis in the manner following: First I 
will that the said M. Prior and my son Dawne John Carter shall 
kep me with my own goods unto the tym of my dethe, and 
afterwards I dispose it to the most pleasure of God as follweth, 
Item I will that all the profyghts of my tenement lying in the 
parish of Saint Olave within Noruich remain to Dawne John 
Carter my son for the term of his life soe that he offer every 
fridaie in the year on penye, and after his decease I will it shall 
remayne to the said prior and convent, as makith mention in a 
deed of gift indented which remayneth with them. Also I will 
that my tenement with the appurtenances thereto belonging 
lying in the parish of Horsham foresaid remayn to the said 
John my son for the term of his life so that he syng every yer 
by the space of xx yeares or cause to be song Seynt Gregorys 
trentall, and after his decease the said trentall to be song amongst 
the brethren of the said place for the said term afore rehersed, 
and so after the said term to remayn to Geoffrey Hagon and his 
asseyns paying the some of ten pounds to my said son as is 
before rehersed. Also I bequeth to the church of Horsham 
Seyne Feythes one acre and half of free land lying in the field of 
Seynte Feythe foresaid to thentent that the churchwardens of the 
said churche shall find reparation of the crosse being in the 
churchyard of Horsham newly edified by me. All the residew 
of my goods nott bequethed I putt to the good disposition of 
Daun John Carter be the licens of master prior and Robert 
Warden, worstedman, of Noruyche foresaid, and I pray master 
supprior of the said monastery to be my supervisor of this my 
former and last will. These being witnesses, Raff (legible) 
and John Collett of the s&me town. 

Also I will that Alice Parkes alias Saker have my said 
tenement in the parish of Saint Olaves foresaid to ferme by the 
space of lx yeares, aceording to an indenture and the obligation 
made to the said helyn and to her assignes or her certain 
attorney. 

[Endorsement.] Be it remembered that I the said Daune John 
Carter within Noruich have reseyved for my modyrs goodys Helen 
Carter wyth in Norwich xlli., That ys to say for all the stuff of 
howyssholde and all other utensyll be langyn to the same Helen. 
Also here followeth the expenses. I the said Daun John Carter 
disposyd for my said modyr at my own meynde without any com- 
maundment of my said modyr, In primis, for hyr beryall govyn 














59 


in elmess xxxs. Item govyn to the prior and to the convent for 
her beryall x*. Item govyn for her vii day kept at ye parish 
chureh x]?. Item for her xxx*^ day spent in elmess in ye said 
parish xxxiü* & 4%. Item hyr grave light the space of a yer 
or more vi* & viii". Item the grave stone lyging upon her, at 
the monastery xlvs. vi‘. Item her crosse in the said parish 
church yeerde iii. Item for her twelvemonths day pore folkys 
xii’. Item paye for the Probate of this Elens wille nui. Item 


plate of her obite day in the monastery . . . vt. . . 
any wyse said Robert Warden kepe the seyd will term of his life 

. . Indenture of thre parts, on for the convent, anodyr 
for the parish church, the third for Alice Parker, and after the 
said Robertes deceas to be delivered on to the supprior of the 
monastery the supervysor of the said will to remain in a common 
coffyr of theyrs, that the said M. Prior and covent and the 
foresaid parish church may have ther bequests that the said Elen 
gave them by this present testament. 


Summa totalis expensarum per me Joh. Carter xlili. xiis. 11112.” 


LANGLEY ABBEY. 
Manor RoLs. Between 1265 and 1648. 


Courts AND Courts GENERAL (no Court Lete occurs) for the 
years :— 


Henry III. 49. 

Edward II. 16-20. 

Edward III. 1-49. 

Henry IV. 49. 

Henry V. 1-9. 

Henry VI. 81-89. 

Edward IV. 1-8, 5, 8, 9, 12, 14, 15, 16, 18, 20, 22. 

Richard III. 2. Also extracts. 

Henry VII. 1, 2-18, 20, 28, 24; and for Carleton Bastewyk, 
1. Also extracts. 

Henry VIII. 1, 8-18, 80-85. For Carleton Bastwyk, 21, 
28, 24. Alsoa bundle of extracta. 

Edward VI. 8-7. Also extracts. 

Mary. A bundle of extracts. 

Elizabeth. 2-44 (some in draft). 9-10 is the first court of 
Riebard Barney, with roll of tenants having rights of 
common on Lang Marshe. There are also a number of 
drafts relating to Richard Barney's rights in the manor. 
Also & bundle of various extracts. 

James I. 1-5, 14-22. The latter are the courts of Sir 
Henry Hobart. Also a bundle of extracts. 

Charles I. A bundle of extracts. 


60 


BarLiFF8' Account RoLLs, between 1461 and 1608 :— 


Edward IV. 1-8 (7-8 a copy ?) 

Henry VIII. The Collector's account for 2 October, 28 
(1537, the year of the Dissolution). Also an extract for 29. 

Elizabeth. 26-45. 

James I. 1-5. 


1289. Extent and Rental of the Abbot's Manor of Langley, 
17 Edw. I. Parehment; a fine folio volume, in excellent con- 
dition ; ff. 81. 

* Extentum de manerio de Langele cum omnibus pertinentiis 
guis ut in villis de Laungele, Hardele, Chategrave, Thurtone et 
Bergh ac Carletune," made in 1288-9, in the time of abbot Adam 
de Phileby, “ per manum fratris Ricardi de Hanewrth, ejusdem 
monasterii canonici." 

On eight leaves at the beginning of the volume are these 
miscellaneous entries :—1. Rents belonging to the office of 
sacrist. 2. Full description of all the marshes belonging to 
the abbey. 8. Tithes of Langley in Hardele. 4. ''Noticia 
diversarum aquarum jacentium apud mariscum de Lynes." 
5. Writ dated 6 July, 2 Hen. IV., to abbot John to restore land 
to Henry Inglose, esq. 6. Grant by abbot Nicholas of land to 
Denis Wylles, 21 Hen. VI. 7. Particulars of lands in Hardele, 
Langmershe, &c., with the free tenants in Hardele. 8. 
“Extente herbagii in Chattgrave et Hardele pertinencia ad 
manerium Grange." 9. ‘‘Rentale Johannis filii Thome Berneye, 
militis, de manerio suo in Norton juxta Hekyngham." 10. Plea 
at the assizes at Great Jernemuth, 49 Edw. IIL, in a case against 
Sir Thomas de Verney, knt., and Nicholas Hardhend for unjust 
disseisin of Katherine who was the wife of John de Berney. 
11. Note of land held by Thomas de Berney, knt. 12. Note of 
homage made to abbot Ralph at Hekyngham, 12 July, 28 Edw. 
fil. Hen. 18. Rents acquired by the abbot from Sir John 
Reveshale, knt., 5 Edw. II. 

The personal services rendered by the tenants are very fully 
set out in the Rental. Of these the following extract relating to 
one holding affords a sufficient specimen. 


‘ Galfridus Griel qui est quinque akering tenet de villenagio 
Abbatis et conventus septem acras et unam rodam, quarum 
due acre et dimidia, in quibus continetur messuagium suum, 
jacent in crufta sua inter cruftam qus fuit de domo Pres et 
Thome Bigot. Et debet operari annuatim pro tenemento suo 
videlicet a festo S. Mich. usque ad festum S. Martini, per sex 
septimanas, duodecim dimidios dies à mane usque ad nonam, 
sine cibo ; prec. cujuslibet diei unius oboli. Et a festo S. 
Martini usque ad Natale Domini, per sex septimanas, sex 
dimidios dies à mane usque ad nonam, sine cibo; prec. diei ut 
supra. Non debet operari in prima septimana Natalis Domini. 
Et a Cireumeisione Domini usque ad festum Sancte Crucis in 
Maio, per septendecim septimanas, septendecim dimidios dies, a 
mane usque ad nonam, sine cibo; prec. diei ut supra. Eta 


61 


festo Sancte Crucis predicto usque ad festum Johannis Baptiste, 
per octo septimanas, sexdecim dimidios dies & mane usque 
ad nonam, sine cibo; prec. diei ut supra. Et a festo Sancti 
Johannis Baptiste usque ad gulam Augusti, per quinque 
septimanas, decem dies integros, sine cibo; prec. cujuslibet 
diei unius denarii Eta gula Augusti usque ad festum Sancti 
Michaelis, per octo septimanas, viginti quatuor dies integros, sine 
cibo; prec. diei cujuslibet trium obolorum. Qui quidem viginti 
quatuor dies accipiendi sunt circa blada secanda et colligenda, 
mediante equitate et justicia, ne nimis cito accipiantur. Et 
debet facere tres dies integros precarios in autumpno, cum uno 
repastu quolibet dierum ; prec. diei unius denarii. Et debet 
arare cum una caruca integra a festo Sancti Martini usque ad 
Natale Domini qualibet quindena unam arruram; prec. cujuslibet 
arrure duorum denariorum et oboli. Et a Circumcisione Domini 
usque ad festum Sancte Crucis in Maio, per septendecim 
septimanas, qualibet quindena unam integram arruram ; prec. 
unius arrure trium denariorum et oboli. 

Si autem Prior et conventus in festo Sancte Crucis predicto 
non plene perseminaverint set necessario oportet ipsos uberius 
seminare, 81 seminaverint ultra dictum diem Sancte Crucis per 
unam septimanam, tunc faciet unam dimidiam arruram, et 
habebit in predicta dimidia arrura allocationem unius dimidii diei 
de minutis operibus suis. Sed ista ultima arruera non ponitur 
ad precium cum ceteris arruris quia raro accidit. Et debet facere 
unum averagium per annum usque Riveshal ut alibi ad tot leucas ; 
prec. averagii duorum denariorum. Sed in faciendo dictum 
averagium habebit allocationem unius diei dimidii, qui valet 
obolum. Et sic averagium in se valet tres obolos. Et debet 
averagiare per aquam quotiens turnus ad eum venerit, sed habebit 
ea que sibi necessaria fuerint in cibo et potu. Et cum redierit 
et si super averagium per septimanam aut amplius moram 
traxerit, habebit allocationem unius diei aut dimidii tune secundum 
diversitatem temporis anni. Et debet falcare in majori prato cum 
uno homine, et habebit cibum suum, videlicet unum repastum 
tunc. Et debet colligere et cassare in eodem prato cum uno 
homine sine cibo; prec. falcationis et cassationis unius denarii. 
Et debet unam gallinam ad Natale Domini, prec. unius denarii, 
et septem ova ad Pascham, prec. unius quadrantis. Et faciet 
tres cumbos brasii vel dabit duos denarios." 

The last eight leaves are a cartulary for Langle, Hardele, 
Lodnes, and Nortun, and on the reverse of the last leaf is the 
descent of the family of Roger Fitz Roger the founder. 


MiscELLANEOUS DEEDs. 


1585. Extent of Langley Manor, and Copy of Roger Berney’s 
Voucher to purchase the Manor from the King's Commissioners 
27 Henry VIII. 

1587. Patent of grant of Langley Abbey. 28 Henry VIII. 
(27 J an.) | 


62 


1576. A Draft Rental, 18 Eliz. 

À number of 16th century Rentals. 

Boundaries of Gilbert's land ? T'emp. James I. 

Extent and Rental of Roger Berney's manors of Chetgrave, 
Langley, etc. (undated). 

À book containing copies of deeds, extents and rolls of the 
manor of Carleton Bastwyks, Banyards, etc. 

There are between forty and fifty other Deeds relating to 
Langley from the time of Edw. II. to 1696. 

À large and very minute map, on paper, of all the lands of the 
manor of Langley; temp. Charles I. (The watermark on the 
paper is a flower-pot with a crescent above ; this is found used 
from about 1630 to 1645.) 


DisPuTED Riaut of a PARISHIONER tO ATTEND HIS PARISH CHURCH. 


1608. ‘‘ Dr. Redmayne’s letter in the behalf of Burgh parish 
against Langley " (endorsement). Directed ‘To his lovinge 
freinds Mr. Cooe, parson of Burrough Castle, and to Mr. Butts, 
vicar of Langley.” ‘‘Whereas the Inhabitants and dwellers in 
Ravenshall in Norff. have by the space of threescore yeares, or 
thereabouts, repayred upon Sabboth Dayes, ffestivall dayes and 
other tymes appointed for publique prayer by the lawes and 
statutes of this realme of England to the parishe churche 
of Burrough Castle, and not to the parishe churche of 
Langly, being distant from Ravenshall by the space of viii 
miles, and the inhabitants in that howse have by the tyme before 
mencioned receyved the sacraments in the parishe churche of 
Burrough Castle aforesaid, and ther’ paid their offeringes and 
oblacions, and performed all other sacramental rites: And for 
that, the premisses notwithstanding, Edmond Gedge the now 
fermer or dweller in the said howse is lett and hindered by 
the needlesse contention of you and pretensed claim that you 
do make, to have him your parishioner to heare Devine service 
in the parishe church of Burrough Castle® as I am informed : 
theis are to require you without further disturbance to permitt 
and suffer the said Edmond and his famelye to repaire and resorte 
to the parishe churche of Burrough Castle aforesaid upon 
Sabboth dayes and holye dayes and at other tymes appointed for 
publique prayer by the lawes of this realme untill you shall by 
due course of lawe prove and evict him for your parishioner ; 
and further to require you the parson of the churche of Burrough 
Castle aforesaid to admitt him the said Edmond and his famely, 
without sufferinge the churche of Burrough Castle aforesaid 
beinge in possession of him to be dispoyled in that 
behalfe without lawfull and due proofe made by the parson 
or vicar of Langley in that behalfe required: And so I bid you 
farewell: Norwiche, this xiiij of March, 1602. 

Your very lovinge freind, 
R[oBERT] REDMAYNE.” 








— —— — ee — — — — — —- 


* [Read Langley ?] 





68 
WYMONDHAM. 


Manor Rozzs. With the various Manors of GRESHAUGKH (or 
GREISHEIGHE), CROMWELLS, BARNAK, SUTTON, SILFELD, 
WATTELFELD, Norton, RusTEYNS, and Knyverts. Between 
1272 and 1664. 


Courts, Couris GENERAL AND Courts Lets for the years :— 


Edward I. 1-85. 

Edward II. 1, 2, 4, 6-20, except 15. (2 1s the first court of 
Joan de Tateshall; 4, the first court of Thomas de 
Cailly; 12, of Robert de Ufford ; 19 and 20, the courts of 
Joan de Driby, all in Wymondham Manor.) 

Edward III. 1-9, 10, 12, 14, 17, 19, 21-28, 30, 33-51. (41 
is the court of Ralph Crumbwell at Wymondham ; 48 is 
the first court of John Clyfton at Old Bukenham.) 

Richard II. 1-10, 18-18, 20, 21. 

' HenryIV. 1-14. 

Henry V. 1-10. 

Hen. VI. 1-88. Year 12, for Wymondham, contains a copy 
of writ to the Escheator to give seisin to John, son and 
heir of Constantine Clyfton, of all the lands and tenements 
that Margaret, the widow of Constantine, had in dower and 
otherwise to the end of her life. 27 is the first court of 
the feoffees of Sir John Clyfton, R[oger] Lord Say, 
Andrew Oyard and others. 

Edward IV. 1-22. 16 is the first court of William Knyvett 
and Joan his wife, daughter of Humphrey, Duke of 
Gloucester, for Wymondham and Wymondham Gryshaugh. 

Richard III. 1, and various other rolls. 

Henry VII. 8-18, 24. 

Henry VIII. 1-28, except 11. 

Mary. 1; and Philip and Mary. 1. 

Elizabeth. 1-21, 80, 81, 84, 35, 87, 88, 89, 40. 12 is the 
first court for Gryshaugh of Roger Woodhouse, executor 
of the will of Thomas Knyvett, knight. 80-31 is the first 
eourt of Thomas Lovel, Francis Woodhouse, Philip 
Audeley, esquires, inquisitors of the manor of Wymond- 
ham under a settlement on Thomas Knyvett and Katherine 
his wife and their heirs. 89 is the first court of William 
Downs for Wymondham Gryshaugh. 

James I. 1-22. 8 1s the first court of Philip Knyvett for 
Grysaugh Knyvett. 9 is View of Frankpledge. 

Charles I. 6-38, 1651-1664. 7 is for Wyinondham Regis. 
For Wymondham Cromwells in 1651-1661 the courts are 
those of Lady Frances Hobart. 


Barzrrrs’ and Provosts’ Account Rorr8, between 1281 and 1564 :— 


Edward I. For the years 9, 12, 18, 14, 18, 19, 22, 28, 24. 
Edward II. 6, 7, 10, 15, 19, 


64 


Edward III. 1-9,.11, 12, 14-17, 24-27, 82, 84, 36-88, 
41-50 (except 44). Ralph Lord Cromwell occurs as Lord 
of the Manor for the years 16-17, 45-48. There are 

' © Serriens" Accounts for 4-5, 81-82; and an audit of 
Bailiff Accounts for 26. 

Richard II. 1.22. 1-2 are the accounts of the Receivers 
and Bailiff of John de Clyfton. In 8 and 9 Richard Kette 
is Provost for Wymondham. For 18 and 19 there are the 
accounts of the Receivers of Constantine de Clyfton for 
Wymondham manor. For 20 and 21 those of the Bailiff 
of Gilbert Talbot for Wymondham Grisaugh. For 21 and 
22 those of the receipts in Lord Cromwell's manor follow- 
ing the date of the death of the lord. For 22 and 
28 the Court is that of Lady Matilda Cromwell, of Tatis- 
hall. There are Messors’ accounts for Sutton, Silfeld, 
Wattelfeld and Norton for the years 2-16, 21 and 22, and 

** Serviens ” for 18 and 19. 

Henry IV. 1-14, except 12. In 8 and 4 J. Parker acts for 
William Hervy, Provost of Wymondham Manor. In8a 
Deputy Provost acts for Elizabeth Sporell, also of 
Wymondham. In 5 Hugh Kette is Provost for Wymond- 
ham. There are Messors’ accounts for Silfeld, Sutton, 
etc., 1-12. 

Henry V. 1-8,except 6. 4 is for Bokenham Castle. There 
are Messors' accounts for Silfeld, ete. 2-10, except 6. 
John Hardenheth is Messor. 

Henry VI. 1-88, with a few exceptions. There are Farmers' 
accounts for 27, 28, 36, 87. Messors’ for 1-88, with a few 
exceptions. ''Offieium receptoris in com. Norff.”: An 
account of manors, lands, tenements, and other possessions 
of Ralph Lord Cromwell for the years 9-10, 16-17. 

Edward IV. 1, 2, 8, 10-20, except 19. There are Messors’ 
accounts, 10-20, except 19. 

Richard III. 1 and 2 for Bailiffs, Messor's and Market 
account. 

Henry VII. 1-14, 17-18, 22-25. There are the accounts of 
Bokenham Castle for 8-4 ; of the Market Bailiff for 4-7, 9-10, 
15, 16, 21, 22; of the Messor for 1-25, (8-24 is ‘ex parte Fitz- 
william’). The Woodman's accounts also occur for 12-25. 

Henry VIII. 1-8, 7-10, 12-24. Also various accounts on 
paper. 

Mary. Philip and Mary. 1-5. Also Provost’s accounts for 4 
aud 5 for Rusteyns, Calthorp, Gunvile manor. 

Eliz. 1 and 6. 

James I. Various officers’ accounts on paper from 
Henry VIII. to James I. 


MiscELLANEOUS DocuMENTs and DEEDs. 


À bundle of old Rentals, mostly undated. One of 19 Edward I. 
(1291) contains a return of the proceeds of a sale of oak 
timber, 








65 


An ancient extent, undated. 
Rental (containing 16 leaves), temp. Edward III. 


1899. An extent and customary of Wymondham Grisaugh. 
1 Henry IV. 


Another, undated, of Gresaugh and Norton. 


1400-1. Rental and Customary of Wymondham Grysheigh ; 
and Rental and Customary of Wymondham ‘Crunqwelle.’ 
2 Henry IV. 


1428. Sir Ralph Cromwell’s Rental and Customary of manor 
of Rokels Lyttebar. (10?) Henry V. 


1454. Extract of Ralph Cromwell’s will. 
1515. Rental for Wymondham Rusteyns. 6 Hen. VIII. 


An abuttal of lands in Wymondham, with a Pedigree of the 
family of Barnard, temp. James I. 


A rental of Wymondham Grisaugh and Norton, temp. James I. 
1624, 4 Aug. A list of accounts and documents. 


1688, 10 Oct. Finding of the jury as to Wymondham 
Common. 


Five other deeds, Henry VI.—Eliz. One of 7 Eliz. is a release 
from John Flowerdew of Hethersett and his sons of their moiety 
of Wymondham Cromwelle to Edward Clere. 


AGREEMENT between Humrrey Bouracuier and JoHn KNyver 
for assistance to the latter in recovering the Manor of 
WYMONDHAM. 


1457. ‘ This Indenture the xviii. day of November the year of 
the reigne of King Henry the Sixt xxxvj, betwixt Humfrey 
Bourgchier, son of Lord Bourgchier, of the one part, and John 
Knyvet, cosyn and heir to John Clyfton, knight, on the other 
part, wytnesseth that the same Humfrey shall be good maister 
and frend to the said John Knyvet and support hym as far as 
the lawe will, and help him to recover all the manor, londes, and 
tenements in the Counti of Norfolk, the which were late the said 
John Clyfton knight, and of the which the said John Clyfton died 
seised; whos heyre the said John Knyvet is, that is to say sone 
to Elizabeth suster to the said John Clyfton knight, as it 
apperith of record in the chaunncerie be an office founde befor 
sertain commyssioners by vertue of a comyssion in nature of a 
diem clausit extremum to them direct, and forasmuch as the said 
John Knyvet is cousin to Jobane the wyffe of the said Humfrey, 
the said Humfrey graunteth to the said John Knyvet that he 
shall bere and pay to the said John Knyvet as moch sylver as 
shall grow to the third part of the reasonable costys to the 
recovery of the said livelode, and that as well the counsel of the 
said Humfrey as the counsell of the said John Knyvet shall be 
helping, consorting and assisting to the recovery of the said live- 
lode on assent whan they therto ben reasonable required, and 


17118 E 


66 


that the said Humfrey or his servauntes or other persons for him 
shall ride and goo wit the said John Knyvet for the expedition of 
the said recovery when thei shall be required thertoo conveniently 
reasonable, as law will, consideryng the said cosenage between 
the said parties had. And the said John Knyvet bi theis presents 
willeth and graunteth that he within iii yere imediately folowing 
after the recovery of the said livelode bi his dede under his seal 
of armys, or ellys under the selys of his feffes if ony, be enfeffed 
in the two parts of the manor of Wymondham, and shall make or 
do to be made a sufficient seur and a lawful estate of and upon 
the said two partes of the said manor of Wymondham in the 
Counti of Norfolk to the said Humfrey, and to the said Johane 
his wyff: To have and to hold the said 2 parts of the said manor 
to the said Humfrey and Johane for term of both their lives, the 
remaynder therof to the said John Knyvet and to his heyres of 
his body lawfully begotten, and for defawte of the issue of them 
the remaynder ther of to the right heyres of the said Humtrey 
and Johane and ther bodies lawfully begotten and to ther heyres. 
Moreover the said John Knyvet willeth and graunteth and be the 
present writing assenteth that the said Humfrey imediately after 
that the said John Knyvet hath recovered the said livelode, shall 
resseyve and take all the issues profits and comodities of the said 
2 partes as his owen proper godes with ought account gevyng 
to the said John Knyvet or to his executor. In the wytnesse 
wherof the parties aforesaid to these Indentures interchangeable 
have sette ther seales. Given the day and year above rehersed." 


VARIOUS MANORIAL RECORDS. 
KESWICK.* 


Manor Rotts. 
Account RoLLs, between 1802 and 1500 :— 


Edward I. Accounts for the years 30-81. 

Edward II.  Provost's accounts for the years 2 and 8. 
Messor’s for 6 and 7. Servant’s for 18 and 14. 

Edward III. Accounts of corn and stores to the end of the 
year 4 Accounts for 19-20, 80-81, 41, 42, 14-50. 

Henry VI. Farmer’s accounts for the years 1-2, 85-36. 
Bailiff's for 28 and 84 for Freethorp Manor. Accounts 
for Keswick, Rusteyn, Raynesthorp and Tacolveston, 
years 38, 84. 

Edward IV. Farmer’s accounts for the years 7-8, 12, 17, 
21-22. Bailiff's and farmer’s for Rusteyns Manor for 16 
and 17. 

Richard III. Farmer’s for the years 2 and 8. 

Henry VII. Farmer's for the years 4-6, 8-11. Bailiffs for 
Freethorp Manor for 9 and 10. For Rusteyns Manor for 
14 and 15. 


* Keswick occurs as Kestwyk, temp, Edw. J, 





67 


MISCELLANEOUS. 


Henry III. or Ed. I. A rental (in French), with endorse- 
ment by Ralph de Vaux, remitting talliage to his native 
tenants, they being bound in return to distribute a 
certain quantity of bread yearly to the poor. 

6 Hen. IV. An audit of certain accounts with the lady of 
the manor. 

À bundle of four deeds, the first, undated, being a grant from 
Alexander son of Alexander de Waus (Vaux), to his brother 
Ralph, Rector of the church of Keswyk, of one messuage, 
with two houses, &c., in Keswyk: witnesses, Ralph de 
Tyvill and others; two releases by John de Vaux, temp. 
Edw. I.; and a release by Peter, son of William le Monk 
of Gouthorp. 

1-2 Henry VI. A list of rolls and accounts, with a copy of 
a writ summoning the Justices to Thetford “for the 
correction of such offences and riotes as of late have been 
doone in our citee of Norwyche." 

There are also other deeds relating to land in Keswick : five 
temp. Ed. I., one of Ed. IL, five of Edward III., one 
of Richard IL, three of Henry IV., two of Henry V., 
three of Henry VI., and three of Edward IV. 


AYLSHAM? AND AYLSHAM LANCASTER. 
Manor Rorzs. Between 1450 and 1610. 


Courts, Courts GENERAL AND Courts WITH LETE:— 


Henry VI. 28-89. 

Edward IV. 1-28. (The 5th year is the 1st Court of the 
Excellent Lady Elizabeth, Queen of England. The 8th 
year is the ** Turn" of the Chief Steward, Lord Scales.) 

Riehard III. 1-2. 

Henry VII. 1-24. 

Henry VIII. 1-88. (Courts ‘‘Domin. Regis Ducat. sue 
Laneastrie,"—with and without view of Frankpledge and 
Lete. In the 28th year Henry is first styled Supreme 
Head of the English Church.) 

Edward VI. 1-7. 

Mary. 1-2. Philip and Mary. 1-6. (8-4 is for Aylsham 
Lancaster.) 

Elizabeth. 1-48 for both manors. There is View of Frank- 
pledge with Courts Baron. 

James I. 1-7. 


RENTAL. 
1681. A rental of Aylsham Lancaster. 


* Aylsham occurs as Aylysham temp. Hen. VIII. and Ed. VI. and as Ailesham 
temp. Elisabeth. 





68 
INTWOOD. 
Manor RoLLs. 


Courts AND Courts Lets, between 1274 and 1509 : — 


Edward I. 2 and 8. 

Richard II. 17, extract. 

Henry V. 9 and 10. 

Henry VI. 1-18, 20, 28-85, 88, 89, 41. 

Henry VII. 1, 8, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 18, 18, 21,24. (1 is the 
1st Court of Catherine Jenny, widow. 12 is the 1st Court 
of William Jenny, sen.) 


Provosts’ AND BarzrrFs’ Account Rots, between 1335 and 1608 :— 


Edward III. 8 and 20. 

Henry VII. 85-36 (with Mulbarton). 

Elizabeth. 28, 24-29, 80, 82, 84, 85, 88, 40, 44. (40 is the 
first Court of William Gresham. 42 is the first Court of 
Sir Henry Hobart.) 

James I. 1. 


There are also a few Deeds relating to land in ‘ Intwode’ : 
one undated, one temp. Edward III. ; one temp. Rich. IL; and 
one temp. Henry VI. 


For the following Parishes in Norfolk there are detached 
Manor Rolls :— 


Ingworth.—Between 1571 and 1649. 
Courts and Courts Lete :— 
Elizabeth. 18-44. (The Queen holds the Court for Thomas 
Hoo, esq., a minor.) 
James I. 1-5. 
Also for the years 1634-1687, 1638, 1642, 1644, 1649. 


Erpingham. 
Extraets of Lete Roll :— 
Elizabeth. 39. 
James I. 1, 2, 4. 
View of Frankpledge for Ingworth, Colby, Tuttington, 
Erpingham, temp. James I. 
One Deed relating to land here, temp. Edward III. 


Irmingland. 

An undated Rental. 

Three Deeds relating to land here, viz. two temp. Rich. II., one 
of Henry IV. (John Eloynes oceurs as a landowner temp. 
Rich. II. Also Edmund Kempe, Nicholas Daunger, Roger 
Barker, Robert Nally.) 

1886. A house with appurtenances is mentioned 9. Rich, II. 
as formerly ‘‘ Symneles." 


69 


WABORNE. 
Manor RoLLs. 


Courts AND Courts LETE :— 


Edward II. 15(?) being then the manor of Oliver de 
Burdeaux. 

Henry VIII. 2, 6-18, 88 (a copy). 

Edward VI. 1-2. 

Elizabeth. 56. 


BaiLIFF'8 Accounts :— 
Henry VIII. 14-37. 


OTHER DOCUMENTS. 


1519.  Abuttal and survey of Lady de Veer’s manor of 
Waborne for the year 11 Henry VIII. 
À perambulation of bounds of the same year. 


1572. A lease of Waborne by De Vere, Earl of Oxford, to — 
Clopton. 14 Eliz. 


1656. A release of the manor, etc., by Sir William Paston 
to Sir John Hobart. 


THE DUCHY OF LANCASTER. 


Account Rotts or THE RECEIVERS FOR NORFOLK, SUFFOLK AND 
CaMBRIDGE, between 1885 and 1408 :— 


Riehard II. 8, 9 (Adam Pope, Receiver) 28 (Edmund 
Oldhalle, ‘‘ King’s Receiver "). 
Henry IV. 1, 2, 8-9 (Edmund Oldhalle, Receiver). 
Indenture of arrears of officers’ accounts, ‘‘anno xii." (?) 


MISCELLANEOUS MANOR ROLLS. 


Gymingham. 
Provosts’ Account Rolls, between 1882 and 1410 :— 

Richard II. 5, 6, 8, 9, 16-20. In the Roll for 5-6 there is 
mention of forfeiture of John Trunch for treason and 
insurrection. For the 7th year, May 9, “quo die 
manerium ibidem cum pertinentibus liberatum comiti de 
Bukyngham ad firmam per dimissionem.”’ 

Henry IV. 10, 11. 


Matlask. 
Court Lete:— 

Henry IV. 1, 2. (2 is the first Court of Robert de Braybroke, 
Bishop of London, John, Bishop of Hereford, and Roger 
Mallory de Braybroke, feoffees. Matlask with Saxthorp.) 

Saxthorp Court held at the same place. Henry IV. 6. 

A small bundle of Rolls, temp. Richard IL, Henry VII, 
(drafts) and Elizabeth. 


70 
Causton.—1887-97. 


Court Lete:— 
Richard II. 10, 11, 16, 19, 20. 


Wood Dalling and Dalling Hall Monceux :— 
General Court Roll:— 
Henry VIII. 10. 
Philip and Mary. 5-6. 


Martham.—1851. 
Court Roll:— 
Edward III. 25, the 7th of the Priorate of Simon Bozoun 
[Prior of Holy Trinity, Norwich]. 


T unstede.—1406-7. 
Provost's Account:— 
Henry IV. 7-8. 


Methwolde.—1408-1492. 
Provosts' and Bailiffs Accounts for the years :— 
Henry IV. 9-10. 
Henry VI. ? 
Henry VII. 6, 7. 


Congham. 
Court Roll:— 
Temp. Edward IV. 


Burnham Thorp.—1884-5. 
Bailiffs Account :— 
Richard II. 7-8. 


CARROW ABBEY. 
CEeLLaRERS’ Accounts, between 1457 and 1530 :— 


Henry VI. 84, 85. (Margaret Pygotte, Prioress.) 
Richard III. 2,8. (Margaret Palmer, Prioress.) 
Henry VIII. 20, 21. 


Manor RoLLs. 
Marlingforth. 
Courts AND Courts GENERAL WITH LETE, 1489-1557 :— 


Henry VII. 4-15, 19, 20. | 

Henry VIII. 121s ‘“ Curia cum Leta prima Edwardi Ponyng, 
Willelmi Boleyn, militum et al., ad usum Johannis 
Paston militis et Agnetæ uxoris ejus et heredum." 

Philip and Mary. 1-4, the courts of Clement Paston. 


Swerdeston. 
1506. Account Roll for the year Henry VII. 21. 





71 


Deeds Relating to Land there. 


One undated. 

One temp. Edward I. 
Four temp. Edw. III. 
Three temp. Henry V. 
Three temp. Henry VI. 
One temp. Henry VII. 


1588. Sir Edward Clere, of Blicklinge, grants a lease of the 
Rectory of Swerdeston, late belonging to Carrow Abbey (granted 
to him by letters patent of Queen Eliz.), to Roger Styth. 





MiscELLANEOUS DkEps. 


Deeds relating to the following parishes (for the most part in 
Norfolk) have been examined and summarized :— 


Witham. 
Deed relating to land temp. Henry III. ? 


Aslacton. 
An undated Deed. 


Itteringham. 
One undated and one temp. Edward I. 


Mannington. 
Two undated. 


Southwood (Suthiode.) 
One undated. ' 


T'hrekeston. 
One temp. Edw. II. 


Hemlyngton. 
One temp. Edw. III. 


Burton. 
One temp. Edw. III. 


Heynesford. 
One undated. | 
One temp. Edw. III. 
One temp. Henry IV. 
One temp. Edw. IV. 


Plumstead. 
One temp. Edw. IIT. 
One temp. Rich. II. 
One tefhp. Henry IV. 
Two temp. Henry VI. 
Two temp. Edward. IV. 
There is also an extent for Witton and Plumpstead for the year 
129 Henry VIII., 1520. 


72 


Witton. 
One, temp. Henry IV. 


Ketteringham. 
One, temp. Henry VI. 
One, ,, Henry VIII. 
One, ,  Jamesl. 7. 
The last is the conveyance of the rectory of Ketteringham 
to Mr. Henry Hobart. 


Combes. 
Two, temp. Edw. IV. 
One, temp. Elizabeth. 


Tacolneston. 
One, temp. Edw. 1V. 
Two, temp. Henry VI. 


South Walsham. 
Record of Assize. 


Horsford. 
One, temp. Edw. VI. 


Brampton. 


One, temp. Edw. VI. 


Marsham. 
One, temp. Edw. VI. 
Extent of manor of Marsham, temp. Charles I.? 


Scottowe. 
Six, temp. James I., mostly relating to a mill there. 


Kelling. 
One, temp. James I. 


Hethersett. 


Mulbarton and Brakne.— 
1316. An extent, containing a transcript of the Escheat Roll 
made on the suppression of the Templars in the Hundred 
of Humbleyard.—9 Edw. II. 


Acle. 
One undated. 
Two temp. Henry VII., one of which is a grant of land with 
‘‘leed querns and hayer and all that is rote fast and nayle 
‘6 fast; ’’ 1485. 
1544. An abuttal of the year 86 Hen. VIII. 


Loddon.—1577. 
Deed of assignment of a term of years in the Rectory of 
Loddon. 19 Eliz. 


13 


Rivyshall (in Suffolk).—1587. 
Conveyance of manors in Rivyshall and Rawlyns in Rivyshall, 
with a schedule of tenants holding for a thousand years. 


Ckhetgrare and Hardeley— 
An extent; 1675. 


SETCH. 


Robert de Hastinges grants to Matilda, his daughter, and her 
lawful heirs all his lands in the vills of Scethich, Midleton, 
Rungetun, Westwinch, Ley and Herdewyc, with remainder to him- 
self and his heirs if she should die without issue; reserving rent 
of 63d., four ** atilia " [implements] and one clove.—Not dated. 


STRATTON. 


1800. Alice, formerly wife of John de Lundres, of Stratton, 
grants to Sarra daughter of Will. de Merkeshalle, of Stratton, 
half an acre of her land lying on the field at Stratton.—Sunday 
after St. Hilary, 28 Edward I. 

Witnesses: Hen. le Cat, John de Refham, Will. de Leveshaye, 
John Philip of Stratton, John the Clerk of Hevingham, Richard 
de Lundres of Stratton, Alfred de Horning of Stratton, and 
others. 


1868. William Breton, “de comitatu Essex,” grants to 
Wilham son of Robert Clere and Dyonesia his wife, all his right 
in the third part of the manor of Stratton by Buxton, etc. 


1378. Matilda, formerly wife of Henry de Berney, grants to 
William Clere of Ormesby and Dionicia his wife, Hervey parson 
of the church of Stratton by Hevingham, Robert atte Northous 
of Ormesby, and the heirs of the said William, four pieces of land 
in Stratton.—Vigil of St. Peter and St. Paul, 2 Rich. II. 


1529. A Rental of John Wekythyll in Stratton. 


There are also 14 other deeds relating to land here, tempp. 
Edw. II.—Eliz. 


BROMHOLM. 


1312. A lease of the Priory lands at Wood Norton by William 
Prior of Bromholm and the Convent.—5 Edward II. 


1412. Clement, prior of the church of St. Andrew of Bromholm, 
and the Convent, release to Simon Felbrigge and Robert Berneye, 
kts., Edmund Oldhalle, Robert Wynter, clerk, John Drew, parson 
of Harpelee, and William Howlyn, parson of Plumstede, a rent 
of 4s. arising from lands and tenements in Corpesty leased to the 
said feoffees for thirty years. Conventual Seal attached; red wax: 
St. Andrew sitting in the porch of a church with a tower on each 
side ; in his right hand a double cross, in his left a book; and a 
small nich above, the Virgin and Child; ‘Sigillum . ... 
Andree de Bromholm.” This is different from the seal engraved 
in Dugdale’s Monasticon.—1 March, 18 Henry IV. 


74 


West BARSHAM. 


1861. Indenture of grant by Rauf de Cromewelle to Osman 
Gurnay of the wardship and marriage of William Fitzwilliam, 
heir-at-law of Marjorie widow of John de Mereworth, for 86 
marks.—Monday before St. John Baptist, 85 Edw. III. 


GREAT YARMOUTH. 


1892. Nicholas Wildgos, burgess of Great Yernemouth, 
releases to John son of Robert de Rollesbi, all his claim in one 
messuage with the '* fisshus ” and all other buildings and appur- 
tenances, formerly Richard Fastolf’s. Witn., John de Rendle, 
John de Elys, William Exneye, Robert atte Gappe . . , 
bailiffs of Yermuth.—Sat., f. of St. Petronella virg., 15 Rich. II. 


BuTTELE. 


1445. William Poley, prior of St. Mary of Buttele, and the 
Convent, demise to Edward Palmer, of Wytton in Bromholm, and 
Robert his son, the manor of West Somerton for 7 years at a rent 
of 241.—St. Matthias, 23 Hen. VI. 


WE8T SoMERTON. 


1552. Sir E. Fynes, knight, Lord Clynton and Saye, 
Admiral of England, conveys to Sir Thomas Woodhouse, of 
Waxham, the reversion of the manor of West Somerton, formerly 
belonging to the monastery of Butley, on the death of the Lady 
Anne of Cleevys.—19 March, 6 Edw. VI. 


1456-57. Accounts of Robert Brampton, General Receiver of 
Elizabeth, Lady Dacre. E 

1515-17. An account of all the manors of John Veer, knight, 
in right of his wife Elizabeth, sister and heir-at-law of William 
Trussel. 

1517. A charter of the Lady Catherine (of Arragon) to her 
tenants of the honour of Clare. 

1527. An account of the manors of John de Vere, Earl of 
Oxford, in right of his wife Elizabeth, sister and heiress of 
Edward Trussel. 

1546. Conveyance to trustees by Richard Southwell of all his 
property for his own use, with remainder to Richard Southwell, 
alias D'Arcy, gent.—37 Hen. VIII. 

1550. Audit of accounts of John Woodhouse, esq., super- 
visor of all the flocks of Richard Southwell, knight. 

1557. The account of the sheep of John Corbett the elder, 
esquire, made by Robert Newman, “ shepereve," and others, for 
one year. 

1572. Indenture with schedule of manors included in the ward- 
ship of Richard Barney. Signed by William Cecil and R. Keeling. 

Papers referring to the property of Sir Richard Southwell and 
a case in Chancery of Richardson v. Doyly. Temp. James I.- 





75 


1608. Benedict Camp to Sir H. Hobart. Conveyance of the 
wardship of Thos. Neve. 


—— —— —ÓMM — ————— a 


Letter of William T russel. 


Ma trés chére dame, 

J'ay entendu par vos lettres en partie la manière des 
alienacions et enfeffemens de terres Mons. Robert de Matteshale 
q'fuist votre mary, et auxuit que vous plest savoir coment jay doné 
conngé à Phelip votre filz, et auxuit que vous moi requeretz avoir 
respite de s'vis que moi devetz à cause de les t'res que vous tenetz 
de moy en chief la quel je vous ottray. Madame tàq ma veux 
purra étre en vos parties et endroit de conngé Phelip votre filz 
ceo est d'aler et revenir come un autre gentilz home de meyne. 
Et de puis que joe ai hu sey'syng de luy, jeo luy ai effert mariage 
convenable come appartient soloin la loy en saluacion de mon 
droit. Et si vous plest en le méme tems fere gré soloin réson 
pur son mariage et ceo que a moy partient a mesure la cause jeo 
dorrai pleyn poar a Mons. Robert de Salle et a Will. de Hastings 
et a Sir Thomas Hikelynge chanon de Wayburn de tréter et 
acorder en vous ma Dame soloin réson. Et si ceo ne vous plest 
ma Dame moy covendra pursur mon recoverir par loy en 
saluacion de mon droit heritage. 

À Dieu ma tr' che Dame qui vous eyt en sa garde. 
Escrit a Lonndres le xxx. jo de Martz. 
WiLLM. TRUSSEL DE CUBLESDEN. 


[1551.] 28 May, 4 Ed. VI. Copy of letters patent granting 
to Thomas Audeley, Esq., in consideration ‘‘boni veri fidelis et 
magnanimi servitii in conflictu versus innaturales subditos 
nostros proditores ac nobis rebelles in Com. nostro Norf. per nos 
dudum habito et facto, et in correctione et subductione eorundem, 
multis variisque modis prestiti et impensi, quorum quidem 
rebellorum et proditorum quidam Robertus Knight alias dictus 
Robertus Kett, existit capitanus et conductor," all our manors of 
Meliorshall and Lethers hall, alias Leters, now called Gunvyles, 
and all that manor called Gunvyles manor in Norfolk, parcel of 
the possessions of the said Robert Knyght otherwise the said 
Robert Kett. 


There are also many deeds which have not been summarized 
but are arranged in parcels according to their dates, viz. :— 


5 Miscellaneous deeds temp. Rich. III. 


85 » » », Henry VII. 
49 » » , Henry VIII. 
4 » » » Philip and Mary. 
102 » » » Elizabeth. 
45 » » » James I. 
29 » » » Charles I. 


9 » » » Charles II. 


76 


SECTION II. 
THE HOBART PAPERS. 1601—1751. 


1601, March 5.—Copy of an Order of the Court of the Docuy 
oF LANCASTER. 


Adjusting the rights of common in the ‘firre ground” or 
‘ bruery" at Aylsham. 


N.D. (1592-1607 ?].—Resolucons and advise uppon a Statute 
touchinge the Releif of the Poore and vagabon by the 
L. Cuaerre Justice or ENGLAND.? 


None ought to be sente to the places of theire birthe or 
habitacons but such onlie as are vagrante or wanderinge and not 
any that hath any dwellinge in any parishe, or be settled with 
their parents or any other in any parishe. 

Resolutions. The husband, wief and children that are 
vagrante and wandringe being borne in severall parishes must 
be delte with allin this manner, that is to saye, the wief must 
goe with the husband to the parishe where he was borne, and 
not to be divided the one from the other, the children that 
are above 7 yeres of age must after they are whipped be sent to 
the parishes where they were severally borne. But those 
children under the age of 7 yeres, bycause they are not within 
the degree of vagabondes, must goe with their parents, not where 
they were borne or last abidinge. 

Advises. Where there are multitudes of poore through 
idlenesse in all places, which if they should be whollye relieved 
by charitie would be more burthensome than the better sorte are 
able to beare: therefore it is moste conveniente that for the 
children betwene seven and sixteen they be put to be apprentiss 
and especially to husbandrye and huswiefrye whereof there is 
greate lacke in most places; and herein to be reported of 
especiallye, to ease such thereby as are overburthened through 
charge of children: and for the rest of the children they must 
laye at the charge of their parentes to be relieved by the labour 
of the parents. 

That all suche that are in any wise able to worke, may be 
provided for of meanes to sett them on worke wherby they maye 
be able to releive themselves and theire children. 

That none be suffered to live merelie uppon almes, that are 
not merelie impotente. 


— — D — —À———— a IARE üiÜ a —€— —— —— — -———— 


* Sir John Pophun (1531-1608), Lord Chief Justice 1592-1607. 


17 


Orders concerninge the Statute for the Releif of the poore; 
agreed at Ilmyster, the 11th of April. 


1. Imprimis it is ordered that all justices of peace of this 
sheire shall presentlie make precepts thereby commandinge the 
cunstables of the hundredes to bringe before them the names of 
the Churehwardens and 4 substantiall subsidye men of everye 
parishe: And in defaulte thereof fower of the most substantiall 
householders of every parishe within their hundred some daye 
in Easter weeke, the orders to be then assigned for the benefitt 
of the lawe to be lost (sic) this yere. 

2. Item it is further agreed that upon the deliverye of the 
names of the Churchwardens and 4 substantiall men they shall 
that yere followinge be appointed overseers of the poore of ther 
several parishes under the handes and seales of two or more 
Justices of the peace of or nere the seide parishe. And at the 
same tyme direction given them how they shall setle and order 
poore aecordinge to the statute. 

9. Item. Itis also agreed that the townes that are not able 
to releif theire poore and have noe landes or other helpes shalbe 
in some reasonable proportion releived by such elected persons 
ofthe parish of the same hundred as to the discretion of the 
Justice in or nere the parishes shall seme mete, either by takinge 
them apprentiss, or by yeilding some weeklie contribucon to the 
towne for that purpose. 

4. Item. It is also agreed that every parish shalbe rated for 
the releif of hospitalls and spitlehowses and such as receive losse 
by water or fyer within this sheire, and for the releif of the poore 
persons of the King's Bench or Marshalsye, and the same sett 
downe what shalbe paide to eche hospitall, King's bench and 
Marshalsye; and a treasurer be appointed for this yere. 

5. Item it is also ordered that no pore person be removed 
out of the parish where they now dwell so long as they doe or 
ean take any howse for theire monye and doe live without 
eharging the parish, and that no extraordinarye course be taken 
either to remove them, or to inhibite them to take a howse. 

6. Item, that whosoever taketh an Inmate from henceforth 
excepte by assente of the Churchwardens or overseers or the most 
parte of them with the assente of two Justices of Peace of the 
lymitte, shall paye yerely or weeklie to the releife of the poore 
as much as he receiveth of that Inmate. 

7. Item that such as receive any Inmate except as aforeseid, 
frelye shall paye weeklie to the releive of the poore of the same 
parishe 1% and if the partie be or shalbe a burthen to the parish 
shall paye vij* weeklie for every such Inmate, or enter into 
sufficiente bonde with good suertyes that the parishe shalbe dis- 
charged of any harme or burthen by any such Inmate. 

8. Item. That none be suffered to goe from dore to dore in 
beginge but within theire owne parish and that ta such houses 
in such order as they shalbe assigned by the overseers. 

9. Item, that such as live idlelye and maye have worke or 
use any idle course of life as in breakinge hedges, robbing 





18 


orchyards or takeing any kynde of corne or grayne growinge in 
the fielde, milkinge of kyne or such like without the consente of 
the owners and not being able to give recompence for the same, 
be sente to the House of Correction there whiped and dyeted as 
shalbe appointed. 

10. That gardening be ? amonge the pore sorte and that 
the pore that doth worke in his owne gardinge to have 2% a daye 
in weeke that he so worketh; so that it maye appere to the 
overseers that there groweth good to the partie and comonweale 
therby. 

11. Item that such as have any howse or cottage in any towne 
or parish will without the consente of the Churchwardens and 
overseers of the same parish, or the more parte of them lett out 
the same howse or howses without laying in of 4 acres of ground 
to the same at the least, so as the same howse have so much 
grounde belonging to it shall paye as much to the poore of the 
parish yerely as he is to receive for the howse so leaten. 

19. Item and if any such lett such howse freelie or any 
cottage without assente as aforesaid to any person, then to paye 
weeklie for everye such tenemente to the releife of the pore 
14 and if the partie be or shalbe a burthen to the parish then 
to paye weeklie vij^ for every such tenemente or enter into such 
bondes as is aforeseid for the discharge of the parishe. 

18. Item that the overseers assigne none to fetche releife at 
any howse but as be merelie impotente or under the age of 
7 yeres and such as the overseers shall well prove that theire 
parents are not able to releife by theire worke or livelihoode. 

14. Item, that such as shalbe assigned to fetche any releife 
at any howse, be assigned to some howse nere and certeyne to 
fetche it, not wander aboute or from howse to howse at theire 
pleasures and the howers to be assigned when they shall fetehe 
theire releife. 

15. Item that none be suffered to have any releife for them- 
selves or theire children that doe robbe . . . (paper 
defective) . . . or that take Inmates or succor Inmates 
contrary to the true meaninge of these orders. 

16. Item, that noe bastard be releived by the Parish but the 
supposed fathers and mothers if they or any of them be founde 
to be able, and if there be any that be not able to releive theire 
owne bastards such supposed father and mother to be sente to 
the Howse of Correction and by theire worke there to releive the 
same. 





Orders agreed and sett downe at Ilmyster the 11th of Aprill, 
eoncerninge the Statute of Rogues to be confirmed at the 
Sessions with such addieon as to the greater parte of the 
Justices there assembled should thinke meete. 


1. Imprimis it is ordered that imediatelie uppon Easter after 
precepte by all the Justices of the Countye to the Cunstables and 
Tytheingmen to apprehend all manner of wandringe soldiours 
and all other idle and wandringe rogues, the meaner rogues to 


19 


punishe by whipinge and conveyinge by pastporte accordinge to 
the Statute, and such as are men able of bodye and like to be 
wandringe soldiours or marryners or otherwise dangerous 
persons to be brought before the justices to be examined and 
dealte with as to theire discretions and accordinge to the direction 
of the Statute shall seme meete, and if upon examination there 
appeare to be wandring souldiours or marryners to be sente 
to the gaole to be. tryed as fellons according to the statute in 
that behalf made or shalbe made. 

2. Item, that a howse of correction shalbe erected at Ilehester 
and the howse of Taunton and Wells to be continued. 

8. Item, it is allso ordered that a Howse of Correction shalbe 
erected at Willington [ Wellington] to receive any rogues from the 
4 wester tythings of Byngburye and the hundred of Mylverton, 
which our good Lord the Lord Cheife Justice of England 
intendeth to builde at his owne charge. And if any such orders 
as are sett downe for maynetenance and goverment of other such 
Howse of Correction in this countye shall allso extende unto that. 

4. That the somes sett downe uppon the particulars, persons 
and hundreds under our Handes for the erecting of the Howse 
of Correction at Ilchester shall be levyed by distresse and sale 
of theire goodes if they refuse to paye. . . And that aswell 
occupiers of landes within any Hundred or parishe shalbe 
taxed as the Inhabitants are, and the like to be done for such 
somes as shalbe hereafter imposed uppon any person or place for 
the maynetenance or continuance of any of the saide howse of 
correction. 

5. That such as shalbe committed as rogues shall at the 
firste entrance be whipped untill theire bodyes be blodye. 

6. It is allso ordered that the cheife officers of everye parte 
shall by the next passenger conveye unto the partes of Ireland 
everye such Irish beggar as shalbe at any tyme sent them by 
virtue of the Statute made in this last Sessions of Parliamente 
for punishm* of rogues upon payne the same officer shalbe 
bounde to his good behavior and to appe(ar) at the nexte Generall 
Quarter Sessions. And we doe order that the charge of such 
transportacon shalbe borne by the whole countye. And we doe 
order that the tresurer for the Hospitalles shall defraye such 
charge. 

7. Itis allso ordered that everye inhabitante within everye 
parishe or towne within this countye shall apprehende everye 
rogue and poore person that shall come unto howse to aske 
releife, or that he shall (find?) in any of his outhowses and 
groundes and them presentiye conveye to the Cunstable, to 
Titheingmen or other officers of the same place upon payne to-be 
bounde to his good behavior, and if the officer doe not cause 
presentlie the same poore person or rogue to be whipped untill his 
bodye be blodye and then make him & pasporte out accordinge to 
the statute: that every suche officer shall forfitt likewise 10s. for 
every rogue he shall leave unpunished according to the Statute. 
And the same to be levyed by way of distresses and sale of his 
goodes and converted to the releife of the poore of the same place. 


80 


8. It1s allso ordered that at or nere everye parishe churche 
within thes sheire there be a payer of stock and that there be 
presentlie provided a canvis shurte made with a bevar to come 
over the face of him that shalbe appointed to whippe them, and 
a whipp provided. And that everye rogue brought to any officer 
or appointed by him shalbe conveyed unto the Parishe Churche 
and thereupon sett into the stockes and whipped by the advise 
of the Minister and one other of the parishe. And then conveyed 
by passeporte accordinge to the Statute. And it is ordered that 
the minister shall register the substance of the testemoniall 
which he is to keepe for that purpose upon payne of 5s. forfeiture 
for everye rogue he shall leave unregistered to be levied by 
distresse and sale of his goodes and to be converted to the use of 
theire poore there. 

9. It is likewise ordered that Notice and Charge be given to 
the Justices of Peace nere adjoyning to the Severne or other Sea 
Costes, they to give speciall orders to all officers of townes and 
places nere the same sea costes and Severne that thes suffer noe 
Irishe to be sett on lande which are like to live here by beginge. 


[1612.]—Memorandum of questions to be referred to Leet 
JURY [ WYMONDHAM|. 


Now to this Court and leete some of the ancientest tennants 
that hold both of the Queene and Lord to be of the Jurie. 

To fynde whether they common by their tenements and lands 
ancientlie belonginge to these tenements or whether Alsoe by 
usuall custome tyme out of mynde purchased geven or discended 
to Àny person. 

Item, whether yf they purchase more Lande to their ancient 
tenements they may common with more cattell there than they 
usuallie did before by reason of such purchase. 

Item,-whether a tenement decaied out of memorie of man can 
ehallenge commonage by such Tenement. 

Item, if he may, then whether may he keepe any more or 
other eattell then he can prove he kept before such dounefall as 
yf he use other purchased Lands lease or hired lands of other 
men therewyth. 

To fynd yf tenants to Sir Augustin Pagraves mannor may of 
right common and to searche the Rolls who have beene amerced 
thereabouts for wrongfull commoners. 

Whether new erected tenements can common. 

Item, whether Butchers have not been punished for wrongfull 
eommoners. Yt is usuallie reported they have beene and noe 
Butcher to common. 

Item, what Incrochments have beene made by taken in any 
part of the commons either by ditchinge or fencinge of such 
dikes as lie next to the Common of any mannor of person or 
persons or otherwise and what person or persons hath broken 
the Lord's soyle either by digginge of flaggs, planting of trees, 
loppinge or fellinge of trees on the Commons or any parte of 


them. 





81 


DocnHx or LANCASTER. 


1614 to 1680. A number of papers relating to the Bailiwick 
of the Ducny or Lancaster held by Str Henry Hogarr and his 
successors on lease from the Crown, with correspondence 
relating thereto. 


The Mayor or NonwicH to Cu. Justice Hosart. 


1616, Jan. 25. Norwich.—Wee have received your Letters in 
answer of ours touching the cleyme of wood for the Hospital of 
this Citty, beinge arere for 22 yeres past, we are sory that the 
remissenes of the officers in not urginge payment from those that 
were the former owners of the Manor of Horsham St. Faithes 
hath occasioned so greate an arrerage upon y' Ldpp., whome we 
have always found our honorable Friend, Yet wee are well 
informed that there have been demand made thereof from 
tyme to tyme. We have sent herewithal unto y* Ldpp. the copy 
of the deed whereby the same was graunted and as we thanke- 
fully acknowledge y' Ldpp'* good Inclinacon in not withholding 
the same from the poore, so we shall alwaies rest ready to 
performe any office of love whereby our thankefulness may be 


manifested to your Lordshipp. 
Tho. Hyrne. M[ayor]. 


Thomas Pye. 
Alexander Thurston. 
Roger Runsye. 
William Brown , 
Tho. Cory | Sherifs. 
Henry Fawcett. 
ass. Throkmorton. 
Endorsed :—The Mayor of Norwich touching the claim of wood 
out of St. Faith’s to the Hospital. 


Tomas Hyrne to Carer Justice Hospart. 


1616[-7], Feb. 6. Norwich.—Relating to the city’s claim to 
fuel at Horsham on behalf of the Hospital. 


[1616] Avyzsaam Lancaster. Extract from Liberty Rolls. 

Mems.—The Balywicke of the Dutche my Lord Hobart had 
by lease for a term of yeares, unto which these severall offices be 
within the libertie doe belonge for which I paid 80l. per ann. 

The office of coroner. 

The office of ffeodarye and escheator. 

The office of clarke of the markett. 

The balywick of everye several hundred in all six: South 
Erpingham, North Erpingham, North Greenhoe, South Greenhoe, 
Smythdon and Brothercrosse. 

The breaking up of writts, outlawres, felons, goods and 
deodands. 


1616, Dec. 9. Receipt under seal of Joan SvwrHE of Anting- 
ham, Esq, of £1,600 paid by Sir Henry Hobart, £1,100 for manor 


17118 F 


82 


of Blickling bought of Sir E. Clere (and the purchase money 
assigned to Smythe), and £500 for purchase of his (Smythe’s) 
own land. 


Mines HoBART. Contract ON MARRIAGE. 


1624, April 4. To all to whome this writing shall come I, Miles 
Hobarte of Lincolns in in the County of Middlesex, Esq., send 
greeting. Know ye that whereas Sir Henry Hobarte of Blickling, 
in the County of Norfolke, knight and Baronett, Lord Cheefe 
Justice of His Majesties Court of Common Pleas, my father, by 
an Indenture bearing date the third day of Aprill in the year of 
our Sovereign Lord James, by the grace of God, King of England, 
France and Ireland, Defender of the faith, that is to say of 
England France and Ireland the one and twentieth, and of Scot- 
land the six and fiftieth, in consideration of & marriage by God's 
permission to be solemnized betwen me the said Miles Hobarte 
and dame Francis Bedinfield of Dersingham in the County of 
Norfolk, widow, and for the better support and maintenance of 
me the said Miles Hobarte and Dame Frances, hath granted one 
anuety or yearly rent of three hundred pounds of lawful money 
of England issuing out of all the lands of the said Sir Henry 
Hobarte in the Countye of Norfolk to have to the said Miles 
Hobarte after the solemnization of the said marriage during the 
joint lives of the said Sir Henry Hobarte, the said Miles Hobarte 
and the said Dame Frances Bedingfeild, payable at the feast of 
S. Michaell the Archangell and the Annunciation of the Blessed 
Virgin yearly by equal portions, with claus of distress as by the 
said Indenture more fully may apear. Know ye now neverthe- 
less in consideration that my.said father reaps no manner of 
benefit from my said marriage nor by any thinge that she the 
said lady bringes, and yet on his part hath given to me and her 
and or children great and large portions and preferments in land 
I, the said Miles Hobarte, do by these presents freely releas to 
the said Sir Henry Hobart, my father, one hundred pound by 
the year part of the said rent of three hundred pound by the year, 
contenting myself with the other two hundred pound by the year 
payable by equal portions at the feastes and with the like claus 
of distress for that onely as aforesaid, and by these presents do 
covenant with the said Sir Henrye Hobarte to give him any 
father discharge of the said one hundred pounds by the year that 
he shall at any time require according to the true intent of these 
presents. In witness whereof I have hereunto put my hand and 
geal this fourth of April in the year of our sovereign lord 
James, by the grace of God, King of England, France and 
Ireland, the one and twentieth, and of Scotland the six and 


fiftithe. 
Mines HoBARTE. 


HaMon LE STRANGE to Sir HENRY Honanr. 


1625, June 28.—Hote The distraction of my last and short 
abode att London caused me to forgett a motion which I shall 


83 


now recommend to your Lordship's acceptance. I understand 
that your Lordship hath the sole royalte from the King touching 
swans and swanneries in Norf., and am desirous to have a 
particular mark for my river and waters att Gressenhall, and else 
where in this countye. There is a marke proper to Hastings 
formerly lords of Gressenhall and Elsinge, which is now used by 
Sir Anthony Browne to whom I am willing to relinquish the 
same, and would have a distinct marke peculiar to my name and 
family, and to that end I crave that your Lordship will please to 
affoard me that favour and as speedy a grant or direction for 
disposing thereof as conveniently may be. I hear also that 
sundry times stray swans are taken up betwixt Linn and me and 
some sieries lately erected there by meane persons. If your 
Lordship have not granted your power there I would desire also 
that additament from you. 

Lastly, to conclude against my selfe, I return your Lordship 
the due recognition of your honourable affections to have 
esteemed me worthy of the love and labours you have formerly 
bestowed to have added me to the number of your deputy 
lieutenants in Norff. I doe so well assure my selfe the steadi- 
ness of your dispose (and am so much told it by those that knowe 
as little of my deserts) as I now growe in some feare of your 
favour and therefore doe as seriously and humbly importune that 
you will be aquiescent from any further motion to my Lord of 
Arundel for me; for if I might boast of or finde a grace in dis- 
graces the last disfavour hath rather added then taken from me, 
howsoever the weakness of my body, obscurity of my situascon, 
and the great and contented fruition of my selfe att the plaine 
labours of the plough (to which I have putt my hand and will not 
pull backe) make me say with Jacob I have enough. I beseech 
you will be pleased to forgett what you have formerly levelled att 
that mark (though I must not) and suffer me to have rest in this 
banishment which, being restored, I cannot. Pardon my 
plaineness the best badge of a true hart and that the best heaven 
upon earth, and be pleased still to retayne in your honourable 
embraces, 

Your ever faithfull nephew to serve you, 
HAMON LE STRANGE. 


SiR JOHN Peyton to Sir Jonn Honanr. 


1629, 29 July.— Not doubting of your coming [to] towne by my 
Lord of Bullingbrooke I doe expecte to see you heare, and if my 
daughter Hobert and you come together I beseech you to 
persuade her to come with you. 

Your grandfather in all faithfull love and affection, 
JOHN PEYTON. 


1692. DisPENsATION to Sir John Hobart to eat flesh during Lent 


Sealed by George [Abbot], Archbishop of Canterbury. 
Confirmation of the above by royal letters patent, dated 29 
Feb., 1682. 


84 


1634, Jan. 31.—Letters of administration to the goods of 
Edward Hobarte who died beyond seas, a bachelor, granted to 
Sir John Hobart, Knt. and Bt., brother. 


Sm Rosert BELL to Sir Jogmw Hosanr {on the Fen Drainage]. 


1684, Nov. 16.—I received this morning a letter from you butt 
it bears no date, but of your affection which I shall study to con- 
tinue. I shall in answer to itt and in satisffaction of your desires 
make a short relation of all business wh. concern us both jointly 
and severally, wherein itt shall appear to all the world that we 
are bothe the same wee everintended. First my Lord of Bedford 
and I are perfectly (by the favour of my noble Lord St. John) 
made up and reconciled on Friday last, and I shall have my part 
in Whittlesy presently without scruple or difference. The 
business concerning your assurance will be made fitt and to your 
contentment, but cannot be finished without your companie as 
N. Earle gives to understand. How this sutes with your appro- 
bation or my Ladyes I dare scarce enquire, I hope itt the last 
trouble you shall undergoe by any argument of mine and you 
shall need to stay out above two days at ye most. Deeping ffenn 
is as fit for judgment as any land in England being all at this time 
three foot under soile, butt Sir Thomas Halton doeth play ye 
( ) with us and if he be not more conformable will have 
cause to repent itt, for we will have it adjudged in despight of 
him. There is a sluice overthrown at Boston but no disparage- 
ment to the land nor disadvantage to the woork, but Sir Anthony 
Browne his private loss, you shall hear your part instantly sett 
out and be confident it will be exceeding beneficall. 


[1636-1688.] —'' Acquittances for 500/. towards the Repairing 
of the decayes and ruines of the Cathedrall Church of St. Paul in 
London, and the beautifying thereof according to the true intent 
and meaning of His Majesties Commission by Letters Patents 
granted for that purpose under the Greate Seale bearing date the 
10th day of Aprill in the 7th yeare of H. M. reigne." 


Str Rosert BELL to Str JoHn HoBarr. 


1637, May 26.—Noble Sir. Questionless my sinns are greater 
then other menns and your exceptions against mee greater too or 
else I could not have failed an answer from you (having sent you 
divers letters) of your intention in my Lord of Bedford’s business, 
tis true, 1 have had it suggested unto mee that you have long 
resolved to desert it, but 1am free from jealosies myself and do 
beleveif you had ment so, you would have declared yourself and 
not have protracted meinto so great a straite. The business is of 
greater consequence then ever, in respect that the King's 12,000 
acres are sett out in Whittlesey and thereabouts, by which 
occasion there are such woorks begun and this summer to be 
finisht for the improving and securing that quarter as will render 
it of a farr greater value than former expectation made it. 
Unless you please to conclude it the next tearme (my Lord of 


86 


Bedford being fully prepared every way) 1 have no further hope 
unless you signifie your pleasure so that I may make triall time 
enough to satisfie my Lord if any other will befriend mee. 


Sir Rospert BELL to Str Jonn HoBarr. 


1688, August 14.—I presume ere this you are acquainted 
with ye law of sale made at Huntington where we had as much 
(by Counsell) alledged for us as could be said and that which 
neither ye Attorny or Sollicitor could answer at all or in parte, but 
by a new trick in law, or in their instructions (I know not which) 
called ‘ Sic Volo’ They condemn? our taxe, our law, our pro- 
ceedings, and in consideration of the improvement wee had 
made and ye expense we had been at (sufficient evidence to 
intityle ye King) they have given His Majestie both every foot of 
my Lord of Exiter’s and our land that it may be made winter 
ground within 10 yeares, and whether we shall have relief in it or 
noe they must inform you that understand it more than I, but 
the best is most of us are better able to endure this then hanging 
though with some (of which I must be one) ’tis but an even lay. 
Now disadvantages come seldome singly, especially to those that 
cannot master them, of which (from your hand) some fall fresh on 


mee. . . . . . + . . . «4 

Part of Bardolf will lye upon my hands that am not furnisht 
how to stock itt, for there is 2 or 800 acres (being all lett from year 
io year) thus hangs upon hand till almost this season for two 
reasons, first because it 1s the last grounde that is mowne in the 
countrie, secondly because the tenants pay one half year's rent 
at entry, and I might say thirdly because the later they defer it 
the better penny worth (like crafty merchants) they expect. 


1638, Aug. 16.—Probate of will of Henry Honanr of South 
Pickenham. 


Mentions brothers of testator, John, Miles, Nathaniel and 
James. 


Sir Ropert BELL to Sir Jon Honanr. 


1639, May 10.—1f this Scotch rebellion (which tyes up all 
menns purses) be turned (as there is great hope) into conformetie 
there will be open and free mart again and every man will trade. 


Sir THomas WinBRAHAM, Tuomas Leau, PETER Egerton to 
Sir Epwarp Moseuey and DAME Mary his wife. 


1639, April 16.—Agreement as to terms of marriage settlement. 


Sir J. Hosasr and Sir Jon Here of Wembury, Devon. 


1640, Mar. 10.—Articles of agreement on marriage of 
Dorothy Hobart, daughter of Sir John. 


86 


Letter of Joun Coke announcing his Shrievalty of Norfolk. 


1648, March 15.—Whereas it hath pleased his Majestie and 
the Parliament to make mee Sheriffe of the Countye so that by 
vertue thereof I am to nominate Bayliffs of the severall hundreds 
of the said Countie and knowinge that it is the desire of all good 
men that the said Bayliffes office may be put into the hands of 
such as are able and honest, and not doubtinge of your readinesse 
to further so good & worke and of your assistance herein, my 
desire to you is that you would forthwith consult and advise with 
the freeholders of your hundred for the findinge out of such a 
one in your hundred who may bee everye [way] fitt and likewise 
willinge to undertake dureinge my time the executfon of the said 
office of Bayliffe in your hundred, and that wfth all speed, you 
would send unto mee the partie so nominated to the howse of John 
Blackett in Norwich at or before the four and twentieth of this 
instant March with sufficient sureties for the passinge of his 
Accompt. And so I bid you heartilie farewell and rest 

Your assured, 
JOHN COKE. 

Norwich. 


Petition from the prisoners in AyLsHam Duchy Gaol. 


1644, April 15. Norfolk.—To the Right Wp" the Standing 
Committee at Norwich and to the Justices of ye Peace for the 
County of Norfolk. 

We at this present, Prissoners in the Duchie Gayle in Ails- 
ham, whose hands are hereunto subscribed being much oppressed 
and disterbed with Thomas Turner, a Prissoner in execution at 
the sute of Richard Bell for six pounds, who to our knowledge 
wants no Meate or Drink but is better relieved then he deserves 
by Roger Moris keeper of the said Gayle albeit he hath no moneys 
nor other meanes to pay for the same by the consent and with 
the sute of the said Richard Doe most humbly beseech your 
wp" powers for removing him from us to the Castle of Norwich, 
he being a very profane ill-mouthed and ungodly person and 
very dangerous, insomuch as he fileth his Irons put on him for 
his most vilde and notorious accons in breaking open doores and 
locks and most absurdly abuseing us and such other persons as 
come to any of us. And also in threatening to: pull doune and 
lay waste or burne downe the prison house where we are, for 
that he affirmeth there is neither God nor divell, heaven nor hell. 

(S*) Richard Howes, clerke. 
Willm. Barker. 


Signum John Spratt. 
Rogeri Moris. William Harmer. 
Robert Jeckes. 
John Cony. 


1645, April 8 and 7, and May 10.—Recerprs FOR PARLIAMENT 
Pay. 


87 


Lapy Frances HoBaRTE to Sir Joux Honanr. 


1649, Ap. 7.—Conveyance of Langley Manor. 


Meuortaz on behalf of M. Ransome. 


1658, Jan. 10. Felbrigge.—‘‘ To the Right Worshippfull Sir 
John Hobert, Knight and Baront. at his Blcklinge these 
present : " 

Sir,—The schoole of Windham being voyd and M. Ransome 
that was expelled his Benefices for a very small occasion and upon 
very slender proofe and being detained of his fift part for his 
wife and children, is now & sutour for the gehoole of Windham, 
beinge void, for which employment he is and will be very fitt, 
being a man very able that way and one that carryes himselfe 
very inoffensively towards the present government and all men; 
his humble suit is, which I desire to recommend unto you, that 
you would be pleas'd to grant him your letter to Mr. Dey, to 
enterteyne a good opinion of him, as all the best of the Towne 
and others have, wherein you shall doe a worke of mercy and 
charitie at all times to be acknowledged by him in his prayers, 
and by me and my wife. 

Your humble and faithful servant, 
THo. WiwpHax. 


1654, Jan. 25. Probate of the will of Phillippa Hobart, granted 
in the name of Oliver Cromwell, Lord Protector. 


House Accounts. 
1655, 21 Feb. to 8 Dec., 1656, 27 Dec. to 18 March. Book of 
Daily expenses at Blickling Hall. Kitchen, &c. 


1656, July 3.—Marriage Certificate. Sir John Hobart and 
Mary Hamond. 


BLricknING House Accounts. 


Servants’ wages paid for the quarter ended the 29th of 
September, 1655. 


£ s. 


Edmund Wise, Steward - 7 10 
Mr. Edward Legard - - 0 
John Haynes - - - 0 
John Hogan  - - - 10 
John Capon  - - - 0 


Chris fferrys, Cooke 

Peter Browne - 

Robert Thompson, Gardiner 
Symon Browne, Groome 
Charles Cove, Groome 

John Webster - - - 
Bichard ffooteman - . 


fond ju bel Ped je bd HO BO HO CO DO 

rnt 

e 
oOocoooocoooooogn 


Peter ffarthing - - - 110 O 
Henry Claybourne, Cate - - 100 
Wm. Capon, Butler's boy - - 012 6 
Michaell Steward, Cookes boy - - 012 6 
Robert Hunt, Bayliff - - 110 O0 
W. Taylor, & Husbandman - - 1 5 0 
John Flatman, a husbandman - 1 5 0 
Richard Curtys, a husbandman - 10 0 
Henry ploughman, à husbandman - 1 0 0 
John Hobart, ffarmers boy - - 015 O0 
Blith Sutton - - - - 012 6 
Sicilya West  - - - - 012 6 
Suzan Heydon - - - 015 0 
Mary Heydon - : - 010 O0 
Alice Bynks - - - 0129 6 
41 10 O 


Petition of THowas PARMENTER. 


[1656.]—To the Right Wpp" the Committee for the County 
of Norff. 

The humble petition of Thomas Parmenter sheweth your peti- 
tioner, having an equitable right to a house and about two and 
thirty acres of land in Witton, did about three weekes before 
Christmas last enter the possession thereof having no stock to 
employ the said land, since which tyme your Petitioner by his 
freinds hath sowne some of the said land and is charged or 
speedily to be charged with monthly pay to the Parliament and 
advaunce money to the Scotts Three pounds five shillings. And 
your petitioner, being poore by reason of many former suits un- 
justly prosecuted apainst him, hath neither Neat cattell, horse 
cattell, swine, sheepe, corn, money, nor credit to borrow money. 
And thro a widow Gostling challenging her thirds out of that 
land and her sonn Thomas Gostling three or four acres of it for 
copyhold and one Richard Burr, who maryed the petitioner's 
daughter agains his will, challenging all the said land, your 
petitioner can get no task cattell to pasture by means whereof 
» is not able to pay the said charge taxed upon him for the said 
and. 

In respect whereof and for that my Lord of Manchester by his 
warrant, dated about the 25th of November, as the Petitioner 
remembreth did appoynt two Shillings in the pound to any that 
could discover any delinquent’s goods, since which tyme your 
petitioner did discover so much money and goods as there hath 
been £59 already paid to the Parliament’s use thereupon, and a 
great deale more is to be paid upon the sale of goods already so 
tuken. And your Petitioner having received nothing doth 
humbly pray all taxes charged upon him for the Parliament and 
Scots advaunce may be suspended untill such tyme as he shall 
have satisffaction according to his Lopp* order and the warrant 
thereupon. And your petitioner shall ever pray for your 
worshipp’s prosperous successe in all yor affayres. 


89 


Lapy Frances Hosart to Tus CoMMITTEE or SAFETY. 


1659.—I pray pardon this trouble which is occasioned by my 
feare of my horses being taken now upon my sudden jorney to 
my oune house at Chaplefield in Norw* which I intend, God 
permitting, to begin the 8 August, this day their haveing bin 
one of my horses taken by Capt. Frier’s command and a note 
taken of the rest, but my horse civilie returned upon my promise 
to get somwhat from the Councell of State for my keeping them, 
and now, Sir, I desire to give you a just account of mine, 2 bay 
sound horses, 2 bay geldings, all standing in my sister of Exeters 
stalls, a black gelding and a bay in Gibbes stalls in Salisbury 
lane and a gray nag and a sorrell now at grase, these, Sir, are 
the horses, I begg the favour to keepe without any further trouble 
either to myself or my friends amongst which I beseche you give 
me leav to rank you. | 

Sir, my request to you is that you would get me a protection 
for these horses. 

Endorsememt on the letter :— 

Wee desire you to forbeare meddling with the horses mentioned 
in this letter and belonging to the within mentioned Lady 


Fran : Hobart. 
| Signed Lambert. - 
Whytehall, fryday, BENE 
'59, July 80. Richard Salwey. 


1660, Oct..—Receipt for £10 for a quarter’s rent of Sir J. 
Hobart's house in Petty France, Westminster. 


1661.—Fees for burial of a child of Sir John Hobart at 
Covent Garden. 


1680, 2 Dec.—Appointment of Sir H. Hopart Steward of 
Duchy of Lancaster. 


1680—[1] , 25 Jan.—Received then by the hands of Jo. Brewster 
for a horse for Hen. Howard to ride on to London, as an assis- 
tant to con: Verdon up thither upon his being taken upon a 
warrant from the House of Commons. 

John J H Holdinge, 
his marke. 


Estreat of the AssESSMENT for SUBSIDIEs, in the 
HuNDRED or EyYNESFORD, 1668. 


The writing and estreate of all and every the sume 
and sumes of money by vertue of an Act of the Parliament 
now prorogued lately made for granting fower intyre Sub- 
sidys To his Mat by the Temporality assessed charged and 
taxed in the said hundred of Eynisford, in the sayd County 
of Norff, for and towards the pay‘ of the first two of the said 
fower subsidys, also of the names and surnames of all and evry 
the person and persons upon whome the said sume and sumes of 


90 


money are respectively so assessed, charged and taxed and also 
the yeerly or other best value or values or other qualifieations 
for which or by reason whereof every of them were 80 assessed, 
charged and taxed this 28th day of Sept., anno Domini, 1663, by 
us whose seales and signes manuall are hereunto sett being 
amongst others named Com" for the sayd County in and by the 
said Act or by virtue thereof assigned unto the Lymitt in the 
sayd County whereof the sayd hundred is part by and with the 
assent of Edward Bulwer, Esquire, the High Collector of the 
sayd Lymitt delivered unto 


LANDS. 
Alderford. 
Thomas Hall, gen. xl* xvi* 
Nicholas Chapman, gen xl* xvi* 
Richard Kett and others as Guardians) |, viiis 
of Sarah hankes 
Suma hujus ville ji! 
Baudswell. 
LANDS. 
Richard Chambers, gen. xx! viii* 
Henry Eglinton, gen. xls ivi* 
Thomas Leman ls xx! 
Robert Bucke xls xvis 
Will? Wells XXX? xii? 
John Abbott Xx? viii* 
Thomas Cotts xx! viiis 
Robert Philipes xx? vil 
Ralph ffunnell, gntn. for the heyres 
of John Hare, sen. dec. xx? viii 
Elizabeth Castleton, widow Xx? viii? 
John Grange xx* viiis 
James Muddyshift xx* viii* 
Summa hujus ville vi! viii* 
Brandeston. 
LANDS. 
Robert Kinge, gen. xl? xvi* 
Henry Fuller xls xvit 
Timothy Stotton, gen. (sic) iii* xxiiii* 
Goops. 
John Jempson iii! xvi* 
‘Summa hujus ville iii! xii* 
Bylaugh. 
Lanps. 
Henry Beddingfeld, esq. xii! iili! xvi* 
Mrs. Frances Paston, widdow xl xvi* 
John Bendish, gen. iii! xxxii 
Henry Hay, gen. iili xxiiii* 


91 


Thomas Raymer xx? 
John Westmor xx" 
Goops. 
John Porter iii 
Summa hujus ville x! 
Bulingford. 
LANDS. 
Will? Boddy xl 
Richard Springall xl 
John Hase xx® 
Anthony Cooke xx* 
Summa hujus ville i" viii* 
Bintrye. 
Lanps 
John Hinks in 
Christopher Andrews xl? 
Andrew Poynter xx? 
John Browne Xx? 
John Cubitt xx* 
Goops. 
Will? Lynn, gen. iiii' 
Summa hujus ville iin v* iiit 
Elsing. 
Lans. 
Thomas Browne, esq. vi 
John Robinson, cler. xx? 
Thomas Hewitt xx* 
John Drapitt xx! 
Bridget Copland, widow xx? 
Anne Southgate, widdow xx‘ 
Elizabeth Beacon, as guardian to her 
daughter xx" 
Summa hujus ville viii! viii 
Fowsham. 
LANDS. 
William Money, gen. uii 
Will. Keeling, gen. iii! 
Rob. Dey, gen. xl® 


Phillup Skippon, esq., ultra mare 
Wa Parlett his farmer and bayliff vit 


Will. Atthill ii 
Will. Parlett xx* 
John Wild xx* 
John Ives xx? 
Katherin Altcocke, widdow xx* 
Seth Chapman iii! 


James Burton xx* 


xxi)? ii 


viii* 
vll? 


vil? 
vili* 


viii* 


xxxli* 
XX1V* 
xvi? 


ul vii 
xxx11° 

ee 18 
vill : 
vili 

ee :8 
XX11115 
vilis 


92 


Will. Nicholls xl* xvi* 
Richard Nicholls xx* viii? 
Robert Sparrow, gen. xls xvi? 
John Chapman xx* viii* 
Henry Chapman, jun. xls xvi* 
Henry Chapman, sen. xx* viiis 
Rob* Chapman, Butcher xx“ viii* 
Edward Wild xx! viiis 
Goops. 
Martha Alcocke, widdow yli xxvi* viii? 
Rob: Chapman, draper ixi ii! viii* 
Symon Butler iii! xvis 
Summa hujus ville xx! ii* viii‘ 
ffoxley 
LaNps 
Anthony Howlett iiit xxiiii* 
Richard Walker xl* xvi* 
William Porter xx* viii* 
Anne Burton, widdow xx* viii* 
Robert Copeman of Barton |. . xls xvi* 
| Goops. 
ffrancis Porter | yl xxvi* viii 
Thomas Porter jii! XVI 
Summa hujus ville v! xuii* viii? 
Geyst. 
LaNps. 
Henry Mynn, gen. xls xvi 
Rice Wickes xl xvi 
John Reymer xx* vil 
W"™ Reymer XX5 viii 
Edward Astly xx! viii? 
Goons. 
Christopher Mynn, gen. . iil xvi* 
John Duningham alias De Pree ii xvi* 
Summa hujus ville iii! viii* 
Geistwicke. 
Lanps. 
Edward Bulwer, esq. xxiii" vii xiis 
Will. Bulwer, jure uxor. = '- vit i 
John Jermie | xls xvi*- 
Joseph Symonds, gen. ii xx1iii* 
Jsaacke Asshly xx* viii* ." 
Goops. 
Roger Bulwer, gen. iiit xvi" 


Summa hujus ville x" xvi* 





98 


Hackford. 
LANDS. 
Augustin Messenger vil ii viii* 
Elizabeth Coxfer, widdow xx! vili 
Thomas Munsey xl" xvi* 
Henry Dewin xl. xvi 
Will" Bayfeil iii! xxiiii* 
Richard Chamberlayne, esq. xl* xvi* 
Thomas Breese xl xvi? 
Will" Parke xx" viii* 
Goons. 
Thomas Norton jii!i xvi" 
Summa hujus ville viii! viii 
Hererland. 
Lanps. 
Clement Hyrne, esq, vill ii! viii" 
Mr" Anne Hyrne, widdow iii xxxii* 
John Jeckes xx* viii* 
Summa hujus ville iiij! iiii* 
Hyndolveston. 
LANDS. 
Samuel Lynn 1l xvi* 
And as guardian for John Lynn xl* xvi* 
Daniell Brown xxi viii' 
James Claybourne xx? viii* 
Margaret Shinkwyn, widdow xx° viii* 
Thomas Beddingfeild, gen. iii xxiiii* 
Will" Lynn iii! xxiiii* 
Ryce Ollye xx* viii* 
Robert Daniell, gen. xl* xvi 
Goops. 
Thomas Johnson iii xxi' iiii* 
Thomas Hallman jii! xvi*. 
Edmond Sconce uit xvi* 
Joseph Arlston ii! xvi* 
Summa hujus ville ix! xvii* iiii? 
Lynge. 
Lanps 
Elizabeth Locke, widdow xl xvi? 
Thomas King, sen. xl" xvi" 
John Abell xx? viii* 
Thomas Btoughton xx? viii? 
Thomas Kinge, jun. xx! viii 
M" Becke, widdow Xx* viii? 
Will. Couldwell, cler: xx* viii* 


Summa hujus ville iii" xii* 


94 


Morton. 
Goops. 


Hugh Murrell ii 
Summa hujus ville xvi* 


Reepham cum Cardeston. 


Lanps 
John Dennis xl* 
Edmond Skilling xx° 
Will. Dacke xx° 
Mary Dacke, widdow xx* 
John Hartston | xx* 
Ralph Outlaw, clk. of Necton xl* 
Summa hujus ville iii! iiii* 
Ringland. 
Lanps. 
Francis Heyward, gen. . vii! 
Thomas Kett, gen. yli 
Barnard Laverocke, gen. xl* 
John Parfitt xx° 
Summa hujus ville vil 
Sall. 
LaNps. 
James Fountayne, esq. vili 
Nathaniel Brett xx' 
John Barbour xx° 
Rob. Dey xx" 
Thomas Marker, gen. xl. 
Will" Stewart xl 
Thomas Margatson xx* 
Summa hujus ville v! xii* 
Sparham. 
Lanps. 
Geoffrey Fuller xx? 
Elizabeth Batch, widdow xx* 
Thomas Sedly, gen. of Backton xx? 
Goops. 
ffrancis hamond iii! 
Godfrey Ridgwell iii 
Robert Ivory iii 
Summa hujus ville iii xii* 
Swannington 
LANDS. 
Will. Jealons xl 


children of John Allen, deceased 
William Moy xl 
Hamond Thurston of Drayton xx' 


The same William as guardian to the «Ie 


xvi? 


xvi* 


viii 








95 


Will® Bladwell, esq. iii!i 
John Pikarell, gen. vill 

Summa hujus ville vi" viu* 

Ihimnblethorp. 
LANDS. 

Edward Cooper iii! 
Anthony Brett xx° 
Nicholas Riches xx° 
Thomas Mowting of Norw gen. xl. 


Thomas Copeman of G* Yarmouth  xx° 
Summa hujus ville ii iiii* 


Thurning. 
Lanps. 
Peter Elwyn, sen., gen. iii! 
Peter Elwyn, jun., gen. iii!i 
Thomas Elwin, gen. xl' 
Goops. 
Christopher Pay iii! 
Summa hujus ville iti" 
Twyford. 
Lanps 
Will™ Raylye, gen. iii! 
James Ward, gen. iii 
John Harnye xx" 
Goops. 
Henry Lynne iii! 
Summa hujus ville iii! viii 
Weston. 
Lanps. 
M" Margaret Rookwood, widd. vili 
Spencer Chapman ii 
Will" Bunn xx* 
Will? Hewitt, sen. xl? 
Will. Hewitt, jun. xx* 
Thomas Andrews xx* 
John Mann xx? 
Th** Fryer xx! 
Elizabeth Bunn, widdow xx* 
Goons. 
Thomas Rookwood, gen. iii! 
Will™ Lambe, g*- vi 
Charles Bun iii! 


Summa hujus ville x! 


xvi* 


Wood Dawling. 
Lans. 
John Gallant, gen. ini xxiiii* 
Charles Kempe, gen. iil xxiiii* 
Edward Gay xls xvi" 
Roger Joyce i" xxilii* 
Robert Sealth xx? vili® 
Edward Messenger xl* xvi* 
Richard Bell xx5 viii* 
William Sealth xx* viii* 
M* Dorothy Astely | iii! xxiiii* 
Goops. 
Rob. Johnson iii xxi* ii? 
Will. Bell vi xxvi* viii? 
Zachariah ffuller in" xvi 
John Bell ii! xvi? 
Robert Starling iii xvi* 
Thomas Swallow iii! xvi? 
Summa hujus ville xiii" iiii* 
Whitwell. 
LANDS. 
Augustin Breese xx viii" 
John Cawsey xx viii? 
William Greene xx° viii" 
Goops. 
William Barron iii vi" 
Summa hujus ville 11" 
Wood Norton. 
LANDS. 
Richard Springall xl: xvi* 
Goodwyne, widd. xx? viii* 


Summa hujus villa xxiiii* 


Witchingham Magna. 


LaNps. 
Oliver Neve, esq'* xx" viii! 
George Boid iiit xxxli* 
Stephen Dewing ii xxxli* 
Thomas Allen, gen. ii xxiili* 
Thomas Shackle, gen. xl xvi? 
Will" Pratt xx° viii* 
Ralph Andrews xx? viii* 
Thomas eu Styth xx’ viii* 


Summa hujus ville xxii! viii* (sic) 





97 


Witchingham Parva. 
LANps. 
Ralph Outlaw, gen. | xls xvi 
Thomas Outlaw, gen. xl* xvi? 
Summa hujus ville xxxii* 


Summa totalis hujus hundredi clxxviii" 


EsrREAT OF THE SUBSIDIES granted by the temporalty in the 
Hunprep or NonrH ERPINGHAM, 1663. 


Antingham lii 


Edmond De Gray, esq. iii! xxliii 
Robert Harmer xx‘ viii* 
Andrew Rose xx? viii* 
Robert Harmer, clerk XXXV5 xilii* 
Cromer iii! viii* 
Sir George Windham, knight vill xlviii* 
Thomas Baxter, gent. iii xxxii 
Dennis Rounce xx? vili* 
Gimingham vii" xii* 
George Gryme, gent. iii! xxiiii* 
John Matchett, gent. ii xs XXVILIS 
Thomas Gogle, gent. XXx° xii* 
Myles Skerrett xx* viii* 
Richard Johnsons Xxx? xii* 
William Cubitt Xx? viii* 
Nicholas Tompson xx? viii? 
John Mingay, gent. iii x* xxviii? 
Richard Gryme, gent. xx? viii? 
Robert Gryme, gent. xis xvi? 
Gunton xxiv* 
Anne Jermy, gentlew. iii! xxiv? 
Hanworth vi! xiii* 
Robert Doughty, esq. vill xlviii® 
Frances Doughty, gentlew. xl xvi" 
Robert Hogan xlv* xviii* 
Robert Jell x]* xvi* 
Elizabeth Miller, widd. Xxx* xii? 
Robert Miller xx? viii? 
Thomas Love xl* xvi? 
Knapton iii! xii* 
John Wortes XXXV? xiiii* 
Thomas Everard, merchant xls xvi? 
John Harmer, gent., and his mother xx* viii? 
Edward Wiggett ii xxiiiis 
Thomas Gryme xx? viii? 
Philup Alcocke, gent. xxv? x° 
John Flight XXX? xii? 
Mundesley xxii 
Edward Bradfield, gent. iili xxiiii* 


17118 


98 


Northrepps xv! x* 


Thomas Rugge, gent. vill 
Riches Browne, gent. liil xv* 
Henry Playford, gent. iii 

Yallop, relict of Robert Yallop, gt. 

dec iili 

John Ellis, gent. vli 

Ward, relict of Alderman Ward, dec. xxx* 
John Spilman, gent. vi 
Thomas Outlacke, gent.  . xx 
William Payne Xx? 
Elizabeth Powell, widd. XXXxv* 
Nicholas Carr, esq. vii 
John Emerson xx? 


Overstrand lvi* 
Reymer, relict of John Reymer, esq., 
dec. xl* 
John Manninge, clerk, guardian to or 
for William Reymer, gent., an infant iii! 


Symson Rice xx* 
Roughton v4 viii? 
James Tennant, gent. vii! xs 
John Reynolds, clerke xl* 
Robert Priest xx’ 
Robert Hamond, gent. xl 
William Sudbury, clerk xx? 
Sidestrand ii" viis 
Thomas Deedes, gent. xl* 
William Clerke, gent. iili 
Edmund Elden xls 
Giles Grey and his father xx° 
Roger Browne, gent. xx° 
Southreps ix" viii? 
John Cubitt iii 
Robert Bateman iii! 
Robert flight il 
Robert Primrose xx‘ 
Sara Rice, widdow xx! 
William Bateman xl 
Richard Doughty xx? 
Thomas Harmer xx? 
The heires of Joseph Snow, gent., 
deceased vi 
Robert Withers xx‘ 
John Crome Xxx 
Suffield vii" viii 
John Symonds, esq. vit! 
Thomas Symonds, clerke in! 
Henry Symonds, gent. iil! xs 


John Porter, gent, xxx? 


xxiii 
viii? 
vin 
xvi* 
vii? 
viii* 
x]? 
vii 
x1i* 





99 


John Starre xx* 
John Wentworth, esq., here and at 
Roughton ii x? 
Thorpe Market vii" vit 
Sir Thomas Rant, knight xv* 
Wiliam Langwade and Elizabeth 
Langwade xl° 
Dame Cleyton XXXV* 
Samuel Langwade xls 
William Rant, gent. vii 
Trimingham xxxviii? 
John Gryme, sen. xxx 
John Gryme, jun. xx? 
Edmond Jewell xxv? 
Robert Parr xx* 
Trunch viis xii* 
William Wortes, gent. iii! 
Riehard Wortes, gent. ls 
Robert Harmer x]: 
Robert flight, g* xls 
William Bates xls 
William Mason Xxx? 
Samuel House xx? 
Thomas Daynes xl 
John Gogle iii! 
Alborough iii! ij 
Richard Hutchinson, esq. xls 
John Miller, gent. xis 
William Gay, gent. Xxx? 
Richard Whittacre xx" 
Henry Gunton xxv? 
Aylmerton xlvii? 
Nicholas Monyman Xxx? 
William Johnsons Xxx? 
Edmond Pawle xx? 
Richard Abbes xx? 
Richard Pawle xx" 


Norwood Barningham vi! vii? 
Sir John Palgrave, knight and . 
baronet x" 
Augustine Palgrave, esq. vil 


Towne Barningham iii® iii 

Sir Henry Beddingfield, kt and b*, 
Henry Beddingfield, esq., John} . 
Bendish of Elsing, gent., feoffees or }viil" 
trustees of Clem'  Paston, esq., 
deceased. | 

Dorothy Paston, reliet of Clem* Paston vi" 

Rob. Miller xx 


100 


Robert Billington, a non-comunicating 
Popish recusant of 21 years 

Richard Shaw, a non-com. Popish 
recusant of 21 years of age 

James Candler, a non-com. Popish 
recusant of xvi yeares of age 


Bassingham xx* 


Robert Swaine . Xxx? 
Jerome Blofield, gent. xx? 
East Beckham ini iiis 
Richard Chamberlayne, esq. viii 
Beeston Regis l* 
Anne Sherwood, gentlew. XXx? 
Richard Greene, gent. ls 
Edmond Hooke xxv? 
Elizabeth Lombe, widow Xxx? 
flelbridge x! xii? 
John Windham, esq. xxv? 
Richard Pawle Xxx 
Gresham xxviii? 
Elizabeth Ulfe, widdow XXX? 
Henry Johnsons xx? 
Richard Marys Xx? 
Matlaske iii! 1° 
Phillip Pawle, gent. iii! 
Robert Gay xl 
Thomas Miller xxx? 
John Miller xx? 
Thomas Liggons xxv? 
John Gay XXx5 
Metton xvi? - 
Edward Crosby, gt. xx? 
John Carryer Xxx? 
Plumpstead ii! viii? 
Edmond Bretiff, gent. iii 
Bartholomew Plumstead, gent. Xxx? 
Nicholas Wilson, gent. ii? 
Anne Britiff, widd. I! 
Runton ini à ii 
William Blofield, gent. Is 
Mary ffirmary, widd. Xx? 
John Smith, clerke Xx? 
John Woodrow ]: 
Thomas Smith xls 
Elizabeth Suggate, widd. xx* 


Jacob, an infant alien dwelling with 
Roger flint, clerk 
Sheringham ii! vii* 
Robert ffeltham, gent. ls 


xxiiii? 
xvi? 
X115 
viii* 
xs 

xii? 





101 


Richard Jennys xxv* x? 
Samuel Jennys xx* viii 
George Grey xxv* x5 
Robert Yaxley xx* viii? 
William Cooke xx® viils 
Thomas Cooke, sen. Xx5 viii? 
Sustead xl° 
Leonard Blofield, gent. iii! xxiiii* 
Thomas Cooke, gent. xls xvi? 
Thurgarton vi vis 
John Pettus, gent. ii! x* xxviii? 
Edmond Cooke xx? viii? 
Christopher Blacke iii xxxli* 
William Spurrell XXXV? xiiii* 
Thomas Risbrough xx* viii? 
William Druery xx? viii 
Samuell Soame xx* viii* 


The grosse and totall summe of this hundred is cli xv* 111i? 
before any alteration, change or discharge had or made. 


HunprED or SOUTH ERPINGHAM, 1668. 


Aylesham. 
LaAnps. 
James Allen Xx? viii 
Robt. Burre xls xvi? 
Thomas Browne XX? vili? 
Elizabeth Bradie xx8 vilis 
Thomas Barker xls xvi? 
Francis Curtis, clerke x]? xvi 
Robert Doughty, gent. Ixxx* Xxx1i5 
John Durrant x]5 XVI‘ 
Thomas Lawes xx? vii? 
Robert Russells xls xvi? 
Henry Some xx? viii 
ffrancis Curtis, as guardian to Thomas). , 2 
Leaman ES "un 
Richard Curtis xls Xvi? 
Robert Hall x]? xvis 
John Ellis xx vilis 
Martha Smyth, wid. xx5 vilis 
Anne Brytiffe, wid. xx viii? 
William Doughty xis xvi? 
John Brad xx5 vili? 
Elizabeth Lubbocke, wid. xx® viii 
William Willson xx? vili? 
Alby. 

by Lanps. 

William Langwood xls xvi? 
Robt. ffBisher Xx5 viii? 
Jeremy Blofeyld Ix’ xxiiii* 


William Parke XX‘ viii? 


Baningham. 
Humphery Carter 
Thomas Knivett 
Phillip Graye 
Richard Clark 
Jeremy Barnes 
ffrancis Wiggett 

Barneingham pra. 
Christopher Page 
Thomas Page 
William Bacon 
Christopher Graye 


Baconsthorpe. 
Robert Beare 
Edmund Warnes 
Edmund Britiffe 
Longfer, wid. 
Anne Vathecke 


M" Susan Longe 


Brampton. 
Thomas Smyth 
Richard Curson 


Buxton. 
Thomas Bulwer 
John Hurton 
Thomas Edridg 
John Watker 


M": Anne Gosnald 


Booton. 
Catherine Malham 
William Shillinge. 
Burrough. 
Edmund Burre 
Catherine Suffeild 
William Parker 
Rob* Howse 
James Fecsor 
West Beckham. 
Richard Cooke 
Edmund Clucke 
James Tower 
William Clarke 
Belough. 
Edward Puttocke 


Blicklinge. 


Sir John Hobart, knight and baronet 


com. 


102 


Goops. 


Goons. 


xxxii 


xxxii? 


xxiili 
vlii? 
xxxli? 
vilis 
vili? 
viii 


xli 


Thomas Sayers 
Richard Smyth 
Rob. Smyth 
William Smyth 
John Payne 
James White 


Coulteshall. 
William Parkings 
Nathaniell Blaxter 
Henry Whitwell 
Richard Lubbock 
Edmund Goslinge 


Calthorpe. 
Bartholomew Plumsteade 
John Tubbinge 
William Webster 
Alice Muntford, wid. 


Colby. 
William Smyth 


Corpustie cum Irmingland 
Dame Alice Smyth 


Causton. 
John Earle, esq., comr 
John Lombe 
John Hamond 
Mary Vawle, wid. 
Edward Lombe 


Erpingham. 
ffrancis hyrne 
Frederick Tylney 
Henry Empson 
John Warner 
Thomas Lubbocke 
Thomas Wolsey 
William Spirall 
Will" Lubbocke 
Thomas Hawes 
William Hewett 


Heydon. 


Erasmus Earle, serjeant-at-law, com. 


William Sympson 
John Vrary 
William Seottowe 
Richard Robins 
Thomas Robins 
Richard ffulcher 
Thomas Newman 


108 


xvi? 
Xx11115 
xxlili? 
viii? 
xvi? 
vli 
vis 


xvi? 
vil 


viii* 


Ixxx$ 


104 


Heringham. 
Thomas Scamler, gent. 
John Tolke 
William Haylett 
Itteringham. 
Richard Robins 
Edmond Chapman 


Ingworth. 
Briget Wolsey 


Houtebys m« 
Edward Warnes, cl. 
Edward Denny 
Henry Palmer 


Lammas cum Houteboys parva. 
Thomas Sadler 
Robert Symth 
Rob Chapman 
Humphery Prattant 
John Allen, sen. 


Marsham. 


Edmund Gall 


Manington. 
Sir John Potts, k* and barr., com. 
John Potts, esq., com. 


Ornett. 


Sir Robt. Paston, k* and barr com. 


Joane Kilbie, wid. 


Oulton. 
William Bell 
Edmund Bell 
John Bell 
Wm Lombe 


Saxthorpe. 
LANDS. 


John Dey 

Mary Dey 

John Page, esq. 

John Vahan, el. 
Isadora Edmunds, wid. 
Mary Cooke, wid. 


Goops. 
Thomas Allen 


Swanton. 
William Coulsen, sen. 
Richard Beare 
M'* Elizabeth Garrard 
Will™ Cooper 


lx? 
xls 
xl 


Xxx? 
xx? 


xx? 


xl: 
x]? 
x]? 


Ix 
xx? 
XX$ 
xls 
xx? 


xx? 


viii! 


xxxli 
xx? 


xls 
xx® 
xls 
xx? 


lx8 
xls 
Ixxxé 
xls 
XX? 
xx? 


]x? 


xx? 
xx® 
Xx? 
XX? 


xxliii* 
XVI 
xvi? 


vili 
lxi 
xii 
vil 
xv15 
vill? 
xvl? 
vi 


xxliii? 


. xvi? 


xxxli* 
XVIS 
vli 
viii? 


XVI 


105 


Skeyton. 
Edmund Spendlowe Xx? viii* 
Henry Empson xx? viii* 
Scottowe. 
Thomas Picroft xl? xvi? 
John Spendlowe xls xvi? 
Thomas Lockton xx? viii* 
John Warnes xx? viii 
William Durrant xl» xvi* 
Martha Lubbocke xx? viii 
Brigett Edwards xis xvi? 
Stratton Straylesse. 
M" Anne Marsham xx* viii* 
M' Henry Marsham xl? xvi? 
William Marsham vii x] 
T uttington. 
M" Mary Rolfe Ixxx* XXX]i* 
M*- Barnard Utbard xl xvi* 
Twayet. 
John Wolsey xls xvi 
John Bande xx® viii 
Wickmer. 
John Ramsey, esq. vii xls 
Henry Miller, sen. xl XVI 
Henry Miller, jun. XX? viii? 
Henry Gunton x]: xvi* 
Rob* Lubbocke xx? viii 
Amy Larwood xx? viii? 
Martha Breese Xx5 viii 
Xpofer Parkine Xx5 viii 
Wolterton. 
James Scamler, esq. viii! lxiiii* 


Summe is 141! 06* 004 


In the Hundred of Horr, 1668. 


Holt Hundred. 


‘The Assessment for the said Hundred of the first two subsidies 
of the fower granted to his Matie in the fifteenth yeare of his 
highness' raigne rated by William Symonds, Rob* Hunt, Thomas 
Wright, Edmond Hobart, George Bulleyn, John Dey, and Henry 
Pane, gent., Assessors, and John Sorrell and Owen Palmer, gent., 
Cheife Constables there, the 19th day of Sept. in the year of our 
Lord God 1668." 


Holt. 
LANDS. 
Edmond Hobart, gent., Assessor ni xxllii* 
Sam Butler xx? viii® 


Michaell Butler Xx vili? 


106 


John Millner 

Will. Carre, sen. 
Will. Carre, jun. 
Rob. Shepheard 
Will. Leake 

James Bulleyn, gent. 
Phillip Feake 
William Evered 
Will^ Spurrell 


Goops. 


Henry Ampleford, gent. 
Stephen Allen 

Thomas Donne 

George Spurrell 


Bafeild cum Glandford. 


LANDS. 


Rob. Jermy, Esq. 
Rob. Jermy, jun. 
Peter Critoft 
John Castor 


Bathely. 
LANDS. 


George Bulleyn, gent., Assessor 
James Brame 

Lucy Shaxton, wid. 

Thomas Poroditch 

Bridget Bulleyn, wid. 

Richard Thasher 


Gunthorpe. 


LANDS. 


Thomas Might, gent., Assessor 
John Sorrell, gent. 

John Houghton, gent. 

Judah Houghton, wid. 

Alice and Elizabeth Houghton 
Jeffery Might, gent. 

Thomas Davies 

Samuel Beckham 


AMorston. 
LANDS. 
Th° Shorting 
James Apoditch 
Blakeney. 
Lanps. 


Sam Bacon, gent. 
Th*- Youngman 


Xxx? 


viii 


107 


Th° Russell 
Th%- Abraham 
John Cressey 
Henry Bassett 


Wireton. 


LANDS. 


Edmond Day, clerke 
John Loades 
Richard Yaxley 


Stodey. 


LANDS. 


Will. Symonds, gent., Assessor 
Rob. Critoft, gent. 
Rob. Feazer 


Groops. 


Elizabeth Hastings, wid. 
Martin hastings, gent. 


Hempstead. 
Robert Hunt, gent., Assessor 


Owen Palmer, gent., chief constable 


Nicholas Gotts 
Martha Preist, wid. 
Will™- Worts 


Salthausen. 


LANDS. 


Hen’ Parre, gent., Assessor 
Edward Dawney, Clerke 
Henry Standforth 

John Goulding 

Robert Leverington 


Kelling. 


LANDS. 


Anne Gilbert, wid. 
John Hamond 
Richard Balls 
Elizabeth grene, wid. 


Wayborne. 


LANDS. 


Th* Wotton, gent. Discharged 
uppon his oath 

John Munford 

Giles Preist 

Sam Yaxley 

John Cooke 


xx? 


x]? 
xx? 
Xx? 
XX5 


yli 
xx? 
Xx? 


iiiil 
xls 
XX? 


iii! 
iii! 


xls 
Xx? 
Xx* 
Xx? 
xx? 


xls 
XXS 
XXX? 
xx® 
Xx$ 


XX5 
xx? 
xx8 
xx" 


XXX1i* 
vii 

ee 38 
xli 





108 


Langhan. 
LANDS. 
John Dey, gent., Assessor iil xxiii? 
Will? Mann, sen. yli x]? 
Will?" Mann, jun. xl* xvi? 
Tho. Earle x]? XVI‘ 
John Locksmith xxx xii* 
George Boise x] xvi 
John Boise xx? viii 
Shorting, wid. Xxx? xii? 
Goops. 
John Brighmer iii! xvi* 
Hunworth. 
LANDS. 
Phillip Britiffe vil xls 
Edmund Britiffe, sen., guardian to} TT iia 
Clement Britiffe n xxxn 
Elizabeth Russell, wid. viii! iili ii 
Rob‘. Rogers xx° viii 
Will»- Newman XX? vili5 
Briningham. 
LANDS. 
Thomas Burllingham, gent. ii xxxii? 
Rob. Spurrell eo xx? viii? 
Bodham. 
Lanps. 
Robt Watson, Clerke ii xxxii? 
Tho' Smith yli x18 
Th* Franck xls xvi5 
Edward Franckling xx? viii? 
. Goops. 
Francis Roberts iii xvi? 


Stanton Novers. 


LANDS. 
John Fincham xx viiis 
Melton Constable. 
LANDS. 
Sir Jacob Astley, knight and baronett xxx! xii! 
Burrow parva. 
LANDS. 
Thomas Reynor, clerke xx5 viii? 


John Lee, gent. xx? viii? 


109 


Letheringsett. 
LANDS. 
Edward Worsley, clerke xxx? xii* 
Richard ffitts, gent. I xx? 
John Dix xx? viii 
Rob* Pearetree xx? viii 
Edqfeid. 
LANDS. 
James Marting, clerke xx? viii* 
Martin, wid. xx? vili? 
John Buxton, gent. iii xxxii? 
Bartholomew grene iii! xxiili* 
Robert Martin Xxx? xii? 
Henry Wodrow xx? viii* 
Rob. Castor Xxx? xii? 
Rob. Butler Xx? viii* 
Tilney, wid. xx® viis 
Ann Hobart, wid. xx? vii? 
Goops. 
Edward Denney, gent. xli ii viii* iiid 
Briston. 
LANDS. 
Rob*- Jeoffery Xxx? viii? 
Katherine Taylor, wid. xx* viii* 
Cates, wid. xx? vili? 
John Cates Xx? viii? 
Will. Jervis xl? xvi? 
Will. Roper, discharged by oath 
Richard Roper xl* xvi" 
John More xx? viii? 
Richard Athow xx? viii? 
Thomas Garrett Xx? vili 
John Browne XX? vili? 
Thornage. 
LaNps. 
John Parkin xx? viii? 
John Pyke xx? viii? 
Tho. Girdleston Xx? viii? 
James Dix xx! vliis 
Sharrington. 
LANDS. 
Thomas Hunt, esq’? viii! ii! iii 
Will. Hunt, gent. xl. xvi 
Nicholas Wild xx* viii* 
Tho. Chapman xxx° xii* 


Will. Alborough xx" viii* 


Brinton. 
LANDS 
Edmond Cooke ii XXxxii* 
John Cooke x]5 XVI“ 
John Rogers xx? viii? 
Saxlingham. 
LANDS. 
John Harmer, cler. XXX? xs 
Rob. Chevely xl xvi? 
Th*. Keltham XXS vili? 
Andrew Athill xx! viis 
William Browne Xx? viii 
Elizabeth Cheavely, wid. xx? viii* 
Cley. 
Simon Britiffe, esq. xii! inis xvi? 
Rob'. Burton iii xxliii? 
Roger Uther, gent. xxxli xli? 
Will. Crockley ii xxiii 
Richard Flaxman Xxx? xil 
Tho. Rayner Xx? viii* 


The names of persons having estates in the hundred of Holt 
living elsewhere. 


Holt. 
The heires of Malling in 
ferme of Michael Butler 
Widow Ringall in ferme of Stephen 


XXX xli? 


Allen Xxx? xii 
The Company of fishmongers in 
London in ferme of James Ward, | xxx* xii 


esq. 

ferme of Thomas Armestrong xx" var 

Bately. 

Mr. Timothy ffelton in ferme of 
James Browne 

Mr. Murray of Wells in the ferme of 


liil XXXIIS 


jer 
| 
| 
grene of Norwieh in ihe] 
| 
| 


Steedman Hr xxiii 
Gunthorpe. 
John Gallant, gent., in ferme of Will" "" 
Dix | xx? vil 
Morston. 
flaxman in the ferme of J ohn | ext iis 
Gouldsmith H 
John Stileman in ferme of W™) T 
Armestead (xx vil 


111 


Blakeney. | 
The Executors of James Calthorpe, 
esq., in the ferme of Tho. Youngman, xli 
and others 


Salthouse. 
Christopher Mynns in ferme of Henry) je 
Parr, gen. 
Will Watts, esq., in the ferme of! xl, 
diverse men J 
Augustine Palgrave, esq' ' in paithouse} 
and Kelling, Commissioner 


Kellene. 

Sam Foster, cler., in the ferme of 
diverse men in Kelling end i 
Waborne 


Waborne. 
The Lord Cornewallis in the ferme of}. |; 
Mr. Wolton 1x 
Bodham. 
Mr. Luckner in the ferme of 
Francis Roberts 
Mr Watts in the ferme d 


133311 


E 


Robert Joynes xl” 


Mr. Denny in ferme of Francis 

Chesteny 
Langham. 

The Duke of Westmoreland in ferme 


of severall men in Langham and;:xl* 
Morston 


xx? 


William Nettleton of Wells in ferme} : 
of John Locksmith x 

John Harvy, esq., in the ferme of 

Thomas Barney, esq., in the ferme of 
severall mtn in Hempstead and 
Bodham 


ni 
xii! 


Tilney. 


Mr. Rowland in the ferme of] :::, 


| 
William Mann 
Hempstead. 
Edqfeild. 
The Lady Jermin in the ferme of Mr} .. 
severall men | ; 
Captaine ffisher in the ferme of 
severall men of  Edgfeild and i! 
Briston 
Briston. 


Thomas Homes, gent., in the ferme of üii 


ii 


severall men 


XVI‘ 


iii 


xx? 


Xvi? 


xxiii 


nil xii 


XXXIIS 


vliis 


xvi? 


XX? 


xxii 


Hii" xvi* 


xxxii? 
XX111]° 


xxl 


xxxui* 


112 


Mr. ffountaine in the ferme of Will. 





Boxer E AVI 
Mr. Langwood in the ferme of John : " 
Browne | xxx xii 
Mr. James Scambler in Priston.) ii oin 
Edgfeild, and Hempsted m um 
Erasmus Earle, Serjeant-at-Law,} 
Commissioner 
John Toke in ferme of Mr. Garrett, .. , se 
cler. | xx vu 
George Purton in the ferme of severall 
men in Briston, Holt, and Hemp-}xx® viii* 
stead 
Thornadge. 
Sir Edmund Bacon, Commissioner 
Sherington. 
Mr. Warkhouse in Sherinton| 
and Brinton in ferme of Thomas} xxiiii* 
Copeman | 
Will. Baley in the ferme of several! xp xvi" 
men in Sherington and Brinton vl 
Saxlingham. 
Sir Thomas Guibon and Edmond de] 
Gray, esq., Commissioners 
Letheringsett. 
James Ward, esq., in the ferme of) x i 
Richard Richmon 
Samuel Lin in the ferme of Robert E" » 
Peartree XVI 


Summa Totalis 167! 85 44 


EsrREAT of ASSESSMENT to SUBSIDISE, 
NonrH GREENHOE, 1668. 


The Assessment made the One and twentieth day of Sept : Anno 
Dom., 1668, upon the generall inhabitants in the said hundred 
for the two first of the foure intire subsidies granted to our most 
gratious soveraigne Lord King Charles the Segond, by Act of 
Parliament made in the 15“ yeare of His Majes'"* raigne of 
England &c. being rated and assessed by John Nabbs, Speller 
Tubbing, James Hawes, William Netleton, John Bond, William 
Framingham, gent., appoynted by the Commissioners hereof to 
assesse the same togeather with Robert Magnus and Philip 
Tubbing, cheef constables for the said hundred. 


Binham. 
LANDS. 
Timothy Manne, sen. x] xvi? 
John Covy xls xvi" 


Elizabeth Money, widow of Richard xl: 
Money 


118 


Richard Cutting 
Robert Olley 
Martin Money, sen. 


Goops. 
Timothy Manne, jun. 


Hinderingham. 
Lanps. 


Richard Godfrey, Esq., Commiss* 

John Nabbes, gent., sessor 

James Ward, esq. 

William Maye, sen. 

Peter Tubbing 

Judith Tubbing, widd. 

Phillip Tubbing, sesser and chief con- 
stable 

Richard Bond 

William harnie 

Stephen Lee 

William Maye, jun. 

George Stampe 

Francis Browne 

John Lovell 

Lawrance Bond 

James Sydall 

Richard Page 


Goops. 
Dionis Bond 


Houghton. 
LanDs. 
Nich® ffenne 
Nicholas Dagney 
Thomas Fenne 
Charles flight 


Holkham. 
LANDS. 


John Cooke, esq., Commissioner 
John Spooner 


Tymothey Large 
Cockthorpe. 
LANDS. 
Thomas Swallowe, cler. 
Goops. 
Barbara Hill, widd. 
17118 | 


xx* 


xx? 


Xx? 


114 


feildawling. 
LanNDs. 
John Stileman xis xvi? 
James Plane ‘xx viii* 
William Betts xx* viii? 
Robert Winne xx? viii? 
John Olley xx" viii* 
Mathew Loose xx? viii* 
John Manne Xx? viii? 
Robert Barker xx? viii* 
Goops. 
Christopher Ringer iii! xvi? 
Stifkey. 
Lanps. 
Robert Framingham vli ii! 
Speller Tubbing in i! jiii 
Jobn framingham xl* xvi* 
Robert Read x]? xvi* 
Thomas Read xx" viii* 
Goops. 
William Michell, cler. iii! xvi? 
Welles juxta Mare. 
LANDS. 
Mongoe Moray, cle. x] xvi* 
William Netleton, sessor nii 4 ni 
Thomas Curson iii i5 xii 
John Leech xl xvi" 
Robert Kinge xx? viii? 
Robert Magnus, Sessor and Cheetel xx T" 
Constable "n 
Richard Sporne ext viii* 
William Breame xl? xvi* 
Roger Monsuer iii!i 14 iiis 
William Wallett xx* viii? 
Stephen Knappe xx‘ viiis 
William Frayry xx° viii* 
Alice Tidd, widd. Xx? vilis 
Thomas Reaer xis xvi* 
Henry Lawson xx* viii 
John Wasselkey xx? vili? 
Elizabeth Leech, widd. xx! vili 
John Sporle xis xvi? 
George Rideout xx? viii* 
Clement Magnus xl? xvi* 
John Goldsmith xl? xvi* 
Robert Buckler xx" viii* 
Goops. 
Thomas Boult yli ji vit viiid 
Margaret Reeder ii xvi? 


Richard Driver iii yi 1* iii 





115 


John Julyan iii xvi? 
Mathew Sporne ii" xvi* 
John Clerke, late of Feakenham ii" xvi? 
John Clerke, late of Hindringham iii! xvi? 
Anne Barnard, wid. ii ji j* nid 
Mary Tidd, jun., widd. iii! xvi? 
Nicholas Wagstaffe iii! xvi? 
James Wortley iii! xvi? 
Alice Sporne, widd. iii! xvi? 
Thomas Cullen ii" ii j* i? 
Warham. 
LANDS. 
Ambrose Money, cler. iili i5 ii 
Jeremiah Purland, sen. nii jl x38 
Jeremiah Purland, jun. xl xvi" 
Alice Purland, widd. x]? xvi" 
Henry Greene xx* viii* 
Jonas Scott \ iii! ii 1i 
Gregory Brewster Xx? viii? 
William Harnie xx? viiis 
Robert Manne xx? viii? 
John Tubbing, cler. x]* xvi" 
Robert Purland, esq. xl xvi? 
Robert fisher, cler. iii! ji iis 
Goops. 
John Mantle iii" ii js iu 
Snoring Magna. 
LANDS. 
John Smith xls xvi? 
Thomas Webb, jun. Xx? viii? 
Anne Barnes, widd. xx? vli? 
Goops. 
Robert Pyle iii! xvi 
Egmore. 
Lanps. 
Dorothy Bacon, widd. liii ii! 
Walsingham Parca. 
LANDS. 
Edmund Smith, doctor of physick xl? xvi* 
John Partington xx? viii? 
William fairefax iii! ii xii? 
William Leverington xx? viii* 
John Bond, sessor 18 yi 
William Framingham, sessor ]: 14 
John Johnes xx? viii? 


William Seaton xx? viii? 


Thomas Salter 
Henry Willis 
Anthoney Catts 


Anne Sherwood, widdow 


Elizabeth Dey, widd. 
Elizabeth Ford, widd. 
George heblethwaite 
Robert Glennenney 
Rob. Dix 

Francis Vincent 
Thomas ffairefax 


Mathew Blyfer 


Sara Partington, widd. 


Walsingham Magna. 


Mathew Blyfer 
Roger Monsuer 
Henry Monsure 
Dennis Bucke 
Judith Gibson, widd. 
Anne Allen, widd. 
John Day 

Henry Matles 
Robert Johnes 


T hursford. 


116 


(Xoops. 


LANDS. 


LANDS. 


S' Thomas Guybon, k^*- Com": 
William Guybon, esq., Com“ 


Humphrey Curson 
John Comber 
Robert Benington 


Wyton. 


Humphrey Bedingfeild, esq., Com" 


Edmund Newgate 


LANDS. 


henry Bedingfeild for goods 


Richard Myles 
Robert Olley 


Berney. 


James Hawes, sessor 
Robert Hastings 


Goops. 


LANDS. 


xx? 


vii viii? 
ji! 

viii? 
vili 
vlii* 


ii! iii 








117 


James Lynne Xxx* viii? 

Henry Ánderson xx* viii* 
PorrsH REcusaNTS 

Barbara Suger, sen. is ii" 

Barbara Suger, jun. is iiit 

John Sugar i? ui 


1681. 11s. O0d. 


The grosse and totals of this} 
hundred is - - - 


Srr Jon HoBarr to THomas SKEET. 


1665, Jan. 31.—Lease of Langley Abbey. 

1667-1670.—Copies of Testimonials to one Captain William 
Mayden, ** Commander of several Fireships," formerly a mid- 
shipman in H.M. Ships Hoyal Charles and London, by Prince 
Rupert, Admiral Spragge, Lord Albemarle, and Lord Sandwich. 


Sr J. Hosart to Sm Joun Fovuntarne, S.L. 


1670, May 2.—Mortgage of Langley (monastery, site, &c.). 
December 21, 1672.—Recî then of Sir John Hobart, 
Bart., by the handes of John Breuster for a Perriwig 
£7, for mending of a Wigge £1 10° and for 2 pounds 
of haire powder ; 5* in all - - - - - 
(84) John Ringstead. 


£8 15s. 


List of a Gentleman’s Wardrobe, 
[Sm Henry HoBart] 1678. 


A particular of things delivered into Mr. Eagles charge in 
Sept., 1678. 

Imprimis a dark coloured druggat coat and breeches with a 
flowered silk wastcoate. 

Item a buttond and loopd coate and breeches of druggatt with 
a silk pink* wastcoate. 

Item a coate and a pair of sleeves of black cloath with black 
triming tagg? and a black silk wastcoat. 

Item a light coloured branched silk wastcoate which was worne 
with the camblet suite. 

Item a coate and a paire of breeches of an Irish freese. 

Item a coate and pair of breeches of a dear coloured clothe w^ 
a silke wastcoat of y? same colour. 

Item a coate and a pair of breeches of a darke coloured searge 
loynd with flowrd silke and a wastcoate suitable to the lyning of 
y* coate and a pair of silke stockins suitable. 

Item a light coloured druggate coat and breeches with a flowr? 
silk wastcoate, the breeches were alterd at London beinge formerly 
Pantelloons. 

Item a shagge white silke wastcoat. 

Item a black bumbazine coate and breeches with a black silk 
wastcoate. 





118 


Item 2 muffles. 

Item & capp of turbant fashion. 

Item black ribeands made up in fashion of Pantelloons, which 
was formerly worne with the grey druggate suite, w'htwo Rem- 
nants of flowered silk suitable to the wastcoat belonging to the 
8! grey druggat suite. 


2. Item a sky coloured twylight with 2 boxes, 2 brushes, a glass 
cup, and a pair of slippers all of tabby laced with gold and silver lace. 

Item an ash coloured silke wastcoat pink‘. 

[tem & large cotton wastcoate. 


Belts. 

Imprimis a wast Belt of buffe stitch* with gold and silver and 
buckles of silver guilt. 

Item & shoulder belt of black Spanish leather with silver 
buckles. 

Item a shoulder belt with a dark coloured silk frienge and a 
silver twist about it. 

Item woe shoulder belts with black frienge. 

Item & shoulder belt of a cynnamon colour cut and 
embroydered. 

Item & black Spanish leather belt with gold frienge. 

Item & wast belt stitch* with silver and with silver buckles or 
clasps and belonging to the little sword. 

Item & black Waste tabby belt stitched with black buckles. 

Item a black cloath waste belt with black buckles. 

Item a wast belt laced with a gold and silver lace and buckles 
of silver gilded. 

Item a girdle or sash of silk and silver. 

Item a buffe waste belt laid with a silver twist and ye buckles 
of silver. 

Item a plaine Buffe wast belt with guilded buckles. 

Item a black stitched tabby belt with buckles of silver. 


8. Swordes. 

Two rapiers with silver hilts. 

Item a short walking rapier hatchd. 

Item a scemytar hatcht with gold. 

Item a walking sword with a damask! hilt. 

Item 8 pair of black stitch* garters. 

Item a pair of garters of black cloath. 

Item 8 pairs of embroydred garters. 

Item a pair of dark coloured Leather garters bound with 
gallowne. 

Item a black Beaver hatt. 

Item a coloured Beavour. 

Item a black caster. 

Item a coloured beaver with narrow verges. 

Item a httle black Cordiberk or riding hatt. 

Item a longe Cordiberk or riding hatt. 

Item & riding cap of black velvet. 

Item & black mountere of velvet. 


119 


Stockings. 


Imprimis 6 pair of cotton stirrup stockins. 

Item tenne pair of pearle colour silk stockins. 

Item six pair of old black silk stockins. 

Item 8 pair of whole footed wollen stockins. 

Item 2 pair of woolen stirrup stockins. 

Item twoe pair of worstead stirrup stockings. 

Item a pair of pink coloured silk stockins. 

Item twoe pair of white wostead stockins with rigg* topps. 
Item & pair of black searge stockings. 

Item 10 pair of old silk stockings. 

Item & pair of grey wostead stockins with large topp. 
Item twoe pair of cotton whole footed stockins. 

Item a pair of thick gray with topp to ride in. 


Buckles. 


Imprimis twoe pair of diamond buckles. 

Item one pair of gold buckles. 

Item & pair of silver buckles, part of them gilded. 
Item 4 other pair of silver buckles. 

Item 8 pair of black buckles. 

Perukes seaven and & new morning wigge. 


Bootes. 


Imprimis one pair square toed bootes of Rendall's make. 

Item & pair of Paul's make not worne. 

Item & pair of old bootes w^ large topps, square toes and 
narrow heles. 

Item 8 pair of other round toed bootes. 

Item 2 paire more made by Paul in present weareing. 


Shooes. 


New Imprimis 6 pair of winter shoes. 
worne. Item 6 pair of summer shooes. 
Item 8 pair of goloshaes. 

Item 8 pair of black shooes of shamah dress. 
Item 2 pair of dear colour cloath shooes. 
Item 7 paire of other shooes worne. 

À pair of leather buskins and gambadoes. 


Wearing Lynnen. 


Shirtes now in weare 11. 

Item 8 old shirtes. 

Item 6 fine shirtes. 

Item 6 wastcoates of single holland. 
Item 8 wascoates of double holland. 
Item 5 pair of drawers of single holland. 
Item 5 pair of double drawers. 

Item 8 pair of double holland sleves. 
Item 9 pair of quilted sleeves. 

Item twoe quilted breast cloaths. 
Item 22 towells. 


120 


Item 15 pair fine holland sleves. 

Item 2 diaper brest cloathes. 

Item 8 quilted caps. 

Item 4 double holland capps. 

Item 7 single holland caps. 

Item 8 laced caps. 

Item 14 pair of socks. 

Item 8 handkerchefes. 

Item 6 plain crevatts. 

Item 12 pair of plain cuffes. 

]tem a long laced crevat. 

Item twoe plain crevats tied up with twist. 
Item 4 long crevats. 

Item 4 muslyn crevats made up. 

Item 6 pair of little cuffes laced. 

Item two pair of other little cuffes. 

Item twoe point laces for ye forepart of a wastcoat or halfe 


shirte. 


Item 5 point crevats. 

Item 5 pair of point lace cuffes. 

Item 2 muslyn stocks besides stocks tied to the crevats. 
Item twoe laced crevats. 

Item 5 pair of laced cuffes. 


In the Cupress chest. 


Imprimis a frieze coat lynd with searge. 
Item a purple velvet coat. 
Item a black cloath coate and breeches with a black silk wast- 


coate. 


Item another black cloath coat and breeches with a blacke silk 


wastcoate. 


Item a black cloath coat and vest of farendine with a pair of 


black cloath breeches. 


Item a black cloath coate and a black silk wastcoate. 

Item a black silk wastcoate lyned with white sasenet. 

Item a Buff coate lyned with tabby. 

Item a doublet of cloath of silver. 

Item a pair of searge trousoes. 

Item the body of a blacke farendine doublet with sleeves pin'd 


to it. 


Item a parcel of black velvet being the loyning of a cloake. 
Item a pair of knitt pantelloons of pearle coloured silke. 
Item another pair of knitt pantelloons whip’d with riband of 


Philemot. 


Item a pair of pantelloons whip* with black ribeond. 

Item twoe sweet bagges lined with gold lace. 

Item two old morning Gownes. 

Item a broad wast belt with silver frienge and silver buckles. 
Item a waste belt belonging to the Buffe coate. 

Item a shoulder belt w^ frienge of a pearle colour. 

Item a black velvet shoulder belt. 

Item a shoulder belt of white tabby and gilded buckles. 


121 


Item a grey frieze wast belt. 

Item a narrow wast black belt with silver buckles. 
Item & shoulder belt of black cloath. 

Item a shoulder belt of black tabby. 

Item a wast belt of black spanish Leather. 
Item another shoulder belt of black cloath. 
Jtem an old wastcoate of flowered silke. 

Item one pair of riding gloves the inside fur'd. 
Item one other pair of riding gloves. 

Item a little girdle, blacke. 

Item 8 pair of black shammy gloves. 

Item a pair of other blacke Leather gloves. 
Item a combrase laced of fillament colour. 


Agreement for Purchase of Swans between Sir J. Hoparr 
and JOHN Swan, of Saxlingham, Norfolk. 


1674, October 24.—That the said John Swan in consideration 
of the sum of tenne pounds of good money of England, five 
pounds part whereof the said John Swan doth hereby acknow- 
ledge to have received and had, hath and doth oblige himself his 
exeeutors and administrators to deliver and cause to be delivered 
to the said Sir John Hobart or his assigns thirty and fower swans 
at Midsomer next or within 14 days following, upon the delivery 
whereof the said Bir John Hobart is to pay or cause to he paid to 
the said Jo. Swan or his assignes five pounds remaynder of the 
said tenne pounds. In witness whereof I have herewith set my 
hand the day and year above mentioned. 

JOHN Swan. 

Witness: Thos. Seabourn. 

Jo. Brewster. 
A note of what swanes I marked that was boute of 
John Swane. 

Imprimis at Langley marse one swane. 

Item boute there a land birde. 

Item at Hasingham Littel dike one swane. 

Item at Harsinghame greete dike one swane. 

Item at the diveles house one swane. 

Item at Strumshote fen one cocke and one signete. 

Item one swane more there. 

Item at the Lower fene dike two swanes. 

Item at Brindall house one swan. 

Item at Sullingham fery one swane. 

Item at Sullingham fene one cocke and three signetes. 

Item at Possicke halle 2 swanes. 

Item at Wickelingam one cocke and 8 signtes. 

Rob* Kemp* note of Mr. Swans of Saxlingham. 
Swans upped in the year '75. 
Imprimis at Bintry Common one swane. 

Item at Grente Mille one swane. 

Item against Beelowe church one swane. 

Item at Linge mille one hene and one signett. 


122 


Item at Prates mille one swane. 
Item at Warden medowes twoe ould swanes. 
Item above White mille three swanes. 
Item at Coosye blackewater 2 swanes. 
Item at three briges one swane. 
Robert Kemp his accompt of the swanes 
bought of Wynter. 


Maniresto of the GENTLEMEN or Norrozx for the 
Repucrion of Expenses of High SHERIFF. 


1675, Jan. 12. Norff.—Wee whose names are hereunder 
written observing that notwithstanding a Statute made in the 
14 yeare of the King for the preventing of the great and 
unnecessary charge of Sheriffs, yet such Persons as since that 
tyme have been Sheriffs in this County of Norff. have made great 
expenses contrary to the said Law which may be suposed to have 
proceeded from the apprehensions they might have had that 
those who should begin the reformation might be liable to 
cénsure as men more avaritious than those who preceded in the 
same office, soe that through want of good example the Law is 
contemned and broken. And notwithstanding divers Statutes 
made prohibiting of Sheriffs letting their Bailliwicks to farme, 
which Law not being duly observed have tended more to the 
prejudice and oppression of the Country, wherefor to prevent the 
said unnecessary charge of Sheriffs and oppression of the 
Country 

It is agreed by all the Persons whose names are here subscribed, 
that noe one of the Persons who shall subscribe to these Articles 
shall have more then forty men servants with Liveries attending 
upon him at the tyme of Assizes, nor under the number of 
twenty like attendants. Which Liverymen that are to be pro- 
vided by such gentlemen as are subscribed to these articles shall 
be part. 

That when any one of the said Subscribers shall be made 
Sheriff of the said County the Livery shall be & plain grey 
woosted camblet edged and loyned through with blew searge and 
trimd with bell mettall buttons, & black hatt edged with blew with 
& blew woosted hat band, and & plain shoulder belt of buffe, and 
a black leather saddle edged with blew, and shall as often as any 
Subscribers shall be made Sheriffs of the said County bee as near 
and as much alike both in colour, stufs, and otherwise as can be 
bought and made. 

And every Liveryman shall likewise bring with him a javelyn 
suitable. 

And when any of the Subscribers shall be made Sheriffs of the 
said County every other of the subscribers shall provide one man 
habited in such a livery as aforesaid to attend such Sheriff at the 
Assizes for the said County and shall beare the charges both of 
such Liveryman and his horse during the Assizes. 





123 


That when any of the said Subscribers shall be Sheriff of the 
said County he shall at the Assizes for the said County and 
during the tyme of such Assizes dine at an ordinary and make 
any Invitation of any Person whatsoever nor keep any under- 
sheriffs table, which said ordinary shall not exceed fower 
shillings for meat, beer and ale, and all wine at that ordinary 
shall be paid for by those that call for it, and before it be used 
and spent, and the ordinary for the servants shall be eighteen 
pence and noe more. 

That when any of the said Subscribers shall be made Sheriff 
of the said County every other of the said Subscribers in the first 
columne shall for ye better attendance of His Majesty's Judges 
personally accompany such Sheriff to introduce the Judges at the 
winter Assizes for the said County, and those in the second column 
at the Summer Assizes, and every one of the said Subscribers 
during the said Assizes shall dine at the same table with such 
Sheriff and pay for his own ordinary and proper chardges. 

And in case by reason of any urgent or extraordinary occasion 
any one of the said Subscribers shall be hindered from coming 
in Person to accompany the said Sheriff in such manner as 
beforementioned that then he shall send some other gentleman to 
represent him and accompany the said Sheriff as himself ought 
to have done, and to pay as himself should doe if he were 
Personally present. 

That for making' such attendance on the Sheriff the more equall 
to all the Subscribers it is agreed that those who attend at the 
Winter Assizes the first year shall attend the Somer Assizes 
the next yeare and soe vice versa. 

That noe persons shall be admitted to subscribe after the date 
hereof during the space of sixe weekes next after, unless such 
persons as shall be alowed by Sir John Hobart, Sir John Holland, 
Sir Ro. Kemp, Will. Windham, Ro. Longe, Roger Potts, Esq., 
Sir Christopher Calthorp, Rob. Walpoole, Roger Spelman, 
Christofer Bedingfeld, and John Pell, Esqres. or any 8 of them 
under their hands. Neyther shall any person after the said six 
weekes be admitted to subscribe unless he or they shall be 
alowed of by ye greater number of Subscribers. 

It is further agreed that the subscriptions shall be made in a 
Parchment roll and kept by the present and succeeding Sheriffg 
of this County. 

That every respective Sheriff shall return the default of the 
several Subscribers at the Assizes next following. 

That the Subscribers shall hereby oblige themselves to take 
great care in the choice of their undersheriffs soe as they may 
be such persons as may not oppress the Country. 

And that they shall not directly or indirectly take any profitt, 
reward or price eyther by themselves or undersheriffs for the 
Ballywick of the severall hundreds of this County. | 


John Hobart. Will" Doyley, sen. 
John Holland. Will" Doyley, jun. 
Rob' Kemp. Peter Glean. 


Philip Woodhouse. Ch" Calthorp. 


124 


James Johnson. Christ. Crow. 

Will" Rant. Richer Browne. 
Will" Windham. W^ Tubbing. 

Rob. Wallpoole. Edm? Pattrick. 
Roger Spelman. Rob'* Longe. 

Nich. Wilton. Roger Potts. 

Th° Barnes. Rob* Wood. 

ffra. Bickley. Clement Herne. 
Martyn Cobb. W^" Branthwayt. 
Rich. Berney, jun. John Pell. 

Nich. Styleman. . Edmund Brytiffe. 
Brampton Gourdon. Gardner Hewet. 
Ro. Suckling, jun. Christofer Bedingfield. 
John Berney. Rob‘ Suckling, sen. 
John Herne. Will™ Turner. 
Clement Spelman. Gascoigne Weld. 


JOURNAL Of the LIEUTENANCY of the County or NORFOLK. 


1676, May 19.—Resolution at a meeting of the Deputy- 
Lieutenants :— 
Thatt colours for the severall Regiments be as follows :— 


The Regiment of Horse - - - Blew 
Sir Jacob Astley's Regiment of Foot - - Blew 
and the balls of distinction - . - White 
Sir W^ Doyley's Regiment of Foot - - White 
and the balls of distinction - - Red 
Sir Christopher Calthorpe's Regiment of Foot - Yellow 
and the balls of distinction - - Blew 
Thomas Knyvett, Esq., his Regiment of Foot Purple 
and the balls of distinction - - White 


1676, July 11.—Mem. William Wyndham, a Deputy- 
Lieutenant for the County, did this day deliver in his certificate 
into the Court of SS for the peace for his having receyved the 
Sacrament according to the usage of the Church of England, and 
did take the oath of allegianee and supremacy as also the oath 
required by the Act for settling the Militia. 

Ordered that in consequence of the great disservice done to His 
Majesty in the Militia of this county by admitting persons of 
small estates to be laid to the Horse by which means the number 
of the foot are very much diminished, that for the future no per- 
son having an estate under 200 pounds per annum shall be laid 
to the Horse but shall be charged to the Foot. 


SourH ERPINGHAM HUNDRED. 


1676, July 11.—A list of the hundred stores remaining in the 
Church porch in Aylsham, vizt. :— 
Almost & barrel of powder. 


16 pickaxes. 5 wooden beetles. 
24 mattocks. 4 hatchets. 
28 spades. 1000 yards of match. 


About 2 bushells of muskett shott. 


125 


1677.—A List of Deputy Lieutenants and MrizrriA OFFICERS 
for the County of NonroLx. 
Robert Lord Paston, Viscount Yarmouth, 
Lord Lieutenant. : 
Deputy- Lieutenants :— 


William Paston. 
Philipp Woodhouse. 
Jacob Astley. 
John Pettus. 
William Doyly, sen. 
William Adams. 
Thomas Garrard. 
Edmund Bacon. 
Francis Bickley. 
Christopher Calthorpe, Knight 
of the Bath. 


Bts. 


Sir Allen Appesley, K* 
Sir Neville Catteline. 
Sir W. Doyly, jun. 
William Cooke, Esq. 
Thomas Knyvett, Esq. 
Robert Walpole, Esq. 
Robert Coke, Esq. 
Philip Harberd, Esq. 
William Windham, Esq. 
Edward Ward, Esq. 
Robert Suckling, Esq. 
William De Grey, Esq. 


The First Foot Regiment. 


Soldiers. 


Sir Jacob Astley, Collonell. 
W. Tubbing, gent., Capt.- 


Lie 
Edward Astley, gent., En- 
gigne. 
Edward Lee, gent., Quar- 
termaster. 
Three Sergeants. 


Philip Harberd, Esq., Lt.- 
Coll 


oll. 

John Pollard, gent., Lieut. 

Rob‘ Nockold,gent.,Ensigne. 
Three Sergeants. 


Ed. De Grey, Esq., Major. 
W. Wortes, gent., Lieut. 
Roger Wiggot, gent., En- 


signe. 
Three Sergeants. 128 


149 


112 


Symon Brytif, Esq., Capt. 

Robert Chapman, gent. 
Lieut. 

Edward Benn, gent., En- 
signe 


Three Sergeants. 157 


Soldiers. 


Jacob Preston, Esq., Capt. 
John Symonds, Esq., Lieut. 
Tho.Preston, gent., Ensigne. 
Two Sergeants. 151 
John Harberd, Esq., Capt. 
Hamond Thurston, gent., 
Lieut. 


John Starling, gent., En- 
signe. 
Two Sergeants. 181 
Robert Doughty, Esq. 
Capt. 


Sam Gilpin, gent., Lieut. 


Humphrey Carter, gent., 
Ensigne. 
Three Sergeants 144 
976 


126 


The Second Foot Regiment. 


Soldiers. 
Sir William 112 
Collonell. 
John Harris, gent., Capt.- 
Lieutenant. 
Roger Reynolds, gent., En- 
signe. 
Robert London, gent., Quar- 
termaster. 
Three Sergeants. 


Doyly, 


Robert Suckling, 
Lieut.-Collonell. 
Daniel Newton, Gent., Lieut. 
Nicholas Sayer, gent., En- 

signe. 
Three Sergeants. 


Esq., 


084 


Thomas Gawdy, Esq., Major. 

John Freeman, gent., Lieut. 

Rob* Wrongrey, gent., En- 
signe. 


Two Sergeants. 107 


Soldiers. 
Anthony Freeston,Esq.,Capt. 
Henry Fenn, gent., Lieut. 
Robert Game, gent., Ensigne. 
Two Sergeants. 


William Cooke, Esq., Capt. 
Thomas Skeet, gent., Lieut. 
Robert Grymmer, gent., En- 
signe. 
Three Sergeants. 


121 


081 


Leonard Mapes, Esq., Capt. 
Thomas Dengaine, gent. 
Lieut. 
John Marston, gent., Ensigne. 
Three Sergeants. 194 


John Hyde, Esq., Captain. 

Thomas Torey, Esq., Lieut. 

Thomas Murrell, gent., En- 
gigne. 


The Third Foot Regiment. 


Soldiers. 
Sir Christopher Calthorp, 
Collonell. 
Matthew Manning, gent., 
Capt.-Lieut. 
Thomas Girling, gent., En- 
signe. 
Three Sergeants. 


Oxburgh, 


096 


Laurence H. 
Lieut.-Collonell. 
Richard Trice, 
Lieut. 
Geoffrey Colville, 
Ensigne. 
Three Sergeants. 
Richard Godfrey, 
Major. 
John Godfrey, 
Lieut. 
James Hawe, jun., gent., 
Ensigne. 
Three Sergeants. 


gent., 
gent., 
116 
Esq., 


gent., 


090 


Three Sergeants. 118 
In all 745 
Soldiers. 


Francis Bell, Esq., Capt. 

W. Fisher, gent., Lieut. 

Gregory Parlett, gent, En- 
signe. 

Three Sergeants. 
Arthur Boteler, Esq., Capt. 
Marten Cobb, Esq., Lieut. 
Francis Bagg, gent. Ensigne. 

Two Sergeants. 081 


148 


Thomas Hoogan, Esq., Capt. 

Nicholas Parham,gent., Lieut. 

Robert Hamond, gent., En- 
signe 


Three Sergeants. 128 
Edward Chamberlane, 
Esq., Capt. 
W^ Mason, gent., Lieut. 
Edward Thorisby, gent., 
Ensigne. 
Two Sergeants. 075 
In all 194 








127 


The Fourth Foot Regiment. 


Soldiers. 

Thomas Knyvett,  Esq., 
Collonell. 

Capt.-Lieutenant Browne. 


Robert Grey, gent., En- 


signe. 
Hen. Grey, gent., Quarter- 
master. 
Three Sergeants. 


Edward Woodhouse, Esq., 
Lieut.-Collonell. 

Thomas Talbot, gent., Lieut. 

William Browne, gent., En- 
signe. 

Three Sergeants. 


W^ De Grey, Esq., Major. 
Humphrey Futter, Esq. 
Lieut. 
John Futter, gent, En- 
signe. 
Two Sergeants. 


140 


132 


106 


Soldiers. 
W^ Rant, Esq., Captain. 
Edward Denny, gent., Lieut. 
Samuell Greeneway, gent., 
Ensigne. 
Two Sergeants. 


W^» Cropley, Esq., Capt. 

John Gryme, gent., Lieut. 

John Wade, gent., Ensigne. 
Three Sergeants. 


John Berney, Esq., Capt. 
John Castle, gent., Lieut. 
Clement Jermy, gent. En- 
gigne. 
Three Sergeants. 


John Knyvett, Esq., Captain. 
Richard Mason, gent., Lieut. 
Thomas Prettyman, gent., 


084. 


159 


094 


The Regiment of Horse 


Soldiers. 
W^ Paston, Esq., Collonell 
Thomas Weld, Esq., Capt.- 
Lieut. 
Cornett. 
James  Couldham, gent., 
Quartermaster. 


78 


Sir Neville Catteline, K=*- 
Major. 

John Houghton, 
Lieut. 

John Brereton, gent., Cor- 
nett. 


Esq., 


Matthew Norgate, gent., 
Quartermaster. 
59 
Edward Ivard, Esq., Capt. 


Rob. Payne, Esq., Lieut. 

John Bringloe, jun., Cor- 
nett 

Henry Harman, 
Quartermaster. 


gent., 
49 


Ensigne. 
Three Sergeants. 152 
In all 867 
Soldiers. 


Sir W. Doyly, jun., K* Cap- 
tain. 

W. Barker, Esq., Lieutenant. 

Francis Lane, Esq., Cornett. 

Samuel Verdon, gent., Quar- 
termaster. 


70 
Sir Thomas Garard, Bart., 
Capt. 
Robert Thorowgood, gent., 
Lieutenant. 
Edward Colborne, gen., Cor- 
nett. 
John Parly, gent., Quarter- 
master. 58 
Francis Guybon, Esq., Cap- 
tain. 
Charles Perkins, Esq., Lieut. 
Hamond Claxton, Esq., Cor- 
nett. 
Nathaniel Weld,  gent., 
Quartermaster. 65 
379 


128 


Sir HENRY BEDINGFIELD to LoRD TowNSHEND. 


1677, July 20. Beckhall.—Being told yesterday by diverse of 
my acquaintance that came from the Sessions at Norwich that I 
was there made the publick discourse of the towne, occasioned by 
manie false and strange reflections that were made upon twoe 
letters written to your Lordship, one from my cousen Chr. 
Bedingfield, who had no commission from me to write, the other 
from my selfe, which they say were both shewn by you, which 
being a thing not used by other persons of Honor, I cannot 
believe it to be true, and have therefore sent this Bearer my Son 
to know how farre yo' Lordship wil owne this matter, and 
having suffered soe much prejudice by my cousin Chr. Beding- 
field’s letter I think I may justly require a sight of it, that I 
might knowe what he laies to my charge. As for what I 
said to him I will assure your Lordship I will neyther deny nor 
be ashamed of the discourse I had with him, tending only to the 
same end that I have discoursed with your Lordship this many 
yeares, which was to persuade you to keep friend to the King’s 
interest, I believing that your reputation as well as your interest 
obliged you to it. But I doe nowe condemne myselfe for having 
been too zealous upon that point for which I crave your Lord- 
ship’s pardon, although I think I can answer for it to the worlde 
before whom I have for this seaventeen or eighteen yeares 
declared a particular respect for your Person, and have upon all 
occasions stuck closse to you as you yourselfe will knowe, having 
no ends beside but to procure peace in these parts. There is 
certainly something more than ordinary in it that you should just 
now and never before make such sinister interpretations of an 
act of friendship, and wonder that I should be troubled at your 
publick appearing with those whom you yourselfe knowe have 
often declared to be no friends to His Majesty, and this is the 
sume of what you can take offence at, for whatsoever it is you have 
been pleased to say neyther you nor anybody can think me soe 
ignorant in good manners as upon any other account to take 
upon me to meddle in or prescribe your visitts, neyther did I 
offer any injury to your Lordship in lessning of mine, being a 
man inconsiderable, and finding all those visits I made prove to so 
little Purpose and this was the plaine right doune meaning of my 
letter to your Lordship when I said I could not hereafter so 
frequently appear at Raynham as I had done, all the rest of my 
letter I think was only such civilityes as is ordinarily paid to 
Persons of your quality from those that would shew their affec- 
tions and respects, and it may be easily understood without the 
help of philosophy or double dealing that I may reserve an 
esteem for your Person yet not comply with your actions. Indeed 
I may possibly have good cause to be ashamed of the affectionate 
expressions I then made, unless I receyve something under vour 
hand that may give me good reasons to subscribe myself as 
formerly I have done, my Lord, 

Your Lordship's humble servant, 
Henry BEDINGFIELD. 





129 


My cousen Chris. Bedingfield coming to my house tooke ocea- 
sion to exelayme against my Lord Townshend in the highest 
nature imaginable for his indiscretion in meeting Colonell Cock 
and others at Mr. Bullard’s house. I replied that I was very sorry 
for it, both for my Lord's sake and my owne, for I should not 
think it fitt for me hereafter to appear 80 frequently at Raynham 
as I had done, though I could still remayne my Lord's humble 
servant, and I desired him as a friend to us both to tell hin soe. 

Henry BEDINGFIELD. 

(Copy ?) 


Exrracts oF Prices, &c., from several ANNUAL ACCOUNTS 
of Sir J. and Sir H. Hosanr. 


1678.—20 milch cows at £8 10s. apiece. 
8 bullocks at £2 54. a piece. 
Sold on an inventory taken for rent in arrear. 
1689.— Bricks 12s. per thousand. 
1696.— Harvest wages :— 
For the whole harvest £1 17s. 6d. 
John Berney for 7 weeks £2 93. 
À bill of many disbursements by Mr. Thomas Bell of Olton for 
severall things by him bought at Stirbridge ffaire in September, 
1696, for the use of Sir Henry Hobart as followeth :—— 


£ s. d. 
For 2 Cheshire cheeses weighing 29]b. and 14lb. ! 1 110 
at 95s. per hundred. - 
Item for 8 stone 4lb. of hoppes at e 6s. perl 4 6 8 
stone - 
Item for carriage and porterage - - 08 0 


511 1 

Various memoranda relating to the sale of timber, 17th cent. 

1671-1698.—Accounts of the King's Bench and Marshalsea 
prisons, by Sir John Hobart and Sir Henry Hobart, respectively, 
treasurers. 

1672-80.—Receipts, including receipts for chimney money. 

1671-4.—Hevingham cum Marsham rent account. 

1672-84.—Blickling Manor accounts. 

1672-82.—Saxthorpe Manor accounts. 

1664.—Horsham St. Faith’s Manor accounts. 

1679.—Election Expenses. 

1679, May 6.—Received then of Sir John Hobart, Bart., by 
the hands of John Brewster the sum of twenty shillings for the 
hire of a horse to London at the hearing at the Barre of the 
house of Commons. I say rec? 

WiLLIAM WooLer. 

1689, Feb. 25.—Twenty men from Upwell, Esning, Wisbech, 
and Walsoken. Left to pay att the Rampant Horse four pounds, 
sixteen shillings. S* 20 men pold for Sir Henry Hubard. 

1681.—Coach hire for the servants from Blickling to London 
eost £7. 


17118 I 


180 


1682, Jan. 2.—Order of Privy Council allowing Sir Hen. 
Hobart to surrender his lease from His Majesty of the hundred 
of Mitford (Duchy of Lancaster). 

(The same was much infringed by the Sheriff of the County of 
Norfolk where ye same lyes.) 

1683, July 18.--Note of those armes taken from Blickling by 
Capt. Doughtey and Capt. Hauten on July 189» 1688. 


2 blunder busses 6 gonletts 

2 carbins 8 gorgetts 

8 roller of bandoleers 2 Buff coats 

1 brass of pistles 4 pair of iron sleeves 
2 buff belts 4 pair of cuishes 

6 old swords 8 backes and breests 
8 clubs with jukes 14 skirts 

14 fourteen blacke bills 8 backe skirts. 

5 halberts 

6 javelins 

1 Patison 

5 beavers 


8 head peices 


From Sir Hew. HogarT's Account Books. 


1688, Nov. 1.—-Item. To John Burritt and John Buttefant 
being the two soldiers that served in the armie for Chaplyfield 
estate in Norwich for one day's pay at 2s. 6d. a piece, 5s. ; 
and the muster master's fee for two yeares, 2s.; and for powder 
and bullets, 2s. in all. 

1688, Dec. 13.—IJtem more to the above said Warren for 
carrying a letter from Norwich to Blickling, then with a warrant 
from the Cheife Constable to send out a Light Horse for Wymond- 
ham estate to meet at Attlebridge. ltem for ee] 
riband for favours for the twoe soldiers that served in 75. 6d 
the armie for the Chaplyfield estate, the rest of the Com- | oo 
pany being all in the same colour. 


CERTIFICATE OF CONFORMITY with the Act or UNIFoRMITY. 


1681, March 27.  Intwood cum  Keswick.—These may 
certify those whom it may concern that we whose names are 
underwritten did hear Ric. Clarke, Rector of Intwood in Keswick 
aforesaid, on the day and year above written, declare his assent 
and consent according to the Act of Uniformity and also read 
publiqly the thirty-nine Articles after divine service in the 
parish church aforesaid. 

Witness our hands :— 

S4 Robert Hamond, 
Walter + Howard, church wardens. 
his mk. 
Roger Hamond. 
William Howard. 
Francis Eagle. 
Henry H Bayes. 


his marke. 


- 


181 


J" Conumoxs to (Sm Henry Honanr]. 


1688, Oct. 24. Norwich.—Answering his enquiry about a 
Lease. '' There did indeed a gentleman cormerned write to me 
about cataloguing and prizing Sir John's library, but I declined 
it not onely in regard of my wofull distractions about my son's 
busines, not yet issued, which ty me to this towne, but judging 
my self no way fit, for tho as to Divinity bookes and ordinary 
Philologicall bookes I could doe possibly as much as another, yet 
I beleeved Sir John's Library consisted mostly of French bookes 
and choice bookes of Philology, in whieh I had no skill at all. I 
also told him this was no place to sell such bookes in, but if they 
must be sold, the best way were to have them to London and 
add the catalogue to some other libraryes in an auction, for as to 
sueh bookes, & book of 20s. in this towne would not give 5s. I 
also told him I had one of the bookes belonging to Sir J. H., viz., 
Davilas Fr. History, which I borrowed of him. As to yourself, 
Sir, I remember nothing reflexive upon your Honour (I have bin 
looking sometime for the l" to have sent you the words in it, but 
I canot find where J have throwne it) all that was in it. He 
seemed a little troubled that y" would not please as yet 
to be positive whether to take the goods as the house 
stands furnished, which he thought might be acceptable 
to any lady you should chuse, so as I concluded there 
was some little discontent betwixt you and that he would 
have been willing to be secured from trouble. And now, Sir, 
that I have mentioned a lady I must tell you of the kindnes 
of & merehant in London to you, one Mr. Polluxfen (Brother 
I think to the great Lawyer who told Mr. Dearsley that if a Lady 
would be aeceptable to you that had 5 or 6,000, and 700 per an. 
at present, he would recommend such & one to you). Mr. Dearsley 
wrote it to me either that week or the week following that wherin 
your never to be forgotten father dyed, which made me not before 
mention it,nor should I now, but that you might know the 
respects of the gentleman. If the motion be beneath you, my 
self know him not 80 much as ore tenus. Really, Sir, I cannot 
tell who to recommend you if you desire the bookes should be 
[illegible]. Mr. Haylett is the fittest I know, if he will catalogue 
them and come to this town I will doe the best service I can to 
affix prices. But I feare we shall both be out quickly, not under- 
standing Frenche bookes, nor the choicer pieces ot Philology. 
Let Davila, Sir, I pray be set down with the rest. I have 
waited an opportunity a long time to restore it to its place. And 
now, Sir, I beseech the God of Heaven that y" Noble Father's 
and Lady Mother's prayers may be answered unto your bosom 
and that y” country might repay to you all your father's merits 
of them and you may have many dayes to let them see that Sir 
John liveth still in Sir Henry [Hobart] without Pythagorean 
metempsuchosis. 

Since I wrote what is above my sister Mitchel hath brought in 
two pieces of newes, the one is of a murrain of horses in Essex. 
M'* Nightingale (M'* Cocks daughter) by a |" to her mother this 
day lets her know she hath lost her 4 coach horses of it. The 


132 


other is more strange, brought by one Gargrane, a good sober 
fellow that collects the hearth money. Being last week at Acle 
the Inkeeper told hjm the night before most of their houses were 
filled with greate Toads so as he gathered them up with shovels 
and threw them into fire till for the stench he could hardly 
abide in the house, the rest he threw into a yard. Next morning 
all were gone. They talk how that they came down in a shower. 


JoHN Brewster, [Steward,] to Sm Hen. Honanr. 


1684.—Being sensible that your defensive armes would not be 
returned tyme enough to get them cleansd and new colours 
tyme enough to have them ready at the generall muster, I went 
to Will™ Smyth’s where they were lodg’d and found there 
twoe backs, one brest, and one headpiece, which together with 
what was left at Blickling I made up 8 suits of armour (one head- 
piece excepted), and I must eyther borrow or els buy one against 
this day. (I wanted one) sword and finding one at Will" Smyths 
and brought it away and twoe case of new pistolls I have bought 
and am promised another by Mr. Fountayn for the muster, the 
coates and belts will be new drest against the tyme. I have 
alsoe bespoke 3 new saddles, there being none at Blickling but 
one and one not worth anything. My horse and rider are in 
readiness in Claxton, and Mr. Britiffe will furnish you with the 
other twoe and I think to send in the old Riders with Sir HY R. 
troope. Barney is one of them whoe though a little fellow yet 
having formerly rode and being listed there I think may doe 
better than another. 


EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNALS OF THE LIEUTENANCY 
OF THE CouNTY oF NORFOLK. 


Present, His Grace the Duke of Norfolk. 

1688, Oct. 7.—Ordered that summons be sent to the Gentlemen 
lately turned out of the Commission of the Peace to appear at the 
Duke’s Palace, Norwich, on Wednesday, the tenth of this 
instant, and sent out to Sir John Holland, Sir Jacob Astley, *Sir 
Robert Kemp, XSir Thos. Ward, Sir W. Cook, B'*; Sir Neville 
Catelyn, K^* Th* Knyvett, Robert Sucklyng, John Harbord, John 
Knyvett, Robert Houghton, John Jay, Sir W. Rant, Kt ; Dr. 
Robert Pepper, Rich. Wyth, Francis Gardiner, Leonard Mapes, 
Abraham Castle, *Francis Windham, Robert Daye, Charles le 
Gros, Thomas Sotherton, Robert Day, John Richmond, John 
Aide, John Repps and Hugh Hovell, Esqrs. 

To whom his Majesty offered to reinstate them in their 
commissions. 


Reprzy of the Justices or THE PEACE who had been 
turned out of his Commission. 


1688, October.—May it please your Grace,—When it was His 
Majesty’s pleasure to honour us with his Commission we served 
him with loyalty and fidelity and as we were obliged by the 
Church of England and our allegiance. And we are steadily 


133 


resolved to continue in all dutiful obedience to His Majesty and 
will be most willing and ready to serve His Majesty in all things 
which may consort with his Majesty's honour and our safety, 
which we cannot do by our acting in conjunction with Persons 
unqualified and incapacitated by the Laws of this Realm, 
especially by the statutes of the 25*^ of the late King. 

The Lynn &c. Division met the Lord Lieutenant at the White 
Swan, Swaffham, and the like answer was given by those present 
(including) Sir Nicholas Le Strange, Sir Thomas Hare, Sir 
Thomas Gerard, B'* ; Sir Christoph. Cathorpe, K.C.B., Sir 
Francis Guybon, Robert Walpole, Edmund Woodhouse, Henry 
Oxborough, Francis Cremer, Robert Wardell, Robert Coney, Lee 
Warner, XGabriell Armiger, Tho* Wright, Thomas Barber, 
Hatton Berners and Thomas Peirson. 

N.B.—Those gentlemen who have this mark X against their 
names did not appear being out of the county and Sir Thomas 
Garard appeared at Norwich and Sir Jacob Astley at Swaffham. 


1688, Oct. 10.—Copy of an order of the Lord Lieutenant calling 
out the six militia troops of Horse upon four days’ duty. Reciting 
an order of His Majesty of the 2nd October this instant requiring 
him to call together such part of the Militia Horse as he should 
think fit (who in case of Invasion might) ‘‘ hinder evill disposed 
persons from joining with the Enemy." 

Warrants were issued accordingly to His Grace's troop to meet 
at Swaffham upon Tuesday 16th October by ten of the clock and 
there to remain four days till further order. 

Sir Francis Guybon's Troop to meet at Hempton Green upon 
Tuesday 16th October and to quarter at Fakenham and Hempton 
for four days till further order. 

Capt. John Houghton's Troop to meet at Lingwood Heath upon 
Saturday 20th day of October and to quarter in Norwich for four 
days till further order. 

Sir William Rant’s Troop to meet at North Walsham upon 
Wednesday the 24th day of October and to quarter at North 
Walsham for four days till further order. 

Capt. Phillip Bedingfield's Troop to meet at Mulbarton upon 
Monday the 29th of October and to quarter at Norwich for four 
days till fürther order. 

Capt. Robert Long's Troop to meet at Totnell Heath upon 
Fryday the 2nd day of November and to quarter at Lin for four 
days till further order. 


1688, Nov. 1.—Ordered by the Duke of Norfolk that summons 
be sent forthwith to the Deputy Lieutenants and Justices of the 
Peace in and about the Sea Coast to attend His Grace at his 
Palace at Norwich upon Saturday the 8rd this instant November 
by eleven of the clock in the forenoon (about watching the 
coast), &c. 


1688, November 9.—Orders by the Duke of Norfolk, Lord 
Lieutenant, discharging the yellow regiment of Militia foot 


134 


under the command of Sir Nicholas L'Estrange which had 
been ordered to muster at Lynn that day ‘ by reason the small 
pox is very much in in Lin Regis and that in quartering the said 
Regiment there may be a means to dispers that Contagion about 
the country" to be ready nevertheless to appear with their armes 
compleat at an houres notice. An express sent to Lin forthwith. 


1688, November 28th.— Pursuant to an order received from His 
Grace the Duke of Norfolk summons were sent to the Deputy 
Lieutenants and other gentlemen to attend His Grace at the 
Palace in Norwich upon Saturday, the first of December, by 9 of 
the elock in the forenoon. 


1688, December 1. Norwich.—His Grace the Duke of Norfolk, 
attended by his Deputy Lieutenants, Militia officers and several 
other gentlemen, went into the Market Place, where the Mayor 
and Aldermen met his Grace, to whom his Grace made the 
following speech :— 

Mr. Mayor,—Nothing doubting but you and the rest of the 
Body as well as the whole Citty and County may be alarmed by 
the great concourse of gentry with the numerous appearance of 
their friends and tenants, as well as your owne Militia here this 
morning, I have thought this the most proper place, as being the 
most publick one, to give you an account of our intentions. 

Out of the deep sense we had that in the present unhappy 
position of affaires nothing we could think of was possible to 
secure the Laws, Liberties, and Protestant Religion but a free 
Parliament we are here met to declare that we will do our utmost 
endeavour to defend them by declaring for such & free Parliament. 

But since His Majesty has been pleased (by the news we have 
this day) to order writs for a Parliament to sett upon the 
15 January next, I can only ad in the name of myselfe and all 
these gentlemen and others here met that we will ever be ready 
to support your Laws and liberties and the Protestant religion. 

And soe God save the King. 

Upon which Mr. Mayor and Aldermen gave his Grace and 
the rest of the gentlemen thanks for their good intentions, and 
a numerous assembly did coneur with his Grace and the rést of 
the gentlemen. 

His Grace being attended by great numbers of ordinary people 
to His Grace's palace, he at his alighting called them to him and 
told them he desired they would not take any occasion to commit 
any disorder or outrages but goe quietly to their houses, and 
acquainted them that the King had ordered a free Parliament to 
be called, upon which they went away well satisfied. 


1688, Dec. 3. Norwich.—Pursuant to orders from the Duke 
of Norfolk the Deputy Lieutenants Militia Officers and other 
Gentlemen were summoned to attend His Grace at Lin Regis 
the 7th of this instant December by 9 of the clock in the forenoon 
who appeared accordingly and accompanied him into the markett 
place where the Mayor of Lin (being attended by the Aldermen and 
a great number of people) made the following speech to His Grace. 


135 


My Lord,—The dayly allarums wee receive as well from 
forraigne as domestick Enemies give us just apprehensions of 
approaching dangers which press us to apply with all earnestness 
to your Grace as our great Patron in an humble confidence to 
succeed in our expectations that we may be put into such a posture 
by your Grace’s direction and conduct as may make us appear 
as zealous as any in the defence of the protestant Religion, the 
Laws, and ancient Government of the Kingdome being the desire 
of many hundreds amongst us who most humbly challenge a 
right to your Grace's protection. 


His Grace the Duke or Norroux’s ANSWER to the 
Mayor or Lin. 


Mr. Mayor,—I am very much obleidged to you and the rest of 
the Body, and these here present for your good opinion of me 
and the Confidence you have that I will doo what in me lyes to 
supporte and defend your Laws and Liberties and the Protestant 
Religion which I will mever deceive you in. And since the 
comeing of the Prince of Orange has given us an opportunity to 
declare for the defence of them; I can only assure you that no 
man will venture his life more freely for the defence of the Laws 
Liberties and Protestant Religion than I will doe. 

In which all these gentlemen here present and many more doe 
unanimously concur, and you shall see that all possible care shall 
be taken that such a Conjunction requires. 


1689, September 7‘: Norwich Castle. 
Present :—Sir Henry Hobart. 
Roger d te. 
B 
W. Cooke. 
Fr* Guybon, K. 
John Harbord, Esq. 
Order, to read the following letter of the Lord Lieutenant. 
Gentlemen,— Whereas there are severall persons that have 
refused to take the oath mentioned and appointed to be taken by 
an Act of Parliament Intituled an Act for abrogating the Oath of 
Supremacy and Allegiance and appointing other oaths, &c., And 
others have refused or neglected to appear upon the summons 
that has been sent them (not giving a just excuse) I consider it 
necessary for His Majesty’s service that you presently issue out 
orders or warrants to Disarme all such suspect Persons taking 
care that all arms so seized be secured and a just account thereof 
be returned to the office of His Majesty’s ordnance. 
Your servant, 
NORFOLEE. 
London, Aug. 29, 1689. 
To the Deputy Lieutenants of the County of Norfolk or any 
three or more of them. 
Ordered that our Clerk, M*- Edmund L'Estrange, return the 
following answer to the Duke of Norfolk. 
May it please your Grace,—In obedience to your Grace’s 
command I have been to wait upon the Respective Deputy 


136 


Lieutenants in the several Divisions with the order received from 
your Grace bearing date the 29 of August for the disarming of 
such persons as have refused to take the oath mentioned and 
appointed to be taken by an Act of Parliament Intituted an Act 
for abrogating the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, &c., and 
accordingly the Deputy Lieutenants following met at the Grand 
Jury room at the Castle at Norwich upon Saturday the 7th 
instant to consult about the best method for putting your Grace’s 
order into execution, viz.: Sir Henry Hobart, Sir Roger 
Potts, Sir W. Cooke, Sir Francis Guybon, and L* Coll. 
John Harbord, who having taken into consideration a late Act 
of Parliament Intituled an Act for the better securing of the 
Government by disarming Papists and reputed Papists, which as 
yet has not been put in execution (tho at the Sessions upon 
Saturday last held at Norwich by adjournment they were issuing 
out orders to proceed thereupon) they think that to putt in 
execution your Graces order against such as have refused to take 
the oaths (being Protestants) may be, respited for some short 
time without any Prejudice to the Government, hoping that some 
who have refused to take the Oaths upon better consideration 
may take the said Oaths, however they resolve in case they doe 
not, to proceed against them with as much severity as the law 
will permit, pursuant to your Grace’s order. And this they have 
commanded mee with the tendrance of their humble duty and 
service to give your Grace an account of with the assurance that 
they will ever be most ready to pay their obedience to your Grace's 
commands upon all occasions. 
Norwich, Sept. 9, 1689. 


1689, Sept. 80*- Norwich Castle. 

Present :—Sir Henry Hobart. 
Sir Roger Potts 
Sir Jacob Astley | Barts. 
Sir W™- Cooke | 
Sir Francis Guybon, K* 
Thomas Knyvet | 
Robert Walpole ; Esqs. 
John Hudson | 

The Deputy Lieutenants took the oaths appointed to be taken by. 
a late Act of Parliament intituled an Act for the abrogating of the 
Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance and appointing other oaths. 

Order, that the following Letter of His Grace the Duke of 
Norfolk be read : 

1689, Sept. 19% London.— . . If I remember right 
there was two objections against the disarming those that had 
refused the Oath, the one that it would look hard for them to be 
used so when the Roman Catholicks were not. To which I 
answer both the Roman Catholicks and they be used so now, at 
the same time, for if by their actions they so little distinguish 
themselves from them, pray let them fare alike in this particular 
only with this difference, that the Roman Catholicks' horses ought 
to be taken as well as their arms. And as for the 2?! that they 


137 


may alter their minde to take them hereafter, I answer to that 
that whenever those that refuse them now shall take them I shall 
always fear there will be more of self interest in it than any 
affection to the present Government that can be relied on, for 
the taking those oaths or not is not so new a matter that any 
person can be unprepared or surprized in what he does, and tho' 
no man, I believe, has shewn himselfe less willing (ever since I 
have had any concern in Norfolk) to do a hard thing to any 
gentleman than I; and that I have always used these particular 
gentlemen with as much respect and friendship as any in the 
County, yet when it comes to the owning & Government which 
we must support or fall with it this is no jesting and I desire 
that the Deputy Lieutenants will doe effectually what I dare say 
they must not only think fit but necessary for the occasion. 
Yr aff. friend, 

[Addressed] NoRFOLK. 

These for M" Edmund l'Estrange of Horstead, Norfolk. 


Ordered. That a warrant be drawn forthwith for the dis- 
arming of Sir Nicholas l'Estrange of Hunstanton, Bart., Sir 
Christopher Calthorpe of East Basham, Knight of the Bath, 
Capt. James Calthorpe of West Basham, Esq., and Charles 
Hastings of Wighton, Esq. as persons suspected to be 
dangerous to the peace of the Kingdom, and that the said 
warrants be directed to Gabriell Armiger, Esq., Capt. of a com- 
pany of Militia presently in the Hundred of Gallow and 
Brothercross, for the execution thereof. 

A warrant was signed accordingly. 

1690, July 19. Norwich Castle. 


Present : — 
Sir Francis Guybon, K* Sir Roger Potts 
Robert Walpole. Sir John Pettus Be. 
Jobn Harbord. Sir John Astly 
Edmund Wodehouse. Sir W™ Cooke 


A letter was read from the Council dated 15 July. Reciting 
that ‘‘ there is great reason by late intelligence to apprehend that 
the French may speedily attempt an invasion of this Kingdom ” 
ordering the L? Lieutenant to cause the several troops of 
Militia Horse within his Lieutenancy to be called together for 
a month’s training. 


ENGLISH AND DurcH FLEET AGAINST THE FRENCH 
IN THE ŸEAR 1691. 


Our Fleet in the year 1691. 


Red Squadrons. 
Ships. Captains. Men. Guns. 
1 Britannia Edward Russell, Adm! 815 100 
1 S Andrew L*. Bartlett 730 96 
2 Neptune Geo. Rook, Rear Adm 660 90 
2 Albemarle St Fra Wheler 660 90 
2 Sandwich Anthony Hastings 660 90 


moma CO mam CO CO CO CO Co CO CO © D e bo 


CQ» 95 09 CO 00 CO 00 02 CO CD 02 02 00 OO CO CO RO DO EO RO NO RO I 


Ships. 
Vantguard 
St Michael 


Victory 

Royall Oake 
Elizabeth 
Sterling Castle 
Essex 

Lenox 
Restauration 


Exeter 
Hope 
Berwick 
Burford 
Eagle 


Warr Spight 
Harwich 
Montague 
Dreadnought 
Plymouth 


Blew. 

Ships. 
Souverayne 
London 
Duke 
Coronation 
Duchess 
Windsor Castle 
Ossery 
Katherine 
Captaine 
Edgar 
Suffolk 
Hampton Court 
York 
Northumberland 
Expedition 
Kent 
Grafton 
Lyon 
Reflection 
Defyance 
Swiftsure 
Cambridge 
Monmouth 
Monk 


188 


Captains. 
Richard Carter 
Th°: Hobson 


Sit Jo. Ashby, Vice Adm! 


Geo. Bing 
Prisman 
Ben Waters 
Bridges 
Richard Munden 
John Gothier 


George Mees 
Priehard 
Richard Martyn 
Hartlow 
John Leake 


Stafford Fairborne 


Robert Roberson 

Symon Foulkes 

Basill Beaumont 
Mayne 


Men 


tains. 


Cap 
Sr Ralp D'lavall, Vice Ad! 
S" Cloudsley Shovell, Rear Adm! 
Henry Killigrew, Adm" 


Charles Shelton 
Jo. Clements 
Geo. Churchill 
Jo. Tyrrell 


Danyell Jones 
Mathew Trophy 
Ch' Billop 
Thomas Traydon 


Andrew Cotton 
Dover 
John Nevill 
W™ Boknham 
Rob* Wiseman 
Earle of Danby 
Gourney 
Clarke 
Listock 
Robert Reynolds 
Ben Hoskins 





Men. Guns 
660 90 
660 90 
580 82 
470 ‘70 
460 70 
460 "70 
460 70 
460 70 
460 70 
460 70 
460 70 
460 70 
460 70 
460 70 
490 70 
420 70 
400 66 
955 62 
940 62 
12380 1828 
Men. Guns 
815 100 
780 100 
660 90 
660 90 
660 90 
660 90 
660 90 
540 82 
460 72 
445 72 
460 70 
460 70 
460 70 
460 70 
460 70 
460 70 
460 70 
460 70 
420 70 
490 70 
490 70 
420 70 
400 66 
840 60 


12440 1842 


Qv Où Qv Et CO i». Ov Où Ou i» Où Qt À à à à Où à à à à à à à bh MS à à à à HP à à à MEER à à OU P à à à à à CO 


Rupert 
Leopard 
Oxford 
Woollwich 
Happy Return 
St Albans 
Deptford 
Newcastle 
Portland 
Sampson 


Reserve 
Crowne 
Tyger Prize 
Dover 
Bonaventure 


Antelope 
Mordant 
Swallow 
Assistance 
Kingfisher 
Archangell 
Princess Anne 
Barkley Castle 
George 
Successe 
Coronation 
Phenixe 
Portsmouth 
Mary Galley 
Sam and Henr 


189 


Convoys and out cruising. 
Commanders in chief. 


Math Aylmer 


Seth Thirston 
Richard Kigwin 
Monk 
Richard ffittz Patrick 


David Lambert 
Thomas Lee 
Hen. Robinson 
John Glanvile 
J. Crawley 

Sillmott 
James Barber 


Frederick Froude 
Horton 
Henry Wickham 
Batteler 
John Bridget 
Kegwin 
Th™- Johnson 
Jasper Hickes 
Richard Badford 
Will» Talmash 
Jo. Frankmore 
Will. North 
Thomas Reyner 
John George 
George St. Hue 
Danyell Dearing 
Rob* Venner 


Jerusalem John Vepnell 
Constant Warwick Abr. Potter 
Nonsuch Rob. Synock 
Haniball John Waters 
Scepter Will Rogers 
Smyrna Merchant James Salmon 
Supply W2: Harding 
Charles Galley Jer. Roach 
Saphire Chr. Mynns 
Dartmouth Young 
Saphire Roger Killigrew 
James Galley 

Garland John Jenypher 
Gernesey Robt Arthur 
Pearle 

Owner's Endeavour Michaell Berry 


Richmond 


Men. Guns. 
400 70 
280 54 
280 54 
280 54 
280 54 
280 54 
280 54 
280 54 
240 650 
240 £650 
280 48 
280 48 
280 48 
280 48 
230 48 
230 48 
280 48 
280 48 
230 48 
280 48 
280 48 
230 48 
220 48 
200 48 
200 48 
200 48 
200 48 
200 48 
200 48 
180 48 
220 46 
200 44 
180 44 
180 44 
180 42 
180 42 
160 40 
160 40 
110 84 
110 84 
220 832 
185 3892 
185 82 
135 32 
200 80 
180 80 
1890 30 
130 80 
100 80 
125 28 


Co Oo Go 


Co Où Où Où Où Ss Où Où Où Où Où Ct 


Monmouth Yacht 
Greyhound 
Souldadaes 


Ships. 
Drake 
Stubbs Yacht 
Dumbarton 
Deptford Ketch 
Quaker Ketch 
Sallamander 
Mary Yacht 
Catherine Yacht 
Henrietta Yacht 
Kingfisher Ketch 
ffanfare 
Cleaveland Yacht 


140 


Commanders in chief. 


We: Wright 
Thomas Gillan 
ffrancis Whuell 


Captains. 

Tho. Spragg 
John Johnson 
Th9* Row 
Tho. Berry 
Austin Breswin 
Jo. Votier 
Henry Cullings 
Gabriell Mellison 
W™- Sanderson 
Edw? Boyne 
Edw. Pattinger 
Rich. Byron 


Brought over - - 


Men in Convoys and Cruisers 


Men 


Shipps in the Redd Squadron 
In the Blew Squadron - - 
Convoys and Cruisers - - 


English ships 


Dutch ships - 
Fire ships  - - 


Ships in all 


Men in the Redd Squadron - 
Men in the Blew Squadron - - 
Men in the other ships - - 


Men in all - 


Gunns in ye Redd Squadron - 
In the Blew Squadron - - 


In the other ships 


Gunsinal) - 


Men. Guns. 


030 18 
075 16 
075 16 


10480 2274 








00505 0112 
10480 2274 


10985 2386 














141 


First Rate Ships - - 05 
| Nr Rates . - - - 11 
. 1 J Third Rates - - - - 98 
English |i Fourth Rates - - - - 97 
fifth Rates - - - - 10 
Sixth Rates - - - - 17 
First Rate Ships and Log 

recone - - - | 
. 8 ates - - - 21 
Dutch Ships{ Fourth Rates - - - - 17 
füfth Rates - - - - 11 
\Gallyots and flutes - - - 10 


se a mme me rene 


NoRFOLK LIEUTENANCY JOURNALS. 


1695[-6], March 2.—Norwich Castle. Present :—Sir Robert 
Potts, Sir William Cooke, Barts., Sir Neville Catelyn, Knight, 
Ash Windham and Edmond Wodehouse, Esquires. 

The Copy of an order in Council for the seizing of the Persons 
and arms of all Papists and Persons disaffected to the Govern- 
ment having been read 

And a letter from the Lord Lieutenant of the 25 February 
ordering the calling out of the Militia Horse and the Trained 
Bands of the County for the purpose 

Ordered. That the respective Captains of the Militia Horse 
in the County doe seize and secure the persons and arms of 
Papists and Persons whom we in this conjuncture have reason 
to suspect to be disaffected to the present Government accord- 
ing to the directions following and that the seizure be made 
throughout this county upon Monday the 9th of this instant 
March 1695. m 

Ordered. That Capt. Erasmus Earle doe call together and march 
his Troop into Gt. Yarmouth upon Monday the 9th of this instant 
March and doe the same day seize and secure the persons and 
arms of Barnaby Wale of Aldbey, Robt. Brown, John Brown, 
and Robt. Spencer, all of S. Walsham, Samuell Young of Loddon, 
George Marsh of Aldbey, John Spencer of Wotton, Gawin Nash 
of Blofield, Thomas Huby of Topcroft, Wm. Pierce of Wotton, 
John Urwin of G* Yarmouth, Abraham Castle of Thrigbey, 

Welsh of Ludham Hall. All which persons are to be 
conveyed by him to the Corporation of G* Yarmouth where he 
is also to receive and secure such prisoners as shall be sent to 
him at Great Yarmouth by any Commissioned Officer or his 
order and the said persones to keep in safe custody during his 
4 days duty there. And that the said Capt. Earle be relieved by 
Sir Wm. Rant’s Troope upon Thursday the 12th of this instant 
March by Two of the Clock in the afternoon of the same day to 
whome he is then to deliver such Prisoners as shall be in his 
custody at the same time. 


142 


Ordered. That Capt. Sir Wm. Rant do upon Munday the 9th 
of this instant March seize and secure the persons and armes of 
Edward Paston, Esq., James Weld of Sherringham, Ed. Fuller 
of North Walsham, Doctor Smith, Wm. Parker, Edmund Sufheld, 
Christopher Layer of Booton, Wm. Lucar, Lake of Sparham, 
Ck. and doe forthwith convey the said persons to the Corporation 
of Gt: Yarmouth . . . . and that Capt. Sir W. Rant do raise 
no more of his Troop at that time than the occasion will require. 
But that the said Sir Wm. Rant doe raise his whole Troop upon 
Thursday the 12th of this instant March (to relieve Capt. Earle). 

Ordered. That Capt. Philip Bedingfield doe upon Monday the 
9th of this instant March seize and secure the persons and arms 
of Sir Robert Yallop, Kt., Charles Yallop, Esq., Thomas Wood, 
Esq., Thomas Havers, Doctor Chitleburgh and Rob. Chitleburgh 
and convey them to Yarmouth. (To raise his whole Troop on 
the 15th instant and relieve Rant at Yarmouth.) 

Ordered. Captain James Hoste to call together and march 
his troop into Swaffham on the 9th instant and the same day 
secure the person and arms of Geoffrey Cobbe of Appleton and 
convey him to Swaffham. 

Ordered. That Lt. Col. Sir Francis Guybon do upon Monday 
9th instant seize and secure the Persons and arms of Sir Henry 
Beddingfeld, Bart., Beaumont Tasburgh, Esq., Edmund Black- 
bourne, Anthony Beddingfeld, Henry Timperley, Charles 
Hastings, Charles Peyton, Jeoffrey Cobbs, Matthew Cuffin, John 
Catteway of Weston, Thomas Marwood steward to Sir Henry 
Beddingfield, Matthew Holcot of Lutcham (sic\, (Thomas Duvall, 
John Clarke, Wm. Taylor, Wm. Bell, all of Swaffham), 

Shaw of East Basham, Clk. (and convey them to Swaffham and 
deliver to Capt. James Hoste). 

(Also to secure the persons and arms of Sir Nicholas l’Estrange, 
Bart., Sir Christopher Calthorpe, Knight of the Bath, and deliver 
them to the custody of Col. Edmond Wodehouse, and to raise 
his whole Troop and relieve Capt. H@ste on the 12th.) 

Ordered. That Capt. Chas. Wright on Monday 9th instant do 
seize and secure the persons and arms of Sir Francis Jernegan, 
Bart., Sir Robert Yallop, Knt., Charles Yallop, Esq., and Giles 
Yallop, and convey them to Swaffham. (To raise his whole Troop 
on the 15th and relieve Capt. Sir Francis Guybon.) 


1695[-6], March 8.—An order in Council dated 5 March 
being received this day discharging the previous order for 
assembling the militia horse. Notice was immediately given to 
discharge the troops on duty and to discharge such persons as 
should be in their custody. 


1700-1751.—MIscELLANEOUS MEMORANDA AND LETTERS. 


Mary Countess oF SUFFOLK to 
1702[-8], Feb. 2.—This comes to lett you know that to-morrow 
evening, Wensday, the corpes of M™ Anne Hobart are carryed 
hence towards Norfolk, and wilbee at Norwich on Saturday 
night next. She is to be buried on Sunday immediately after 


148 


Sermon in Sir John Hobart’s vault in Brickling Church. The 
body is not to go to Brickling house but directly to the church. 
I desier that youll take care to speake to the minister and 
clerk to be in readyness, &c. 

The following gentlemen are desired to hold up the Pall :— 

Mr. Thomas Herne. 
The two Mr. Fleetewoods. 
Mr. Jarmeys son of Bayfeild. 
In ease any of these cannot be had, then :— 
Mr. Fountaine of Sall. 
Mr. Parston, my L. Yarmouth's son. 

There is but four designed for all. 

You are to give ye Minister a guinea, and to ye Clarke and 
Sexton what you thinke propper, and amongst the poor twenty 
shillings. This is what Mr Hobart hath desired me to write 
you, who am, 

Your friend, 
M. SUFFOLKE. 


1708, Oct. 28.— A Schedule signed by W. Billing of 18 
Pictures which, as appears from a Bill of Sale upon the same 
Paper, were sold to him by Sir Henry Hobert, late of Blickling, 
and were now (Oct. 28, 1708) bought back on behalf of Sir John 
Hobart,® Barronett, an Infant, son and heire of the late Sir Henry, 
by John Brewster, of Fundenhall, in Norfolk, for the sum of 
fifty pounds. (Receipted on the back.) 

1. One piece of the Lord Chief Justice Hobart. 

2. Sir John Hobart, his son. 

8. Lady Frances, wife to the said Sir John Hobart. She was 
eldest daughter to the Earl of Bridgewater. 

4. Mr. Myles Hobart, grandfather to the late Sir Henry 
Hobart. 

5. The said Mr. Myles Hobart's Lady. 

6. Sir John Hobart, grandfather to the present Sir John 
Hobart,? drawn when he was & young man and wore his owne haire. 

7. Another piece of the said Sir John Hobart of later date 
drawn with & wigg. 

8. ‘The said Sir John Hobart's last lady, grandmother to the 
present Sir John Hobart. 

9. Sir James Hobart, sometimes Attorney Generall, a piece of 
antiquity. He built Loddon Church. 

10. M* Mary Trevor, sister to the present Lord Chief Justice 
of that name. 

1 Lady  Maesey ( Daughters to the Lady Hobart. 

18. Mr: Elizabeth Hamond, grandmother to the present Sir 
John Hobart by Mr. Hamond her former husband (sic). 


1708, Dec.—A receipt from Mary Countess of Suffolk for half a 
ear's allowance for the six daughters of Sir Henry Hobart. 
Anne, Elizabeth, Henrietta, Philippa, Dorothy and Catherine.] 


* First Lord Hobart and Earl of Buokinghamshire, 


144 


1708[-4], Feb. 6, 7 and 8.—Note of expenses of Mrs. Anne 
Hobart's funeral at Blickling. 


1704.—Memoranda relating to burial of Philippa Hobart. 


1705.—4 receipt for money ‘‘ paid to the use of the poore of the 
parish of Blickling, being the penalty of an Act of Parliament for 
that M™ Elizabeth Hobart who was buryed in the said parish 
church was not wound in woollen according to the direction of the 
said Act." 


1705.—Marriage settlement of Henrietta Hobart and the 
Hon. Charles Howard. 


1706-1710.— Receipts from the Countess of Stamford for allow- 
ances for the education and maintenance “of my two nieces M™ 
Dorothy and Katherine? Hobart." 


NORFOLK LIEUTENANCY JOURNALS. 


1706, April 30. 

Present :—Sir Ed. Ward, Bt 
John Harbord, Esq. 

À copy of Order in Council of 4th April was received, ordering 
that the constables take a distinct and particular account of all 
Papists and reputed Papists with their respective qualities, 
estates and places of abode. 


1707 [-8] March 16.—List of Papists and Nox-Jurors whose 
houses were to be searched for horses and arms by order of the 
Lieutenancy this day. 


By Capt. Philip Beddingfield. 

Papists or so reputed. 

Charles Hastings of Wiveton, gent. (now of Studdy), Thomas 
Woods of Colekirke, Esq., Thomas Duvall of Swaffham, gent., 
William Taylor of Swaffham (dead), Riehard Martin of Oxburgh, 
gent., Anthony Stockdale of Swanton Morly, John Jernegan, 
Esq., of Oxburgh. 

Non-Jurors. 

Sir Christopher Calthorpe of East Basham, Knight of the 

Bath, Thomas Wright of East Basham, clerk. 


By Col. Horatio Walpole. 

Papists or sao reputed. 

Edward Paston of Barningham, gent., Jervas Taylor of 
Billingford (dead), Edward Fuller of North Walsham, Thomas 
Reily, gent. of North Walsham, Richard Parkes of Aylsham (dead), 
Hamond Estgate of Brampton, George Bedell of Woodrising 
Esq., Dicks of Aylsham. 

Non-Jurors. 

Edward Edmund of Woodaling (dead), Richard Lake of 

Sparham, clerk, Munsy of Booton, clerk. 


— —ÓMÓÓÓÓ— 9 ey 


* Afterwards wife of General Churchill. 


145 


By Capt. Jas. Hoste. 

Papists or so reputed. 

John Paston of Appleton, Esq., Geoffrey Cobbs of Appleton, 
gent., Charles Peyton of Grimston, (jurat) gent., Philip Bell of 
Wallington, gent., Sarah Hawkins of Downham, widow, Thomas 
Howse of Downham. 


By Capt. Chas. Wright. 

Papists or 80 reputed. 

Sir Francis Jernegan of Costesy, Bart., John Jernegan of 
Costesy, Esq., George Jernegan of Costesy, gent., Edmund 
Blackbourne of Wymundham, gent., John Copping of Shropham, 
William Isaack of Ashill, Cuthbert Ridley of Ashill, William 
Ridley of Ashill. 


By Capt. Thos. Berney. 
Papists or so reputed. 
John Spencer of Bowthorp Hall, gent. 
Shottesham All Saints. 


Robert Hemlinton of Earsham, Mrs. Elizabeth Havers of 
Thelveton, widow. 


By Capt. Robert Suckling, jun. 

Papists or so reputed. 

Charles Yallop of Thorpe by Norwich, Esq., John Browne of 
Acle, gent., Robert Browne of South Walsham, gent., Dorothy 
Huby of Topcroft, widow, Henry Huby of Topcroft, chirurgeon, 
Thomas Huby of Toperoft, Coroner, Francis Cooke of Topcroft, 
farmer, William Price of Woodton, gent., George Marsh of Toft 
Monks, gent., Samuell Young of Gillingham All Saints, gent. 

Non-Jurors. 
Giles Yallop of Ludham, gent., John Walsh of Ormsby, gent. 


1708, March 27.—The respective captains reported that they 
did not find any horse of five pounds value in the possession of 
any of the said papists or disaffected persons; nor arms excepting 
one musquet belonging.to Mr. Richard Lake of Sparham, clerk, a 
non-juror, which with a belt of bandoliers was seized by Lieutenant 
Thomas Skottowe, which was ordered to remain in the custody 
of the said Mr. Skottowe till further order. 


1707.—A receipt for half a year’s board and schooling of Sir 
John Hobart from M. Tooke, Bishops Stortford. 


1718-14.—Receipts, one for a silver punchbowl presented to 
Clare Hall, Cambridge, by Sir John Hobart. 


1721.—Copy of Sir John Tyrel's will and his marriage settle- 
ment with Mrs. Elizabeth Cotton. Papers relating to the 
execution of his will. 


17118 K 


146 


1721-1769.—Five packets of letters and other documents 
relating to the property of the Hobarts in Cornwall—the Manors 
of Beer Ferris, Truro, Lanrake, etc. Relating also to elections at 
St. Ives in the years 1721, 1799, 1761, 1766, vith lists of Voters. 
Letters of the ist and 2nd Earls of Buckinghamshire in relation 
to these. 


1728-1798.— Three packets of papers relating to Henrietta 
Countess of Suffolk, chiefly in connection with Marble Hill. 
Among these are :— 


“A Schedule of writings relating to the Freehold, Copyhold and 
Leasehold Estate of the late Countess of Suffolk at Marble Hill, 
which were in the possession of the late Earl of Buckingham at 
the time of his decease ” [in 1798]. 


A Letter from E. Budgell to the Countess of Suffolk, June 16, 
1727, gives an account of the Manor of Twickenham without 
any of that unintelligible cant we Lawyears often use to seem 
wise ourselves and Keep others in the dark.” . . . The 
Manor is at present possessed by three persons who bought it 
from the Commissioners. Two of these three present Lords want 
money very much, so that the thing will be sold, & great Penny 
worth. . . . As 'tis held under his Majesty you will 
probably, Madam, be deny'd no reasonable favour you ean ask." 
From another Paper it appears that ‘the whole or part of 
Twickenham was sold by the Trustees of Forfeited Estates as 
part of the late Viscount Bolingbroke's Estate. N.D. 


“A Particular in Rentall of the Manor of Twickenham in 
Middlesex as sett forth by the Commissioners of the forfeited 
Estates when purchased by the present owners in 1728.” 


A List of Freeholders, Leaseholders and Coppyholders in the 
the Estate. Among the freeholders and copyholders is Godfrey 
Kneller. 


There are also bills of carpenters’ and carvers’ work, leases 
and business letters in connexion with the Marble Hill Estate, 
1724-1758. 


Business letters addressed to Lady Suffolk by John Earl of 
Buckinghamshire [her brother], Thomas Ryder and others, 
1785. 


The Will of George Berkeley, Esq. 
A Copy of the Will of W. Plomer. 1742. 


The Will of Henrietta Dowager Countess of Suffolk, widow 
of the Hon. George Berkeley, Esq. Sept. 27, 1758. 


A packet of letters and other documents relating to a dispute 
as to right of way in Twickenham between Henrietta Countess 
of Suffolk and John Fridenberg, merchant, of the City of London, 
1750-1755, 





"Th 


147 


1727.—A copy of General George Wade's Report respecting 
the disarmament of the Highlands of Scotland, respecting also 
the recalcitrant clan of the late Earl of Seaforth, the repairing of 
the Castle of Inverness, the Exile of those attainted for High 
Treason and the riots on account of the Malt Tax. 


1728[1729]-1785.—The vill of Brigadier John Hobart of St. 
Giles in the Fields, Middlesex. [Brother of Sir Henry Hobart 
of Bliekling]. Dated March 22, 1728[9]. 


Mar. 1784[5]-Nov. 1785.—Three letters addressed to Robert 
Britiffe from Mrs. Henrietta Bedingfield, [** daughter of the late 
Dame Dorothy Bedingfield"] relating to business in connection 
with John Hobart's death in 1784, she being his residuary 
legatee. 

An account of all the plate, moneys, household goods, and of 
the books in the house of the late Brigadier Hobart. (An account 
of Family pictures is missing from this packet.) 


1728-1789.—A packet of papers relating to the Gunnersbury 
(or Gunnaldsbury) Estate in N'^ Ealing, late of Sergeant 
Maynard, sold by Lord Hobart to Mr. Henry Furnese in 1789. A 
survey of the estate describes the house as by Inigo Jones, ‘with 
Tapestry and hangings in the great room of the Cartoons, valued 
at 1,0001.; and likewise an Isle in the Parish Church of Ealing, 
the whole lately rented by the Duke of Queensborough at £900 
per an." 


A parcel of Letters from Robert Britiffe and W. Bristow to 
Lord Hobart relate to the sale of this estate and also to the pur- 
chase of Manington in Norfolk by the Walpoles. 


1781.—Copy of Willof Sir George Walton. 
1785.—Poll Books of Norfolk Election. 


1740.—A List of the free burgesses of the borough of Malden 
in the County of Essex. 


1749, May 12.—Order from the office of Ordnance to Calder, 
master gunner of Yarmouth, to receive the arms from L* Hobart 
and take them to the Tower, viz. :— 

** The armes of the Regiment raised by Lord Hobart at the late 
Rebellion." 

Mem: Arms belonging to the County of Norfolk, 896 firelocks 
and bayonets. 

Arms belonging to the City of Norwich, 198 firelocks and 
bayonets. 

Sent back hyther in 1746 by order of Lord Buckinghamshire. 

Reed of the Rt: Hon. Earl of Buckinghamshire the arms issued 
to his Lordship consisting of 399 firelocks and bayonets and 878 
cartridge boxes which were delivered to him at the time of the late 
rebellion as Lord Lieutenant of the County of Norfolk. 


148 


SECTION III. 


BUCKINGHAMSHIRE PAPERS. 
Part I.—1740-1758. 


Str THomas Drury’s CoRRESPONDENCE. 





PEDIGREE OF Drury FamiLy [or OVERSTONE|. 


1740.—The Pedigree of the Drury family, by which it appears 
that Sir Thomas of this date was son to Joyce, daughter and sole 
heiress of Thomas Beacon, of Ilford, in Essex. Sir Thomas 
Drury married Martha, second daughter of Sir John Tyrel, of 
Heron, in Essex, Bart., by Mary, his first wife, daughter of Sir 
James Dolliffe, of Mitcham, in Surrey. 


Joyce Drury to [her son] Sm TxHomas Drury. 


1744-[5], Jan. 26. Colne.—I send inclos’d the order for the 
East India Dividend. I had wrote last post, but have had a 
return of the gout in my right hand which has made me very ill 
again. 

The letter that came by fryday’s post the 10th instant was 
charged two shillings sixpence, weight two ounces 4. I did 
not take it as I thought it was only news, I shall be glad to hear 
that you are well, and how both: the children doe, with love to 
you and lady. 


OrDER oF CounciL to Lorp LIEUTENANTS. 


1745, Sept. 5.—Reciting that the eldest son of the Pretender 
hath Presumed in open violation of the laws to land in the north- 
west part of Scotland, and ordering them forthwith to cause all 
arms belonging to Papists, non-jurors, or other persons that shall 
be judged dangerous to the peace of the kingdom within their 
Lieutenancy to be seized and secured according to the said Act, 
and to return an exact account to the Board. 

Signed, Harpwick, Dorset, PEMBROKE, CHOLMONDLEY, 

GRANVILLE, WILL. YONGE, T. WINNINGTON. 

Copy. 


Samson GipEoN to Srr THomas Drury. 


1745, Sept. 7. Garraways.—The D. of N. has wrote a Letter 
to the Lord Mayor to acquaint him by the King’s order that the 
Pretender’s son has set up his Standard in Scotland, which has 
caused a Common Council to be called who have agreed to & most 
Loyal Address. The Merchants have had a meeting and chose the 
Committy they did last year with addition of M" Selwin and our 


149 


friend M* Janssen, who is the person that has promoted the 
whole and keeps up the spirit, and they resolved to address his 
Majesty and there are about 500 subseribed since yesterday, 
among whom are People of the greatest Fortunes in the City as 
well as merchants. We are to go to Kenzinton Wednesday next, 
after which above 200 have subscribed to dine together at Mer- 
chant Taylors or some other hall upon which we promise 
ourselves great aid in the present juncture. Ten of our 
Redgments are ordered from Flanders and part of the Dutch we 
judge are already arrived in Scotland. If the affair in these 
parts be not soon quelled it may prove of Evil consequence. 

S. Sea 108. 

Bank 1434. . 

India 1784. 

Annu’s 108. 

Tickets 18. 

8 pe* 87g. 

Salt 64. 


Samson GIDEON to Sra THomas Drury. 


1745, Sept. 18.—I am favoured with yours of the 11‘ Ins* Am 
not at all surprised that you are alarmed, for by the Publick and 
privat acco" affairs seem to go in the North not to our wishes, 
and should any foreign force or forces land there or in any other 
part of the Kingdom it may prove of bad consequence, as we are 
at present provided, and we wish your Health would permit you 
to be in town at this Critical Juncture, for tho' a country Life 
may be preferable to the Continual dissatisfaction we labour 
under here still there are certain affairs not to be described at 
this distance and of which every man can only judge for himself. 
I would not willingly disturb you and still as you hold Stock on 
Loan if things do not cleare up you may suffer great incon- 
veniences. Supose in Nov* next the present want of money or 
rather distrust &c. should increase or Continue, there is not any 
to be had even at 5% and E. India Bonds are not above 4 per 
cent. and should they come under parr so as to oblige the 
Company to give a greater Interest, you know what follows, for 
my part as I know not how to act for myself, much less can I 
advise; only thought proper to lay these considerations before 
you, on the other hand should the rebellion cease, affairs go well 
abroad by the appearance of a Peace, Every thing would take a 
different turne and stocks recover their former price, nay higher 
than Ever, and did you hold no more than what is in your name 
I should not have writt to you & line on the subject. Upon the 
whole I heartely wish you may resolve on what will tend most for 
your advantage. 

S. Sea 102. 

India 174 for the 80 instant and 1754 for the 12 Novr., 
which prolongation is after this rate of 7 pc. per annum. 

8 pe. 871. 

Annu' New 1054. 

Tickets 12. 


148 


SECTION III. 


BUCKINGHAMSHIRE PAPERS. 
Part I.—1740-1758. 


Sir THomas Drury’s CoRRESPONDENCE. 





PEDIGREE or Drury Famity [or OVERSTONE|. 


1740.—The Pedigree of the Drury family, by which it appears 
that Sir Thomas of this date was son to Joyce, daughter and sole 
heiress of Thomas Beacon, of Ilford, in Essex. Sir Thomas 
Drury married Martha, second daughter of Sir John Tyrel, of 
Heron, in Essex, Bart., by Mary, his first wife, daughter of Sir 
James Dolliffe, of Mitcham, in Surrey. 


Joyce Drury to [her son] Sra THomas Drury. 


1744-[5], Jan. 26. Colne.—I send inclos’d the order for the 
East India Dividend. I had wrote last post, but have had a 
return of the gout in my right hand which has made me very ill 
again. 

“The letter that came by fryday’s post the 10th instant was 
charged two shillings sixpence, weight two ounces 4. I did 
not take it as I thought it was only news, I shall be glad to hear 
that you are well, and how both-the children doe, with love to 
you and lady. 


ORDER oF Counciz to Lorp LIEUTENANTS. 


1745, Sept. 5.—Reciting that the eldest son of the Pretender 
hath Presumed in open violation of the laws to land in the north- 
west part of Scotland, and ordering them forthwith to cause all 
arms belonging to Papists, non-jurors, or other persons that shall 
be judged dangerous to the peace of the kingdom within their 
Lieutenancy to be seized and secured according to the said Act, 
and to return an exact account to the Board. 

Signed, Harpwick, Dorset, PEMBROKE, CHOLMONDLEY, 

GRANVILLE, Wiuu. YONGE, T. WINNINGTON. 

Copy. 


Samson G1DEON to Sir THoMas Drury. 


1745, Sept. 7. Garraways.—The D. of N. has wrote a Letter 
to the Lord Mayor to acquaint him by the King’s order that the 
Pretender’s son has set up his Standard in Scotland, which has 
caused a Common Council to be called who have agreed to a most 
Loyal Address. The Merchants have had a meeting and chose the 
Committy they did last year with addition of M* Selwin and our 


149 


friend M* Janssen, who is the person that has promoted the 
whole and keeps up the spirit, and they resolved to address his 
Majesty and there are about 500 subscribed since yesterday, 
among whom are People of the greatest Fortunes in the City as 
well as merchants. We are to go to Kenzinton Wednesday next, 
after which above 200 have subscribed to dine together at Mer- 
chant Taylors or some other hall upon which we promise 
ourselves great aid in the present juncture. Ten of our 
Redgments are ordered from Flanders and part of the Dutch we 
judge are already arrived in Scotland. If the affair in these 
parts be not soon quelled it may prove of Evil consequence. 

S. Sea 108. 

Bank 1484. . 

India 1784. 

Annu’s 108. 

Tickets 18. 

8 pe**- 878. 

Salt 64. 


Samson GIDEON to Sir THomMas Drury. 


1745, Sept. 18.—1 am favoured with yours of the 11* Inst Am 
not at all surprised that you are alarmed, for by the Publiek and 
privat acco" affairs seem to go in the North not to our wishes, 
and should any foreign force or forces land there or in any other 
part of the Kingdom it may prove of bad consequence, as we are 
at present provided, and we wish your Health would permit you 
to be in town at this Critical Juncture, for tho' a country Life 
may be preferable to the Continual dissatisfaction we labour 
under here still there are certain affairs not to be described at 
this distance and of which every man can only judge for himself. 
I would not willingly disturb you and still as you hold Stock on 
Loan if things do not cleare up you may suffer great incon- 
veniences. Supose in Nov™ next the present want of money or 
rather distrust &c. should increase or Continue, there is not any 
to be had even at 5% and E. India Bonds are not above 4 per 
eent. and should they come under parr so as to oblige the 
Company to give & greater Interest, you know what follows, for 
my part as I know not how to act for myself, much less ean I 
advise; only thought proper to lay these considerations before 
you, on the other hand should the rebellion cease, affairs go well 
abroad by the appearance of a Peace, Every thing would take a 
different turne and stocks recover their former price, nay higher 
than Ever, and did you hold no more than what is in your name 
I should not have writt to you a line on the subject. Upon the 
whole I heartely wish you may resolve on what will tend most for 
your advantage. 

S. Sea 102. 

India 174 for the 80 instant and 1754 for the 12 Novr., 
which prolongation is after this rate of 7 pc. per annum. 

8 pe. 871. 

Annu’ New 1053. 

Tickets 12. 


150 


CHawrron BRanriLzz to Sir THomas Drury. 


1745, Sept. 14. Upminster Hall.— We have Divers Reports as 
to the Strength and Success of the Rebels but there is not one to 
be depended on. ’Tis agreed that the Dutch must by this time 
be landed in Seotland so that we hope soon to hear of their being 
quelled. I don't believe the Ministers are in very great pain, for 
we have had no orders about the papists yet which you know we 
had when they talk? but of the Invasion sometime since. 


Samson GipEon to Sir THomas DRURY. 


1745, Sept. 21. Garraway.—1 congratulate you on the arrival 
of 14 E* India Ships at Galloway in Ireland. They came 
without convoy; had not providence protected them we had been 
in & fine condition, as we are Elsewhere. The P. was proclaim’d 
last tuesday at Edinburgh, the People let the Rebels in without 
opposition, I can not express my thoughts this way but it looks 
as if we were betray'd or what is more neglected. The Dutch 
Troops are all arriv'd in the River Except 5 Transports to 
Burlington Bay in Yorkshire instead of Scotland. We may 
expect 6,000 of our forces next week, but still I must confess that 
people of Property being out of town at this juncture is not pru- 
dent. It is an indignity to —————— that 20 people should 
land above two months since and be suffer'd to put so many 
people in consternation, and if no more care is taken then what 
I perceive, the same fate may attend the City. 

India 176. Salt 64. 
8. Sea 108. Tickets 18. 


Annuis 108. 
8 pe. 114. 
Enclosure : — | 
1745, Sept.—Lisr or Sms ARRIVED AT GALLOWAY. 

Montague - Freeman - Mocha and Bombay 
St. George - Robinson - Bengal 
K. William  - Phillips - Bombay : 
Winchelsea - Adair (dead) - Bengal 
Winchester - Steward - Coast and Bay 
Cesar - Court - Rt. Helena and Bencoolen 
York -  Lafeectles ? - Fort St. George and China 
Stafford - Baker - China 
P. William -  Langworth - . Coast and Bay 
Lapwing - Watts - Bengal and Bencoolen 
D. Dorsett - Frognall - Coast and Bay 
Beaufort - Stephens - Fort St. George 
Godolphin - Jas. Stephens - Bengal 
Dorrington - Crab - Do 


Arrived at Galloway on Monday last. 


Fart or Harirax to Sra THomas DRURY. 


1745, Oct. 2. Audley Street, Wednesday night.—Tho' my 
hands are so full of business that I have not a moment to spare 


151 


to anybody but you, I trouble you with this to acquaint you that 
I &m informed the general meeting of our County to consider of 
proper measures to be taken in the present dangerous situation 
of our affairs is fixed for Friday next. I set out to-morrow 
morning and have a place in my Coach at your disposal. 


Earz or HaLnrrax to Sir THomas Drury. 


1745, Oct. 7.  Audeley Street, Monday night, 12 o’th 
Clock.—I take the earliest opportunity of informing you that His 
Majesty when I deliver'd the Association to him this morning 
with our Lord Lieutenant in his Closet (for his Grace's business 
made us too late for the Levée) express'd the utmost chearfull- 
ness and satisfaction at the procedings of his faithful servants in 
Northamptonshire. Before I had the Honour of seeing His 
Majesty he had given directions for my Commission as Colonel 
to be made out. I hope with your assistance (which I greatly 
depend upon, hearing how hearty a zeal animates you upon this 
occasion) and that of my other friends I shall soon compleat my 
Regiment. Never was there an occasion that called upon us to 
exert ourselves so strenuously as the present one, and that the 
Safety of the whole depends upon the zeal and spirit of particulars. 

P.S.—I am just now informed that Mr. Ward of Stoke, who 
has already some men, promises ten pence a day to all that will 
enlist over and above his Majesty's pay. This method I appre- 
hend is a very unfortunate one for us, especially in the beginning 
of the affair ; and I heartily wish it may not get air in our Part 
of the Country. The Duke of Bedford gives no premium; those 
who engage with him have only the King's pay and yet his 
Regiment is almost compleat as I hear already. 


CuawProN BnaNriLL to Sir THomas Drury. 


1745, Oct. 9. Chelmsford.—“ We have just now signed here 
a most loyal Address with an offer of our Lives and Fortunes 
which you will say is no great Compliment from me and an 
Association, and tho’ late we are come pretty Hearty. We had 
the Lords FitzWalter and Waldegrave and the greatest Appear- 
ance I ever saw at Sess. and almost Assizes.” ...... 


Samson Gipgon to Sir THomas DRURY. 


1745, Oct. 12. Garaways.—Our affairs relating to Stocks are 
somewhat better, tho’ the great scarcity of money continues. I 
have been forced to pay after the rate of 12 cp. p. annum. We 
are aprehensive for Barwick and nothing but more regular Troops 
will put an end to our troubles. All things are in my opinion of 
no service but to hinder the King’s Levees and cause discontent 
among his Troops. 


Samson GIDEON to Sig THomas Drury. 


1745, Nov. 28.—There are sellers of [Lottery] Tickets at 
£9 14s. which shews you what such affairs are when left to 


152 


their own course. The same would have happened last year had 
-I not taken care to prevent it, which might have been done this 
year by buying about 2,000 Tickets, the want of which I wish 
may not be of fatal consequences in raising the next supplies. 


HvuvcnH Marriott to Sir Tomas Drury. 


1745, Nov. 19.  Tooke's Court, near Chancery Lane.—I 
suppose you know that the City of Carlisle has been under a 
necessity of capitulating to admit the Rebels and pay 2,000l. to 
save them from Massacre. By the best accounts the Capitula- 
tion was made on Thursday night and the Rebels had a 
Gate given up to them on Friday morning. News of it was 
immediately sent to Marshal Wade, and the Letters which came 
from Newcastle to a friend of mine by yesterday's post mention 
the armys being advanced on their way to Carlisle by Hexham if 
practicable for the artillery, if not they must return and go round 
by Bernard Castle, and there is no hope that the Citadel of 
Carlisle can hold out till they arrive. The enclosed is from our 
steward in Cumberland written you will see before he knew what 
was passing about 16 m. further North. When I shall hear from 
him again God knows, for the enemy is no doubt at Penrith by 
this time or further and then all Posts will be stopped from 
thence as they were yesterday from Carlisle. When I pick up 
anything more than is in the newspapers on good authority I 
shall acquaint you with it directly and send you my letters if any, 
which be so good as to return by next post. 

Since writing the above I find at the Rolls that it is not the 
citadel (which is an inconsiderable place) but the Castle that 
stands out, and that we have secured in it the artillery and 
military stores. 


Samson GIDEON to Sir THomas Drury. 


1745, Nov. 80. Garraways.—Last Wednesday there was a 
Meeting at the Crown in order to endeavour to raise part of the 
Land Tax, and we adjourned till Tuesday next, am aprehensive 
it will be very diffieult to compleat. However I will do on my 
part all that is in my power. The scarcity of money increases and 
the Exchange rises for Amsterdam, which proves that the Mer- 
chants are willing to give their assistance. The Lord Mayor has 
opened a subscription as you will find by the Papers. I 
contributed £100, and will give my assistance as I find it is not 
to be done from those it was expected. All the News (Except 
what is in the Papers) is that Stewart the Provost is in London 
and was taken into custody this morning. 


PuaizrppaA Istep to Sir THomas Drury. 


1745, Dec. 5.—Mr. Neale of Wellingboro is just now come 
here, and brings word that a gentleman of that town whose 
authority may be depended on went this morning at three 


158 


o’clock to Leicester, where he stayed till several Officers belong- 
ing to the Rebel Army arrivid there to demand quarters for the 
Army which was to be there this evening. Upon that unwell- 
come news my Aunt desires me to give you this trouble, with her 
best compliments, and begs the favour of you to send the four 
horses (you were so good this morning) to offer her by the 
bearer, with which we purpose setting out as early as possible 
to-morrow morning. She desires to know which will be most 
agreeable to you, either for her to return your horses as soon as 
she gets to Town, or for her to keep them there; whichever you 
chuse, she with pleasure will do. 


Samson GIDEON to Sir THoMmas Drury. 


1745, Dec. 5. Garraways.—We expected an account this . 
Evening of an action, but not hearing of any, fear they may have 
slipt our Army which God forbid. As you are lame I cannot 
expect you in Town. Otherwise no man would be absent with 
your Concernes. If you have money in your hands that you 
make no use of please to send me a drauft for £297 14s. . . . 
The subscription in the City for the Land Tax amounted to 
£508,000 and with much difficulty the S. Sea 40,000, London 
Assurance 50m. and Royall 20,000 to compleat the Affair, but 
what is that to the sum wanted? In short I am much dis- 
contented oe ee + 

P.S.—This is a crisis, if any thing turns in our favour there 
will be money found. 


Samson GIDEON to Sir THomas Drury. 


1745, Dec. 7. Garraways.—I rec? yours dated the 5° am 
sorry you have been In such a Consternation and do assure you 
the alarms of the Rebels aproaching had the same Effect here 
but being informed that his Royal Highness the Duke would be 
at Northampton this Evening we are in better spirits, there is a 
perfect stagnation in our affaires here and nothing doing in Stocks 
except 4 pe. annuis which are under parr. 


Samson GIDEON to Sra THomas Drury. 


1745, Dec. 10.—I hope your consternation has abated by find- 
ing the rebells are gone from you, at least it has in some 
measure that effect here. 

Coud you have Employd ten people I am perswaded they woud 
not have spoke to more men who upon other Occasions are ready 
to lend their money on Stocks &c. and still without effect, and 
what helps to keep all Bankers Back is that one of them who 
lives in the house that was Woodward has stoped payment, tho’ 
when they can buy India Bonds at £8 disco’ and demand the 
money of the Company they make after the rate of 9 cp. per 
annum with the best security, and Navy Bills at 10 cp. Disct. &c. 
I do assure you had I the Cash none of these considerations 
should be inducing to obstruct my advancing it to you at lawfull 
Interest, but I am dubly unhappy in having mine Invested. 


154 ' 


Hues Marriorr to Sir Tuomas Drory. 


1745, Dec. 10. London.—I give you many thanks for your 
favour of the 7th. By the very false accounts you will perceive 
the News gave concerning the arrival of our Army at North- 
ampton, you may see the value of a letter from the spot. It 
will be a singular satisfaction to me when you can continue me 
the favour of such. Rumours arise and are contradicted 80 
very fast that I intend to trouble you with none. I will 
however let you know the truth of two matters about which I 
dare say you will be sollicitous. The first is that I have it from 
very good hands and it is universally agreed that the young 
Person in the Tower is not the Pretender’s son. The other is 
about the Law Regiment which I fully thought on Sunday noon 
to have inlisted myself as a private centinel before night. 
The fact was represented to me thus, viz: that all the 
Regular Forces were to go as yesterday with his Majesty 
‘to encamp on Finchley Common and therefore as the guarding 
of the rest of the Royal Family remaining at St. James’ must at 
all events be left to undisciplined men, none would be so proper 
for the purpose as persons of-Fortune and publick character, and 
that as we Counsell who signed the Association and address 
- (Note—none in the Law of inferior Rank to Counsell were 
allow' to sign it) had thereby offered our persons and were a 
known and considerable body His Majesty had been asked 
whether he would accept our service for that purpose, and had 
been pleased to say he would be much satisfied to leave his 
family in so good hands and that in fact most of the Counsell 
fit to bear arms who were of note either in their profession 
or for their families or estates had agreed to it. In this 
Light it was so honourable and gallant a Duty that I should 
have been excessively pleased to undertake it. But when 
I went on the Sunday evening to the general meeting at the 
Middle Temple Hall, I found there the Lord Chief Justice 
Willes, it is true, talking very floridly and averring he was to 
have his Commission as Colonel of this Regiment as soon as we 
had agreed upon a name for it: but instead of the honourable 
company I expected, there were not, that my glass could bring 
to my eye, 20 Counsell in the room that either had £200 per 
annum estate or business to that amount. Not 6 Counsell of 
any eminenee (not one of the King’s Counsell) and very few 
Attorneys or Solicitors of note, but the Assembly (except some 
young gentlemen students) was chiefly composed of the very 
low sort of Practitioners, not without a mixture of clerks and 
hackney writers, which last our colonel was unwilling to take out 
of the Muster Roll, and declared if we excluded them he 
would form them into independent Companies, but all under 
attorneys and solicitors were at last excluded. You may 
believe I would not inlist under these circumstances, when 
by His Majesty’s message to us it appeared the cause of thinking 
of it was over. In short it was a mere job to make —— seem the 
head of the Law. Whether the truth got to Court or not I can’t 
tell, but this morning the Colonel came in his Judge’s habit and 


15b 


acquainted the Assembly that Lord Harrington had (instead of 
his expected commission, for that I assure you he never had, and 
80 now owned) wrote him a letter by the King's order to acquaint 
the Gentlemen of the Law (with very gracious acknowledgements 
of the offer of their service) that he had now received certain advice 
that the Enemy were retreating into Scotland and that with so 
much precipitation that it was not expected even Wades army 
could get up with them, and as by this change of affairs there was 
no occasion to draw the forces out to Finchley, he desired they 
would put themselves to no further expence (for the uniform was 
really making) till further intimation of his pleasure. . . . . 
Thus ended this Project which promised so fairly and honour- 
ably at first, but by the impetuosity and selfintresstedness of 
grew into such ridicule that few gentlemen who in the 
zeal of their hearts and on account of the apparent immediate 
necessity signed on Saturday (which was the day it began) knew 
what to do with themselves or how with honour to go either on 
with ii or from it. 





AMBROSE Isrep to Sir Tomas Drory. 


1745, Dec. 10. Ecton.—I have just recd. the accounts I send 
you from Mr. Rogers. Since he wrote Mrs. Rogers writes to my 
sister that & great part of the Duke of Kingston's Light Horse 
are arrivid at Northampton, and mentions an Article which he 
had not heard before, viz. that the Chief Officers of the Rebels 
lay at Mr. Binghams at Derby, and satd there that they designed - 
for Nort'ton on Friday morning. But one of their chiefs went 
off in the night as they imagined to betray them to the Duke, 
and that was the reason of their returning in such a Hurry. A 
warrant has come hither to the same purpose as that to 
Overstone, and I find that such have been sent to all the Towns 
round as far as Yardley. 

I propose to set out early tomorrow for the Regiment. 


Denison CuMBERLAND® to Sir Tomas Drury. 


1745, Dec. 16. Stanwick,—Your news gave us great pleasure 
especially as it confirms a flying report we had here on Saturday . 
from Leicester, that the Duke had demolished the rear of the 
Rebels and that they expected hourly to hear of their total 
destruction ; which pray Heavens may be speedy and so general 
that not one, especially of their Chiefs, may escape. 


S. GipEgoN to Sir Tomas Drury. 


1745, December 28. Garraways—The News of the Queen of 
Hungary having Concluded a Peace with the King of Prussia 
gave new Life to our friends and is indeed an affair that may 
produce good consequences. He is a Man of Extraordinary 


* Denisun Cumberland (1706-1774), Rector of Stanwick and later Dean of 
Bt. Paul's. He was Bishop of Clonfert, 1768-1772, and Bishop of Kilmore, 1772- 
1774. His son was Richard Cumberland, the dramatist. 


156 


Capacity, has upwards of 100 Thousand men Excelent troops and 
he aims much at Glory, and I hope will forward a general Peace 
in Europe. God send he may or by degrees we shall all be 
undone. Several rich merchants (of fortune in goods and beyond 
the Seas) have been oblig'd to stop payment. The scarcity of 
money being such that there 18 none to be raised at any rate and 
if it continues I cannot point out which way the Publiek will be 
furnishe^ with the vast sums they must require. The Rebels are 
gone towards Edinburgh and Hally appointed generalissimo. 
Shall not enter into Politicks because I don't understand them. 
All I can lerne as a looker on is that we are in for the whole 
winter at least, unless some unforseen accident. Nothing doing 
in stock. 


[Revp. NicHonas] LeEcHwERE to Sir THowas Daun. 


1745[-6], Jan, 14. [Warnford, near West Meon, Hants.| — 
The covers you was so kind as to frank are now near all used, 
and I would not presume to send you a fresh parcel without leave 
first obtained. I therefore beg a line or two to signify your 
pleasure herein. It is as I before told you the only amusement 
I have in a little country village consisting of Farmers only, and 
what I would be sorry to be without at any time, and especially 
at the present, which is the most critical that I can remember. 
live about twelve miles from our coast between Chichester and 
Portsmouth, and it is impossible to express the terrors we 
have been in on aecount of the intended French invasion. 
Once in particular we had positive information that they 
were actually landing between Chichester and Arundel, the whole 
country was alarmed. Chichester-gates were shut and the People 
under arms, the same at Portsmouth, and several expresses 
actually sent up to London; when, Behold, the upshot of the 
whole affair was, some smuggling vessels landing their goods and 
a large party of armed smugglers on shore receiving them, which 
were taken for french troops just disembarkt. At the same time 
Admiral Vernon? with his fleet hovering over our coast, was at & 
distance interpreted to be a French squadron to cover their 
troops as they landed. I thank God we have by his good 
providence weathered the point so far, and I hope He will give 
such & blessing to the measures taken by the Government, as 
that they may defeat the machinations of our Enemys in all 
quarters. I heartily wish all happiness and prosperity to yself, 
my Lady and family. 


Joyce Drury to Sm THowas Drory. 


1745-[6], Jan. 15. Colne.—I received your Letters and am 
very much concerned to hear that you have the gout so often. 
I sympathize with you. Since I wrote to you have had the gout 
very severe in my hands and feet, but thank God, I am better. 


* Admiral Edward Vernon (1684-1757) created Admiral, 1745. 





157 


I fear the troublesome times wont be at an end soon, people this 
way have been very much frighted and hide their best effects. 
I desire you will send me à noat upon Mr. Owen for thirty 
pounds. I had rather have money then a Bank draught. I 
shall be glad to hear that you are well, with love to Lady Drury 
and the children. 


SAMSON GIDEON to Sir THomas DRuRY. 


1745[-6], Jan. 28. London.—At a General Court of the 
Directors (of South Sea Stock) proposed 1$ per cent. for the 
6 months due at Xmas and a Ballot demanded in favour of 
2 per cent. Should the latter be resolved upon there will remain 
still à sinking fund to discharge the small debts due for dividend 
warrants, &c. 

The fatal Bad news wee received yesterday from the North of 
which the papers abounds as stop'd the rise of our funds and 
sunk peoples Spirits considerably. H.R.H. the Duke is going 
down, and hope he will recover our shame, but it is pety he 
should go without ten Thousand men that he may run no risque. 


CHAMPION BRANFILL to Sir THomas Drury. 


1745[-6], Feb. 11. London.—We are in great Consternation. 
Yesterday the 2 Secretaries of State resigned. Lord Granville is 
appointed in the room of Lord Harrington, the other undisposed 
off. Too day Mr. Pelham, all the Admiralty, Lord Gower, 
Dukes of Richmund, Dorset, Devonshire, and too morrow the 
Chancellor and Attorney General, 'tis said the Attorney has 
refused the Seals as hath Willes ; his Reason was he did not care 
to part with a certainty for a place of so small Duration, as every 
body imagines they must soon come in again the Body they went 
out... . . 

I congratulate you as to the Flight of the Rebels, people are 
now very easy a8 to them. 


Hucx Mannriorr to Sir THomas Drury. 


1745[-6], Feb. 11. Tooke’s, near Chancery Lane.—I could 
not help accquainting you, lest other Correspondents should 
omit in this post that the whole Ministry you left in possession 
is or will be out before you receive this. D. of Newcastle and 
L? Harrington resigned yesterday. L' Cobham’s men all go 
out in a lump. lt is expected L* Can? will give up the Seal 
to morrow. His suecessor is not known, but most People 
say the Attorney General has refused that high office, that 
L4 Ch. I. Willes is to be the man, and Sir Thos. Bootle to 
succeed him.  L? Granville is to be the Head of the new 
Ministry. lt is said L Bath is to be a Secretary of State, and 
L4 Sandys again Chancellor of the Excheq* I think I never 
even out of the North writ you any thing more surprizing. 


158 


Cæampion BRanrizz to Sir Tomas Drury. 


1745-[6], Feb. 18. London.—I wrote you last post of the 
great Revolutions in the Ministry. I now congratulate you on 
as speedy a Change to the Right as you were is the Word of 
Command all I hear is that everything i8 to be as it was. Lord 
Granville having continued sole Secretary for twenty-four hours 
the Secret History of the Affair I dont doubt you will have from 
better Hands. We have a Report of a Skirmish between some of 
the Rebels and some of our Troops to the loss of 400 of our Men 
but I know not the Truth. 


Hues ManRgrorr to Si& Thomas Drovrvy. 


1745-[6], Feb. 15. Tooke’s Court, near Chancery Lane.— 
Till 8 o’clock on Wednesday (the last day of Term) It continued 
to be thought a fixed thing that Lord Chancellor was to resign, 
as many persons of the first quality had then actually done. 
But about that time He was sent for to Court off the Bench and 
all the Resigners of the first rank (the whole number that agreed 
. to stand by one another in resigning was about 45) were that 
night at Court. We were told It was then agreed that Lord 
Granville should go out and the whole Ministry should be again 


- as it was the week before: and it is said that the Intended New 


Ministry had before then been in the City to see what money 
they could get advanced on the Supplies and could not get a 
Farthing. Thursday evening It was thought all were to go out 
again and there was at least this foundation for it that the papers 
of seals (which you know used to be published the last day of 
Term) was not come to the Registers office on Thursday Night. 
And it is publicly said that those who had contracted with the 
old ministry to advance the money on the supplies granted for 
this present year had been to beg to be off their Contracts. On 
Thursday night the Chief Ministers assembled again. The paper 
of Seals is since come out and It is now universally believed that 
Lord Chancellor is quite safe again (to our great joy), and that 
the Ministry is to be just as it was before the change my last 
informed you to be intended. 


Ws. Lister to Sm Taomas Drury, M.P. 


1745[-6], March 15. Wellingboro’.—In December last I had 
the misfortune to break a Bone in my Leg and to displace my 
ancle joynt attended with imminent danger from mortification 
for sometime, which renders me unable to ride, otherwise I 
would have waited on your honour, having been concerned in 
raising some young fellows for Mr. Isted’s company now lying 
at Carlisle and Lancaster. Their indigent condition through 
sickness and hardships being very deplorable obliges me to com- 
passionate their sufferings, and frequently to exhort them to 
patience and steadfastness forces me most humbly to petition 
your honour to grant me the favour of some Franks, &c. 





159 


Henry Fox to Sir Tomas Drvuey. 


1746, March 31.—A ‘whip’ to attend the House “ Wednesday 
ge'ennight, when his Majesty's intentions with regard to foreign 
affairs will be opened and some opposition to what will be then 
proposed is expected." 


CHAMPION BnaxriLL to Mr. Thomas Drury. 


1746, April 17. Inner Temple.— . . . the News mends 
on us and stocks rise. I was just now told that there is an 
Express arrived that on the Duke's passing the Spey the rebels 
have actually fled and are dispersed. I wish it may be true; the 
Acc‘ of another victory over the Spaniards and French by the 
Piedmontese and Austrians wants confirming. I believe we 
outdo you again in Hounds. Mr. Braund bought last Monday 
the widow Bennets (we have now 86 couple) who by the by has 
just been inoculated for the Smalls and is recovered, but has it 
very full in her Face, that Face which was the Admiration of 
one Sex and the envy of the other ib no more. 


CHauncy TowwsEND® to Sir Tomas Drury. 


1746, April 19.—I should most willingly give you the account 
why and who is togeather if in my power. The most I can make 
of it is all are togeather who have or can have places &c. for 
opposition seems to be only for and the only way to obtain their 
demands. Pitt seems the object and by what I hear the 
debate was not to the Question at all and but entirely personall 
and few spoke well, the best M* Leet in behalf of the Question 
and his steady principles, blaming those who attempted so light 
and so mean a covering to the same last year, and those who now 
without new matter approved which last year disapproved. 


Huer Markiorr to Sir Tuomas Drury. 


1746, April 26. Tooke’s Court, near Chancery Lane.—My 
fingers have itched to make you some amends of comfort by 
saying something to you on His Royal Highnesses glorious 
success. But asthe Posts have happen'd I perceiv'd the Gazettes 
wi bring you Everything authentick about it as soon and as par- 
ticularly as you c receive any account of it from me. I shall 
only add that the firing of the Tower Guns on Thursday seemed 
to me the loveliest musick I ever heard and that that evening had 
the most universal Illumination save from great part of the Scotch 
People of Distinction and some Commoners whose sentiments 
have always been pretty well known. As the Gazette will 
probally come out to-night too late for the Post it may be a 
satisfaction to you to know (as I can assure you from good hands) 


*Chauney Townsend, s merchant in Austin Friars, died 1770. He was father to 
Jo Townsend. geologist. 

+Probably George, afterwards Bir George, Lee, D.C.L., M.P. for Devises, 1749- 
1947, 


160 


that another Express came in to-day with still better accounts 
of this great action but I have not particulars of credit enough 
to send you. 


CHAMPION BRANFILL to Sir THomas Drury. 


1746, April 27. Inner Temple.—I presume you have heard 
before now of the entire Victory over the rebels, viz. 1,000 killed 
and 600 taken prisoners. L Kilmarnock, the Secretary and 
French Embassador, are among the last. Our private Accounts 
make the number above as many again. They both agree that 
our loss exceeds not 180 killed and wounded. There is no 
mention of the Pretender's son. I reckon you will have a full 
account to-night in the Gazette. . . . 


CHauNCY TowNsEND to Sig THomas Drury. 


1746, May.—Your favour of the 6 I received and if had 
answered it last post should have told you for a certainty that 
Pitt had not overcome, but hear today Pitt is to be Paymaster. 
Sir W"- Yongue his Post and Fox the latter's, Arundell Sir J. 
H. Cottons, and Legg for one at the Treasury and one at 
the last gone at the Admiralty is what I don't hear who 
succeeds to. lI am sorry, I fear I see this cuts Pellham's throat, 
for by this as in all late removes he gives into his Enemy's 
hands. I am much better but Mrs. Townsend has had a return 
of her fever very severe but now better in the Country. As to 
our Court Marshall tis unnamable a great Expense to come at 
nothing, they and the Court are the worst of a bad people. 


WinLLuM Hangury to Sir THomas Drury. 


1746, May 4. Harleston.—I congratulate you on the success 
of our arms. The affair is now I hope finished. 

I desired Butterfield, Mr. Isted’s servaht, to acquaint you that 
George Briggs, late of his (now of Capt. Boisnegan’s) company, 
deserted from me at Lancaster, he is of Orlingbury. I wrote to 
Mr. {sted concerning him but find he is gone to Bath. I must 
therefore ask you to take him up and secure him in the County 
Gaol of Northampton. ..... 

I have herewith sent a printed pamphlet on the Clipston 
hospital. It is in a very good way, much to the satisfaction of 
the Visitor, and the Master has already 54 scholars, and is likely 
to have many more. ..... 


CHAMPION BRANFILL to Sig T. Drury. 


1746, May 29.—I take it that there must be something 
arthritic in the air, for all the gentlemen in the Neighbourhood 
are gouty, and their Horses are troubled with the same distemper. 
TP I am extreamely glad to hear you continue in good 
health and as a means to keep you so I am glad you write with 
some pleasure about your Hounds, for I am satisfied that altho' 


161 


Hunting will not eure the Gout, yet that it will prevent a man's 
being a cripple with it in his younger time, for I have observed that 
the sportsman let his fit be severe, yet he recovers his strength 
and has no sensible remains if another fit attacks him, but the 
sedentary and sauntering man doth not recover his strength 
after the fit, before he's laid up with another, and in a few years 
is rendered & helpless, miserable object. 


Hues Marriorr to Sir THomas Drury. 


1746, June 5. Tooke’s Court, near Chancery Lane.—If you 
have & mind to put on solemnity indeed, Come up and be one of 
the managers ; for it seems the Speaker insists 80 strongly that 
while the Parliament is sitting, the Rebel Lords must be tryed 
by Impeachment that a Court is at last to be erected in West- 
minster Hall to that purpose, though it was hoped the Nation 
might have been spared that great expense. . . . . . . 


NATHANIEL Neat to Sim THos. Drury. 


1746, June 7. Million Bank.—We have had strong rumours 
of peace for several days, which have raised the Stocks, 
particularly French in India, but I am inclined to think the 
Commissions that have been lately sent hither from Holland for 
purchasing in those funds have been the chief occasion yet. 

I presume you have heard Admiral Lestock® has been honour- 
ably acquitted by the Courts Marshall, and that he is soon to go 
to Soa with the command of a Fleet of Ships. 

The secret Expedition for which the Troops were to have been 
embark’d at Portsmouth is now wholly laid aside. It is said that 
Admiral Martint has block’d up the French fleet at Rochelle. 
The winter diversions as balls, plays, etc. are recommenced for 
the entertainment of the Prince of Hesse, but I suppose will not 
last above a week. 


JAMES DOLLIFFE to Str THomas Drury. 


1746, Oet. 15. Hockston.— . . . Iam very much concerned 
to hear we have been defeated in Flanders, from which I fear 
very ill consequences and particularly that it may occasion the 
Dutch to explain their long misterious conduct by coming to an 
agreement with Franee upon the terms they will prescribe 
under a pretence that they are not in a condition to make any 
further resistance. If this should happen and we are not 
included in the accommodation how are we to act? And what 
are we to expect ? 


* Richard Lestook, 1679 ?—1746 (December). This Court Martial related to the 
action in the battle off Toulon, 1748 [-4]. 

+ Admiral William Martin (1696 ?-1756) had sucoeeded Admiral Vernon in the 
ehief command, December 1745. 


17118 L 


162 


CHARLES CoE to Sir THomas Drury. 


1746[7], Jan. 16. Maldon.—As nothing in my opinion is a 
greater proof of Friendship than a free and generous Behaviour, 
I am obliged upon that Principle to tell Sir Thomas Drury the 
Result of & Meeting on Tuesday last of five Aldermen and 
eleven Common Council men with your humble Serv* as the only 
means to secure the Whig Interest at this Borough, viz* to 
support the joint Interest of Sir Rich Lloyd and Robert 
Colebrooke, Esq’ at the next generall Election, and as I am 
never ashamed to assign the reasons of my Conduet, I will 
explain them and freely submitt them to your eandid Judgment 

by my last I am persuaded you were satisfied that I was 
zealously disposed to prevent the Tories imposing Mr. Edmund 
Branston upon us at the next Election, tho' at the same time I, 
tho* it quite unseasonable to come to & Nomination, notwith- 
standing I have been pressed hard by Gentlemen of very great 
figure. However as Mr. Bramston has not only rode the Country 
to Engage Votes, but made a personall application to all the Free- 
men inhabiting the Borough and as I am firmly perswaded some 
of the Tories have bragged that by this scheme they shall defeat 
the Coes, and as Sir Richard Lloyd has also made a very con- 
siderable Interest, the Whigs in Truth had no other Card to play 
in your Absence but to agree to this Junction, or let in a Friend 
of the Tories to break the Interest now and as a Naturall Con- 
sequence to be Master of the Corporation by another Parliament. 
I am sorry to tell you that everybody does not see the Bottom of 
this Contrivance so clearly as I wish they did, but as I have the 
most feasible Convietions of the Disguise I am obliged to join 
with the Corporation to support the nomination, and in this I 
hope you will not charge me with the lest Insinuation of Dis- 
respect paid to your Character or Interest. Am sure I don't 
deserve such an accusation and had you appeared at the Sessions 
I would have shewn you my Regards. . . 


JAMES BrncuH to Sig THomas Drury. 


1746[7], Feb. 18. Chere Brocke [Cherbourg], Normandy.— 
This comes to aQuaint you of my onhapey misforton. Been 
taken for to France by & Privout Teare from Saint Mallow cald 
the Prince De Country on the Seaventh of December and 
brought here. But I hope good Serr you will sone Release me 
from this Ineymys Contrey or elsse I shall dy. I have got my 
Peroll of Honer, and the Commisarey has rote to Parriss for me 
to be Returned for a Capt" of the Bockoncore of this plase Lately 
taken by the Porkeipine Man of War and carued in to plimouth 
his name is Capten Delamare of this Plase. So I hope good 
Ser, you will stand my Freind and Rite down to Plimouth for 
his Release and then I shall come home to serve you or your 
Intrast. he is at Tavistocke, and then I shall bee Bound to Pra ay 
for you all Days of my Life ‘and will doe any thinge that Lyet 
In my Power. I wold give you a Count of the afearis of this 





168 


contrey, but Duste not, for all Leaters are opend at Pariss. So 
deer Sir I remaine your most humbell servant to command, 
JAMES Brncg, of Maldon. 


WiLnL1AM SurrH (Bailiff) to Sir THomas Drury. 


1746[-7], February 19. Overstone.—Sir, the Distemper 
amongst the Cattle is very little about us at present. The 
nearest I no of is Honington. Mr. Knight I hear has lost nine- 
teen very lately and saved very few, the other farmers most of 
them had it some Time agone; I hear 'tis very much about 
Market Harborough, and by all accounts more Die than ever. 
I am informed that in some Parishes they Do not save two out 
of Twenty. Sir, in our markets Wheat sells from 3s. 4d. to 4s. 
per Bushell. Rie from 15s. to 17s. 6d. per Quarter. Barley 
from 12s. 6d. to 14s. per Quarter. Old Beans from 18s. to 14s. 6d. 
per Qr., and new Beans from 15s. to 17s. 6d. per Qr., and Oats 
from 8s. to 10s. 6d. per Qr. The price of Meat is something 
lower than it was. Beef and Mutton and Pork are from 
2d. to 24d. per lb. Veal that is good is 8d. and 384d. per 
pound. 


CHAMPION BRANFILL to THE SAME. 


1750, Nov. 18. London.—(Has just come up from Upminster) 
We talk here of nothing but a Distemper which has got 
amongst the Horses every where I can hear of, nor can I find one 
that has missed it; they have violent coughs and most of them 
run prodigiously at the nose. We have ten in our stables all 
very ill, we have at present only let them blood and given them 
mashes and warm water, but I call by and by on Dr. Tottergill for 
further advice. 

P.S.—You see in the Papers an account of a Colonel’s Com- 
mission from the Pretender, found in the repairing an old house. 
The Commission was to Holloway late Treasurer of Bedlam and 
Bridewell, and it is imagined the dread of being found out was the 
occasion of his shooting himself. 


CHAMPION BRANFILL to THE SAME. 


1750[-1], Jan. 29. London.—The sole conversation here is on 
the House of Commons ordering Mr. Crowle, Mr. Murray,° a 
brother of Lord Ellebank and one Gibson, an upholsterer, to 
attend them on Thursday, Crowle for protracting the scrutiny at 
the Westminster Election and boasting of it, calling the orders 
of the house bruta fulmina, Murray for interrupting the High 
Bailiff and using violent Threats, and the upholsterer for saying 
that the Small Debts Bull was passed on purpose to corrupt the 
High Bailiff; by the temper of the House yesterday it is sus- 


“© Honble. Alexander Murray, 4th son of 4th Lord Elibank (died 1777). 


164 


pected some of them will be sent to Newgate. I am told there 
are greater accusations against another person, but his name not 
mentioned. 


Earz or Sussex to Sir THomas Drury. 


1758, Jan. 4. Euston.—I am informed that the parishioners 
of Bozeat are endeavouring to charge with the payment of levys 
to Bozeat, certain lands belonging to Caston which lay intermixed 
with the Bozeat lands. I would therefore beg the favour of you 
Sir that this affair may be postponed 'til I shall have an oppor- 
tunity of getting my writings looked over, which I am informed 
will fully explain the matter. 


JOHN Hervey THURSBY to THE SAME. 


1758, Jan. 18. Abingdon.—I find in ‘Burn’ under Title 
‘ Highway’ an act made in the 22nd of Charles 2nd, Section 7 
c. 8, laying a penalty on the owner of any wagon etc. travelling 
on any Highway with above five Horses; carrying any other 
goods than wheat are therein excepted ; also in the 7th and 8th 
of Wm. 8rd, Cap 29, Sect. 2 the penalties are particularly 
mentioned how to be disposed of. As a certain person, Tenant 
to a great man, has been lately very insolent to me, on account 
of my speaking in a most civill manner to his servant for so often 
coming along our roads with vast loads with six horses, am 
resolved to punish him if I can; which by that law (as I doe not 
find it 1s repealed) I can doe by a conviction on my own view. 
(Asks his opinion whether the Act may now be enforced.) 


CHAMPION BRANFILL to THE SAME. 


1758, Feb. 4. London—We have no news in Town, but that 
the Ministry draw together and some formidable Fleets are 
preparing for sea. Mr. Pitt is confined with the gout. Morton 
of Abingdon Aston and De Grey are called within the Bar—they 
took their seats yesterday. The World have made a match 
between the Duke of Bridgewater and the Duchess of Hamilton, 
which they say is to be soon. . . . Should this match take 
place and she bear him a son, she will have the only parsley Bed 
from whence two Dukes have been dug. e 


CHAMPION BRANFILL to THE SAME. 


1758, Feb. 18. London.—I am very glad to hear that you 
can by any means lessen the Force of the Gout, that you may 
continue 80 to do is in my opinion the greatest Blessing I can 
wish you. I have steered quite clear this Winter, and I don't 
know what to impute it to unless it be the severity of last 
Winter's Attack. I drink as little Tea and Port Wine as I can, 
of neither of which I can entertain any great opinion. I suppose 
you have by this time seen the Account from India, notwith- 
standing which, I hear that our Officers will not allow that 














165 , 


either the King of Prussia or Clive know anything of Military 
Affairs. I am told he will get for his own share (I mean Coll. 
Clive) above £800,000, that he has sent by the sloop that brought 
this Account £40,000, ten of which he has ordered to be distri- 
buted between three Sisters grown up, that he shall send 
his Wife home by the Tyger with £120,000, and the rest he 
will bring himself. I hear too that on Monday the Bill for 
extending the Habeas Corpus is to be moved, and that Sir John 
Glynne is to move to repeal the Septenniel Bill. . . . You 
see that His Majesty put his hand into the wrong pocket for an 
Essex Sheriff, he first pulled out Smart Lethuillier, but on 
applying to the right pocket he has found one Mr. Hennekar, 
who has bought the Estate of the Dyers about Dunmow. 


WILLIAM STRONG to Sir THomas Drury. 


1758, March 28. Peterborough.—I take the first opportunity 
of acknowledging the receipt of your favour and am very sorry 
upon several Accounts that I am under the necessity of joining 
with the Rest of the Proprietors in opposing your Petition, but beg 
you will be assured as the truth really is that it proceeds from ye 
full conviction we are all under of the great injury and injustice 
which would be done us by such an Act as is proposed to be 
obtained. And I am persuaded that you would hive put a stop 
to this Scheme of draining your Lands if we could have had an 
opportunity of waiting upon you, to have shown the unreason- 
ableness of it. 

The ancient and proper way of draining your Lands, Mr. 
Askham’s and the Rest 1s by Fenton Load and from the end of 
Fenton Load next Chatteris by a 20 foot drain made for that 
very purpose by the Corporation of Bedford Level into another 
Drain which carries the Waters to Slade Load and so into the 40 
foot. The mills upon your Lands have always thrown into Fen- 
ton Load and your Lands been embanked from any other outfall 
which is nearer to sea by 3 or 4 miles than any other way. 


166 


BUCKINGHAMSHIRE PAPERS. 
Part 2.— [1787]-1765. 


Tug PRIVATE LETTERS OF JoHN 2ND EARL or 
BUCKINGHAMSHIRE, TO His AUNT, HENRIETTA COUNTESS 
or SUFFOLK, AND OTHERS. 


N.D. [1787-1767.]—'' The Late QuEEN’s® Conversation with 
Lapy Surrorx, upon her leaving Court."* [In 1784.] 


Lapy SurrFoLk: Madam, I believe your Majesty thinks I have 
more assurance than ever any body had, to stay so long in your 
family after the publick marks the King has given me of his dis- 
pleasure. What occasioned my not waiting sooner upon your 
Majesty you will not think was owing to assurance. I have ever 
had, and hope I have ever shown it, the greatest duty and atten- 
tion to everything that relates to you, and I could not think it 
proper whilst you were indisposed to trouble you with anything 
regarding me. I come now, Madam, to beg leave to retire. 

QuEEN: You surprise me, what do you mean? I don't believe 
the King is angry. How has he shown his displeasure? Did I 
receive you as if you were under mine? 

Lavy S.: No, Madam, if your Majesty had treated me in the 
same manner the King did, I could never again have appear'd in 
your presence. 

Queen: Child, you dream. Why, I saw the King speak to 

ou. 
, Lapy 8.: Yes, Madam, but those few words more sensibly 
mark'd his displeasure than his silence either before or since. 

QuEEN.: Tell me, has the King really never been down with 
you since your return ? 

Lapy §.: No, Madam. 

Queen: Upon my word I did not know it. 

Lap 8.: Will your Majesty give me leave to tell you what has 
past. (M.T.W.?) 

QuEEN: I hope you take nothing ill of me. I would have seen 
you. 


—— —ÓÓM On ———M — 





* Caroline of Anspach, d. 1787. 

+ This paper is endorsed by Lady Castlereagh :—‘‘ This was taken down by my 
father (John 2nd Earl of Buckinghamshire] from Lady Suffolk's relation." Lady 
Suffolk died July, 1707. 


167 


Lavy 8.: Your Majesty did. 

Q.: Come, my dear Lady Suffolk, you are very warm, but 
believe me, I am your friend, your best friend. You don't know 
& Court. 

S.: I am very sensible I do not, and feel at this time a most 
convincing proof of that ignorance. But I fear, Madam, if I have 
not acquir’d knowledge in twenty years I never shall now. 

Q.: Why don't you talk to your friends? Indeed you cannot 
judge this for yourself. I always do so. 

S.: If twenty years’ service has not been able to defend me 
from falling a sacrifice to my enemys, would your Majesty have 
me, by ealling in my friends, make them answerable for the 
measures I may take and involve them in my ruin? 

Q.: Child, they are your enemys who want to get you out, and 
they will be the first to drop you. Oh, my dear Lady S., you do 
not know how differently, when you are out, people will behave. 

S.: Madam, the first part of what you say I am very sure of, 
but really I do not understand the second, and that some people 
may show me it was the Courtier and not me that was liked, I 
eannot say that the keeping of such acquaintance will be an 
inducement to keep me at Court. Surely, Madam, such are 
better lost. 

Q.: You are very warm. 

Lapy S.: Madam, I beg that if in talking to your Majesty I use 
any word that does not mark the greatest respect to the King, you 
will be pleas'd to tell me, for I come fully determined to take 
my leave with the same respect, submission and duty, with 
which I have behav'd for twenty years. Your Majesty has 
often told me that I have never fail’d in anything for your 
service in either of those places you have honour'd me with, and 
indeed, Madam, I don't know how far your Majetsy may think it 
respectfull to make this declaration but I beg it may be permitted 
me for à moment to speak of the King as of a man only who was 
my friend. He has been dearer to me than my own brother, so, 
Madam, as & friend I feel resentment at being ill-treated and 
sorrow to have lost his friendship, but as my King and master, 
I have the greatest submission to his pleasure, yet I wish I knew 
of what I am accus’d, tho’ I know my innocence, as it must be 
some horrid crime. 

Q.: Oh, fie! You commit a crime! Don’t talk so. 

S.: Madam, as I know his Majesty's justice and his warmth of 
friendship, I know he could not for anything less punish me so 
severely. 

Q.: Lady Suffolk, I daresay if you will have a little patience 
the King will treat you as he do's the other Lady's, and I 
suppose that would satisfy you. 

Lapy 8.: No, Madam. 

Q.: Why, did you never see him show what you call Resent- 
ment to the Duchess of Richmond and Lady Albemarle ? 

Lady S.: Madam, I believe those ladys have more merit than 
I, and in every respect of greater consequence, but this case is 
very different; they have not lived twenty years conversing with 


168 


his Majesty every day, nor had the same reason to think them- 
selves honor'd with his friendship, nor has it been in his power 
to give so publick or remarkable instance of his displeasure to 
them. Consider, Madam, I have been absent seven weeks, return 
sooner than was proper for my health to do my duty in my 
place to your Majesty, and to show my respect to him upon his 
Birthday. 

Q.: I heard when you was at the Bath that you did not 
design to come back, but I did not mind such reports. 

Lapy 8.: I heard, too, Madam, that I was not to come back, 
for my business was done at Court; but I knew that I had a Mis- 
tress who had often told me that she was perfectly satisfyd with 
my services. I knew that I had a King and a Master and a 
friend whom I could not, nor ever will, suspect of any injustice, 
who would not punish me without I was guilty, and I know, 
Madam, I have done nothing, but still these reports must make 
me think his Majesty's publiek neglect could not escape any of 
the standers-by, and I knew it was remarkd to my Brother? who 
came on Thursday morning and asked if it was true that the 
King had taken no notice of me since my return from Bath. 

Q.: Well, Child, you know the King leaves it to me. I will 
answer for it, that all will be as well with you as with any of the 
Lady's, and I am sure you cannot leave my service then. 

Lapy S.: Really, Madam, I don't see any possibility of my 
continuing in it. I have lost what was dearer to me than any- 
thing in the world. I am to be upon the foot of the Duchess of 
Richmond and Lady Albemarle, so by the publie thought to be 
forgiven some great offence, because I have been your servant 
twenty years. No! Madam! I never will be forgiven an offence 
I have not committed. 

Q.: You won't be forgiven! Thisis indeed the ‘Great Horse.'1 
Why, J am forgiven ! 

Lapy S.: Madam, your Majesty and I cannot be named 
together. It’s a play of words for your Majesty, but a serious 
thing for me. 

Q.: Why, Child, I am the King’s subject as well as you. 

Lapy S.: Madam, what I mean is that I cannot make your 
Majesty understand without you will be pleas’d to lay aside the 
Queen and to put yourself in my place. After five and twenty 
years to be ill-treated without knowing my crime and then to 
stay upon the foot of Lady Albemarle. 

Q.: Upon my word, Lady S., you don’t consider what the 
world will say. For God’s sake, consider your character. You 
leave me because the King will not be more particular to you 
than to others. 

Lapy 8.: Madam, as to my character the world must have 
settled that long ago, whether just or unjust. But, Madam, I 
believe I have never been suspected of betraying his Majesty, or of 
having done anything dishonest by any person whatsoever, and I 


* John Hobart, 1st Earl of Buckinghamshire, d. 1756. 
t “To be on the high horse ‘’ ? 


169 


defy my greatest enemy (your Majesty owns I have such) to prove 
anything against me, and I cannot nor will not, submit to any- 
thing which may make that believ'd of me. 

Q.: Oh, fie, Lady Suffolk, this is a very fine notion, a principle 
out of ' Clelia' or of some other Romance. 

Lapy S.: This may not be a Court principle, but I believe it is 
& just one and a proper one for me to have. | 

Q.: I will send you down one. Come, you love figures! Let 
me persuade you 2-8. Go down think of this (sic). There are 
people who want you out of Court, and they will be the first to 
drop you. 

Lapy S.: Madam, I consult nobody in this, there is no occasion. 

Q. : But you cannot judge for yourself. Let me prevail, put 
yourself in somebody's hands and let them act for you. Indeed 
you are too warm. You are not fit to act for yourself. 

Lavy 8.: (Repeated the same as before.) 

Q.: No, indeed very respectfull; but you will repent it. I 
cannot give you leave to go. 

Lapy S.: When anybody, can feel what I have and be so 
entirely me, as to be the only sufferer for the advice they give, 
I might follow the method your Majesty proposes, but as that is 
impossible I must beg leave to act for myself. I wish I might 
know what I have been accused of. It is in my absence that I 
have been ruined in his Majesty's favour. At the Bath I had a 
thousand witnesses to my behaviour. I know my own innocence. 
Nobody dares tell me that to their knowledge I have ever fail'd 
in my duty in any manner. 

.Q.: You are a very great Horse! Not dare to tell you you 
have been guilty ! 

Lapy S.: No, Madam; for the Princess your daughter could 
justify my behaviour; Lord C———g, and many more. What I 
meant was no regard to myself that I cannot think any wretch 
80 abandon’d to all shame as to stand in it, having the falsehood 
(pardon the word) shown them by such a number as was there. 

Q.: Pray, Lady $., how did you live at the Bath ? 

Lapy S.: (Here I told all. Who B. dined, and what happen'd 
to L4 B.) No party's distinguish'd two to one (sic). 

Q.: Lady S., pray consider! Be calm! 

Lapy S.: Madam, I beg your permission to retire; indeed 
Madam I have not slept since I came into your house, and 
believe I never shall under this suspicion of guilt. Madam, will 
you give me leave to mention my observation, and not think me 
impertinent? I am sure by your looks when I assert my 
innocence that your Majesty knows of what I am accus’d. 

Q. : Oh, oh! Lady 8. you want to get it out of me. 

Lapy S.: Madam, I do want to stand the accusation. I am 
not afraid. I know it would be to the confusion of my accusers. 

Q.: I will not give you leave to go. I tell you plainly if you 
go to-day you go without my consent. 

Lapy S.: Madam, I beg you would reflect upon my unhappy 
situation. I own that after what past that the next time I saw 
his Majesty I should have dropt down if I had not gone out. 





170 


Q.: Well, Lady Suffolk. Will you refuse me this? Stay a 
week longer. Won't you stay a week at my request ? 

Lapy 8.: Yes, Madam, I will obey you, but as I am under his 
Majesty's Displeasure you will not expect my attendance, or that 
I come again to receive your commands. 

Q.: Yes, I do, and I will see you again. Be sure you come 
again. 

Lapy 8.: I will obey your Majesty. 

à Q.: Harkye, Lady Suffolk. You will come up as you used to 
0. 


Earz or BucKINGHAMSHIRE to the CouNTESS or SUFFOLK 
[his Aunt]. 


[1756.] —The Purchase money for the estate in Buckingham- 
shire, as far as we can judge, was about £85,000. Mr. Bristow 
says Lord Buckingham's? affairs are not yet settled enough to 
form & judgment of them exactly, but do's not seem to expect any 
money. 

By "uy accounts from Norwich the Election will probably go 
there to my wish.t As the Duke of Newcastle has not been so 
explicite with regard to my affairs as I could wish, I wrote a 
letter to him yesterday in the afternoon, of which the following 
sentence was the principal part. 

‘I cannot possibly acquiesce under the Lieutenancys of 
Norfolk being given to another person, and I shall think any 
favour your Grace may please to bestow upon a Norwich man 
during the time that this affair is pendent a breach of that 
friendship with which you have flatter’d me.’ 

My behaviour at Kensington the other day was, I believe, very 
exactly what you advis'd. I was at the Levée yesterday, and the 
King was pleas'd to notice me. He enquir'd the day before as 
particularly into my affairs as you could have done. Lady 
Yarmouth receiv'd me with the greatest politeness. The Duke 
of Newcastle wrote me word before he saw me that he had laid 
my request in relation to the Lieutenancy before the King on 
Monday last. I wish I could be sure that he had represented it 
in the strong light in which I put it to him, or indeed mentioned 
it at all. George set out this morning at 1 o'clock for Corn- 
wall. Lady Buckingham and Mr. Bristow} continue making the 
strongest professions that everything shall be settled to my 
satisfaction. 


Earu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to CouNTESS oF SUFFOLE.§ 


1762, Dec. 27. Moscow.—I am extremely sorry to hear from 
Lady Buckingham that you have had a return of that most 
disagreeable complaint, the gout in your eyes, but hope before 
this reaches them they will be well enough recover'd to make out 





—— ——————— 





* The 1st Earl of Buckinghamshire died Sept., 1766. 

+ Harbord Harbord was elected for Norwich Deo.. 1756. — | | 

t John 1st Earl of Buckinghamshire married Elizabeth Bristow as his second wife. 
§ The Earl of Buckinghamshire was appointed Ambassador to Russia July, 1762. 


171 


this serawl. Poor George? who has for a long time been 
extremely out of spirits, is convine’d that this climate will not 
agree with him and is therefore determin'd to ask leave to return 
to England. He has in every instance behav'd as well to me as 
possible, and would not now think of it without my approbation. 
As yet no mention has been made of it to Government, but the 
object of this letter is to desire your Ladyship (if you have no 
objection to it, and the plan should be agreeable to Col. Hotham) 
to use your interest with Lord Bute that he may succeed my 
brother.t I could not write to him myself as it was impossible 
for me to judge of Colonel Hotham's disposition, and was I to 
wait for an answer from him it would be near five months from 
the date of this letter before Lord Bute could receive my 
application. 

I have just heard that the Address was voted in the House of 
Lords nem. con., which gives me very,great satisfaction, as I do 
most sincerely wish that all the animositys which the newspapers 
are full of may subside, as far as the nature of England may 
adm it of it. 


The Ear. or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to the Countess or SUFFOLK. 


1763, March 7. Moscow.— . . . Her Imperial Majesty! 
permitted me to attend her at the Court Manège, and I had the 
honour of seeing her ride. She was dresst in man’s cloaths and 
it really is not flattery to say that few men ride better. She 
gave me leave some months ago to write to England for some 
horses for her and it is a great mortification to me not to have as 
yet received any answer from Col. Johnston to a letter I wrote to 
him upon that subject. My situation here grows every day more 
agreeable, as the Russians begin to treat me less upon the footing 
of a stranger than they treat the other foreigners. It is not that 
I believe my acquaintance with them will answer any particular 
purpose, but it contributes to my amusements and it certainly 
can be no disadvantage to a minister to be upon an easy footing 
with the people of distinction of that country where he resides. 
In a letter I yesterday received from Lady Buckingham she was 
pleased to depreciate the valuable presents I sent you and quotes 
Mr. Woranzow’s§ authority. I shall not soon be guilty of such 
another act of extravagance. 

I wait with great impatience for answers to letters I sent long 
since to England; all my packets by some mismanagement are 
sent round by Sweden, which makes a fortnight difference in the 
correspondence. The merchants have letters of the 1st of 
February from London. My last were dated the 19th of 
January. . 


* George Hobart, afterwards 8rd Earl of Buckinghamshire. 
+ As Secretary to the Embassy at Moscow. 

t Catherine II. 

À Alexander Romanovitch Woronzow, Russian Ambassador at St. James’, 1762- 





172 


You will have heard from Lady Buckingham that the Empress 
returns in May to Petersburg. I shall rejoice at it upon many 
accounts, though the neighbourhood of Moscow must be excessively 
pleasant in summer. As yet everything is cover'd with snow. 
The river has the appearance of a Broad Street and on Sunday 
is covered with thousands of people who resort there to see Sledge 
races and Boxing Matches. 


The Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Hans STANLEY. 


1763, March 28. Moscow.—I may regret my not hearing 
from you, lament your silence and expect a letter from you with 
an anxious degree of impatience. But believe me no delay of 
that sort can ever alter my feelings for my friend, or make me 
doubt of his partiality for me. Let me thank you for your 
account of the situation of the Great Man, and for your 
observations in consequence, which I am convinced are just. 
Your determination with regard to your remaining in the 
Admiralty unless you are offer'd an essential advance appears to 
me becoming of you. | 

It was generally suppos'd here, and the French Minister 
encourag’d those suppositions, that some difficultys having arisen 
in the conelusion of the definitive Treaty, you had been sent 
from England to settle them, as being much more Master of the 
the subject than the Duke of Bedford. You need not doubt of 
the letter to M. d'Alembert being the Empress' own composition. 
I will to-morrow acquaint her, as nearly as I am able to render 
the expression in French, with your opinion of it. . 

Were you at Moscow you would prefer the Empress to every 
woman in the country, take her for all in all, tho’ many of them 
are handsome and some very agreeable. In some of the Russian 
houses I am received not quite upon the footing of a stranger, 
but in every country it is a misfortune not to speak the 
language. You mention nothing of the Club, yet let me hope 
that it flourishes, and that the Evergreens vegetate around the 
genial Board. Remind them of their old Servant, whose next 
wish to that primary consideration of renewing the sacramental 
engagements on Friday night is to find himself with them on 
Saturday. 

P.S.—You may have a most excellent lining of the Astracan 
lamb for about twenty pounds. Any of the others would be 
either excessively dear or very cumbersome. 


EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to the CouNTESs or SUFFOLE. 


1768, April 18. Moscow.—Before this letter is finished George 
will be set out, his carriages and Horses are all nearly ready. At 
this moment he embraces his wife in thought and gallops an 
imaginary horse upon a visionary England. I send away a 
Courier to-morrow so that he will bring nothing from me but a 
repetition of my good wishes for you and a more regular account 
of what I am doing than it will be easy for you to trace in these 


173 


rhapsodies, my letters. With this I send you a silver medal of 
the Empress. It is very like her and finely executed, the air of 
the face is in my opinion rather older than hers. You will also 
find a superficial, vague account of this country,® which I drew 
up for your amusement; I should be sorry to have i& known 
here that anything of that sort had been sent by me. On 
Tuesday evening I had an entertainment at my house, nearly of 
the same kind with that which I mentioned in my former letters. 
The company was rather more numerous, but the Empress, who 
had given me leave to hope that she would come, was prevented 
by a violent headach. Upon the whole it passed off well and 
would have been thought a handsome entertainment in most 
countries. My uxorious Chaplain returns with my uxorious 
brother. I hope Erskine has not as much to confess to his 
wife as George with an indifferent memory could tell to his. 
Many of their sins have lodged at my door, but now they 
are removed I shall at least have the comfort to think that 
my virtue will be vindicated. If Colonel Hotham had no 
other reason for declining coming into this country but the state 
of his health it would be all-sufficient; this is no climate for a 
weak constitution. By the account you give me of the letters 
you have wrote to me, three are still wanting, and I should 
suppose the three last, though that is not sure, as I often receive 
a latter dated in January a fortnight after one dated in February. 
In a letter I wrote to Lord Bute upon the subject of the Secretary 
to the Embassy, I mentioned my wish that if Colonel Hotham 
did not come nobody might be sent whose connections being 
different from mine might make my situation here disagreeable. 
In a letter which I propose to send to his Lordship by this 
courier, I shall rather insinuate a desire that nobody may be 
sent at all. 


The Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to the Countess or SuFFOLK. 


1768, June 10. Petersburg.— . . . The Merchants’ News- 
papers (they always receive theirs a fortnight before me) mention 
that Col. Hotham is re-elected for S* Ives without opposition. I 
wish to write both to him and Mr. Praedt upon the occasion, but 
am fearful until I have better authority than the Chronicle . . .. 
I see another article in the same paper which affects me ver 
differently—the account of the most melancholy accident whic 
has befallen Lady Molesworth and her family.t Such a calamity 
could not have fallen where it was less merited or where the 
consequences were more to be regretted. Life in general is a 
trifle, half of those who covet it, who grasp it most, can scarcely 
tell you why, but an amiable mother, with beautiful, engaging 
children, whose merit promised them many agreeable days, cut 
off at once—the idea is shocking, even to me, who do not think 
existence of very great importance. 


* See for this ‘ Buckinghamshire Correspondence,’ Vol. II., p. 288. 
1 Humphrey Mackworth Praed, 
1 A disastrous fire. (See Annual Register for this year, p. 75.) 


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175 


mention’d to her his having deliver'd the medal to the King, and 
speaking of her, let me thank you for your care as well as for the 
obliging solicitude you express upon her account. Iam glad that 
Lady Harriet® meets with your approbation and that Mrs. 
Harriet approves of me. It distresses me to hear so melancholy 
an account of Lady Waldegrave. She has had no small share of 
my affection ever since her humane behaviour to Col. Johnston 
upon Lady Charlotte’s death. . . . A few weeks ago I 
received a very particular and I believe a very true account of 
the political transactions of the last winter, the Person whose 
picture you drawt is mentioned in it and not greatly to his 
honor, he may be happy in himself and great in his own conceit, 
but I never knew the man whose connection I should so much 
wish to avoid. How he ever came to be in that rank in which he 
is plae'd is a wonder that it will cost me some time to get over. 
Every man who is the least cast into publick life wishes to be in 
some sort distinguish’d, yet I sometimes flatter myself that I have 
virtue enough if once I could see Government settled at Home 
agreeably to him who has a right to be pleas’d and upon that 
firm basis which may make England as respectable in peace as 
it has lately been in war to sit down contented with such a 
situation as may be allotted to me. 


EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to the CouNTESS OF SUFFOLK. 


1763, July 22.  Petersburg.— . . . The Empress goes 
into the Country to-morrow, but I alas am left in town, yet the 
gales of the Neva refresh me and the passing bark delights my 
eye. I won’t think you ill, because your letters are not mathe- 
matically correct; if you were to judge of health by writing, what 
a habit of body should I be in? You say not one word to me of 
Marble Hill, of Mr. Chetwynd, Mr. Walpole, Lady Blandford, 
and Mr. Cambridge, nor the least hint of the latter’s opinion upon 
the case of Wilks and Secretarys; he must have been very 
ingenious, very busy, and ultimately a little tiresome upon that 
copious subject . 


Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to the Countess oF SUFFOLK. 


1768, Aug. 9. Petersburg.—I condole with you upon the death 
of poor Mr. Barlow, who was certainly a complaisant, inoffensive 
neighbour. Lady Buckingham writes me word that you are in 
good spirits, why indeed should you be otherwise? You aet up 
to what your morality and your Religion tells you is right; the 
consciousness of that must make every occasional discomposure, 
every aylment which the frail nature of Man is liable to, of little 
import. I sometimes am a little deficient in faith upon matters 
of Religion, and more frequently of patience (or indurance, shall 
I call it?) in the affairs of this world; we must correct ourselves, 


* His daughter. Mrs. Harriet was his niece, a daughter of Col, and Lady 
Dorothy Hotham. . 
f See Lady Suffolk's Letters, Vol. II., p. 275. 


174 


Many are the unpleasant sensations which offer themselves to 
me upon that which is the present state of affairs in England. 
The first and strongest (to you I need not dissemble) is my 
concern for my gracious Master, and the reflection upon the 
uneasiness he must at this time feel, and which surely he has so 
little deserved. If there is à man, who from private interest or 
private spleen has raised this storm, may sorrow, disgrace and 
infamy attend him I have left many of my most intimate 
acquaintance at Moscow and find myself very much alone, 
though it is a very cheerful, very well furnished house. Some 
of them return with the Court, but the greatest part of them 
obtained leave to absent themselves for a year. 


EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to the Countess oF SUFFOLK. 


1768, July 12. Petersburg— . . . . Lady Buckingham 
mentions her concern at your going to Marble Hill in the cold 
weather, but I will not dwell upon that, as I recollect my having 
reproved you for it in my very last letter. The Empress made 
her Publick entry on Saturday last. Fireworks were played off 
upon the River in consequence. They were very fine, but as it 
is now light here during the whole twenty-four hours, it greatly 
took off from their effect. . 

The weather has been so sultry for the last fortnight as to 
produce that state of relaxation which puts everybody out of 
humour and indeed disqualifies them for every sort of enjoyment, 
but that of drinking cool liquors and swallowing quantities of ice. 
One might imagine now that it never would be cold again, but 
probably within six weeks we shall have convincing proof to the 
contrary. In the account I sent you of my house I omitted to 
mention the quantities of fine china which adorn it, and 
consequently a circumstance which may possibly make you 
peevish—that in several instances very fine old Japan Jarrs have 
been cut and broke in order to make them fit the places. 
George sent me a letter from Berlin, containing several articles 
of news which he had read in the English papers, but not 
mentioning one word of the King of Prussia, his subjects or his 
dominions. . 

I have long expected a letter from Mr. Grenville,t till he writes 
it will not become me to trouble him again. He is certainly 
involved in very perplexing business, yet I am apt to believe he 
has disposed of some of his time in the last three months as 
unprofitably as in noticing me. Here I am and must expect to 
remain till next summer. What is to be next, I know not. Let 
it come in its own good day! 


Earz or BuckINGHAMSHIRE to the CouNTEss oF SUFFOLK. 


1768, July 18.  Petersburg.— . . . Lady Buckingham 
in one of her last letters informed me that Lord Hallifax had 


* The prosecution of Wilkes began on the 90th April, 1768. Ld. Bute resigned 
8th April. 
t George Grenville. 





176 


mention'd to her his having deliver'd the medal to the King, and 
speaking of her, let me thank you for your care as well as for the 
obliging solicitude you express upon her account. Iam glad that 
Lady Harriet? meets with your approbation and that Mrs. 
Harriet approves of me. It distresses me to hear so melancholy 
an account of Lady Waldegrave. She has had no small share of 
my affection ever since her humane behaviour to Col. Johnston 
upon Lady Charlotte’s death. . . . <A few weeks ago I 
received a very particular and I believe a very true account of 
the political transactions of the last winter, the Person whose 
picture you drawt is mentioned in it and not greatly to his 
honor, he may be happy in himself and great in his own conceit, 
but I never knew the man whose connection I should so much 
wish to avoid. How he ever came to be in that rank in which he 
is plac’d is a wonder that it will cost me some time to get over. 
Every man who is the least cast into publick life wishes to be in 
some sort distinguish'd, yet I sometimes flatter myself that I have 
virtue enough if once I could see Government settled at Home 
agreeably to him who has a right to be pleas'd and upon that 
firm basis which may make England as respectable in peace as 
it has lately been in war to sit down contented with such a 
situation as may be allotted to me. 


Earz oF BucKINGHAMSHIRE to the CouNTESS OF SUFFOLK. 


1768, July 22.  Petersburg.— . . . The Empress goes 
into the Country to-morrow, but I alas am left in town, yet the 
gales of the Neva refresh me and the passing bark delights my 
eye. I won't think you ill, because your letters are not mathe- 
matically correct; if you were to judge of health by writing, what 
& habit of body should I be in? You say not one word to me of 
Marble Hill, of Mr. Chetwynd, Mr. Walpole, Lady Blandford, 
and Mr. Cambridge, nor the least hint of the latter's opinion upon 
the case of Wilks and Secretarys; he must have been very 
ingenious, very busy, and ultimately & little tiresome upon that 
copious subject . 


Earz or BuckKINGHAMSHIRE to the CouNTEsS oF SUFFOLK. 


1768, Aug.9. Petersburg.—I condole with you upon the death 
of poor Mr. Barlow, who was certainly a complaisant, inoffensive 
neighbour. Lady Buckingham writes me word that you are in 
good spirits, why indeed should you be otherwise? You act up 
to what your morality and your Religion tells you is right; the 
consciousness of that must make every occasional discomposure, 
every aylment which the frail nature of Man is liable to, of little 
import. I sometimes am a little deficient in faith upon matters 
of Religion, and more frequently of patience (or indurance, shall 
I call i$?) in the affairs of this world; we must correct ourselves, 


* His da ter. Mrs. Harriet was his niece, a daughter of Col. and Lady 
Dorothy Hot 
t See Lady Suffolk’ s Letters, Vol. II., p.276. 


176 


we must try to amend even constitutional errors—I was born 
with a disposition to doubt and to fret—original punishment for 
any sins I could probably commit. I could wish you would let 
me know if you received a letter I wrote from Moscow in relation 
to my returning to England etc., and in general if you have an 
opportunity of mentioning what I then desir'd you. Lady 
Buckingham informs me that Lady Dorothy has depatriated, and 
has retired into the North, loaded with receipts for to make 
marmalade, White Pot, Tanzy, Wet-your-whistles, Merry Downs, 
Firmity and Almanzanis; &nd that in order to have everything 
well regulated she has sent Nancy before and left her slippers 
behind . . . . . . Youdon't mention Mr. Walpole, but 
I hope you see him often as his company must be agreeable to 
you. Do I pay a compliment to your taste when I take it for 
granted that you prefer your Western to your Eastern Beau. 
The latter is the more assiduous querist, yet I think I shall have 
more pleasure in preventing the former's questions than in 
answering his. 


EARL or BuckINGHAMSHIRE to the Countess or SuFFOLK. 


1768, Aug. 81.  Petersburg.— The Empress has. most 
graciously received two English horses which she had per- 
mitted me to send for; when she bestrides one of these English 
horses with & French feather in her hat she carries the feather, 
but the Horse carries her. Which will have the greatest influence, 
horse or feather, the carrier or the carried? Answer, for you 
know your sex. Perhaps you may wish to know my opinion and 
to prevent your wishes, tho' it is treating a political point, I will 
say that in general I should give it for the feather, but in this 
instance I hope and believe the horse will win. Her Imperial 
Majesty really made me very happy yesterday in expressing how 
much she was pleased with them. The present she ordered to 
be made to my servants amounted to ninety pounds English. I 
am sorry that publick affairs in England are not tending to a 
system something nearer unanimity. It is a subject neither 
agreeable nor proper to be entered into, especially in my very 
uninformed situation. Yet I could wish some of my old friends 
would recollect a sentence of Lord Bacon, quoted by Lord Haver- 
sham in the House of Lords in the year 1704. ‘ Let men 
‘beware how they neglect or suffer matters of trouble to be pre- 
‘ pared, for no man can forbid the sparks that may set all on fire.’ 
I long to see your Spittle Fields weaver, Mr. Giles, in a dry 
summer, it will not cost him much to cover his Lawn with green 
watered Tabby. Compliments to Mr. Chetwynd, to Mr. Walpole, 
to Lady Blandford, Lady Denbigh and Mrs. Harriet. 


The Ear. or BuckmweHaMSHIRE to the Countess or SUFFOLK. 

1768, Sept. 18. Petersburg.—I find myself so much fatigued 
this morning with dancing last night with the Maids of Honour, 
that it is with difficulty I can undergo the fatigue of writing. Is 








177 


not this very much the stile an Ambassador should write in? 
But you must know that here the most venerable personages dance, 
that in Russia it would not appear extraordinary if Lord Ligonier 
led up a Polish dance, and Lord Henley and Lord Hardwicke 
quivered their fantastic toe to the tune of ‘ Buttered Pease.’ 
The youth Buckingham however did not dance yesterday 
sufficiently to fatigue him, but as amusements are rare, he seizes 
all that offer, and perhaps it might be better for his friends and 
for himself if he danced more and wrote less. I hardly know 
how to take up again the subject, in which I was unfortunately 
interrupted the last post, the amours of the Marchioness of 
Blandford, and yet upon my word, the reflections which my 
regard for her suggest to me, have more than once broken my 
rest. That she will marry Count Woronzow, I no more doubt than 
that in eonsequence she will change her Religion, and attend him 
some few years hence to his mother country. You will therefore 
permit to make what certainly is far from an improbable 
supposition that she is at this moment his wife; and in that idea 
I should wish to convey through your channel to our common 
friend some advice which her husband’s tenderness and delicacy 
for her will not in these early days when love is young and 
desires are new permit him to hint to her. She must learn 
Russ, eat mushrooms fryd in rape oil and pickled cucumbers in 
Lent; she must forget to courtesy and learn to bow, she must 
wear red without measure, dance Polish dances, and drink 
Chisterskij, Quash and Burton Ale, the nature of the two first 
her dear man will inform her of, the last she will know is the 
produce of England. 

I hope tho’ other countrys complain of the incessant rain, that 
the Marble Hill harvest has been fortunate, at the worst I 
comfort myself with thinking that you would cheerfully give up 
your prospect of wheat and barley for a green Meadow and a 
full River. . 


The Ear. oF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy Svurrork. 


1763, Sep. 28. Petersburg — . . . Your connection with 
so many of his friends and relations must have made you take 
a sensible part with them in the loss they sustained by Lord 
Egremont's death. I am not a little impatient to hear who is to 
succeed him as Secretary of State. My letters only inform me 
that Mr. Pitt has absolutely declined the most gracious offers 
which were personally made him upon this occasion. There is 
a report that Sir Joseph Yorke is leaving the Hague, and that he 
is to be employ’d at home, if that should be the case no destina- 
tion would make me more happy than being appointed to succeed 
him. I have mentioned in a former letter that I had wrote to 
entreat His Majesty’s permission to return next spring, as by 
that time I flatter myself that the principal objects of my mission 
will be decided. 

I had not heard a great while from Col. Hotham, but received 
à letter to-day seemingly wrote in great spirits, he appears very 


17118 M 


178 


happy in a clear air, moderate exercise and a cheerful circle of 
friends and relations. I never could find out a satisfactory 
reason for it but undoubtedly the Country gentlemen live much 
more agreeably in the Northern parts of England than any of 
the others. I have been there very little as yet, but possibly 
some years hence may make the tour of Yorkshire and Durham 
in & Family Coach creeping on at the reverent rate of thirty 
miles a day. - 


1768, Sep.—1765, Jan.—A small bundle of private letters 
between the Earl of Sandwich and the Earl of Buckinghamshire 
are of no public interest. 


The Earz or BuCKINGHAMSBIRE to Lapy SUFFOLK. 


1768. Oct. 11. Petersburg.— . . . As no fresh scandal 
has lately reach'd me in relation to Lady Blandford and Count 
Woronzow, I am to take it for granted that either that affair is 
totally broke off or else so generally understood to be concluded 
as to be no longer the subject of conversation. You are always 
so properly upon the reserve that it will be difficult for me to 
draw any of the most interesting particulars from you, but I 
fancy at my return, between the Duchess of Argyle, Lady 
Denbigh, Lady Litchfield and Lady Seebright, I shall be 
acquainted at least with all that has passed. I hope however to 
hear something from you upon this and other important events 
when Michael returns, whom I expect every hour . . 

It is probable that I shall have His Majesty's permission to 
leave this country about the end of next May, in which case I 
shall be in England some time in July. 


The Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy SvurroLk. 


1768, Nov. 4. Petersburg.— . . . It is with some diffi- 
culty that I contrive to be cheerfull, partly owing to my having 
no opportunity of taking my accustomed exercise. Itis a secret 
that I trust with you when I tell you that the only person here 
with whom I can possibly converse with any degree of confidence, 
that is to say, my secretary, is the most disagreeable, illiterate, 
underbred, wretch in the Universe. I am forced to do almost 
everything myself, tho' I pay him two hundred pounds per an. 
which is full double the usual stipend. He was recommended to 
me by Mr. Grenville at my own request, who said at the same 
time that he knew little of him except that he had been employed 
a short time at Warsaw. You will easily see the reasons which 
with the assistance of a little humanity have determined me to 
keep him during the term of my residence here. Two obligations 
I must confess I have to him, the one that he gives me a good deal 
of employment, the other that he properly humbles me with regard 
to my own performances, for that author must be very conceited 
indeed who could be vain of his works after having heard them 





179 


read by him. I am sorry to hear my Cousin Hampden® has lost 
her lover, his will administered some consolation to her upon re- 
flection, but I will do the justice to her good nature to believe that 
it did not diminish the just tribute of regret she owed him ... . 
Not one word more of politicks except to enquire who you interest 
yourself for in the future election of the King of Poland. The 
libertys of that antient state cannot be in danger, as all the con- 
stables in the neighbourhood are hurrying together to preserve 
them. There is no surer way to prevent a Riotthan by knocking 
those down first who might otherwise make it. The voters in 
Poland are rather more numerous than at St. Ives, otherwise I 
am convinced that the Election is as like the other tho’ in mina- 
ture as a Sprat is to a Herring. 


EannL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy SvurroLk. 


1768, Nov. 11. Petersburg.—Were it not for the information 
which I occasionally receive from that chaos of truth and falsehood, 
which composes the English newspapers, I should return to 
London as much a stranger to the customs, manners, ideas, and 
passions of my countrymen as well as to the names, merits, and 
qualifications of those eminent personages, who are distinguished 
by the applause of their fellow subjects upon the great theater of 
London, as if I had never seen my Lord Mayor, Nelly O'Brien, 
the Lions, Mr. Wilkes, or the Monument. Great and interesting 
intelligence I receive from the Gazetteer, the Chronicle, ete. Miss 
Elliot, Mr. Shuter, and Mr. Woodward exhibit at Covent Garden; 
Miss Pope, Mrs. Yates, and a nameless promising young gentle- 
man display their merit at Drury Lane, some account is also 
given of the audience. Lord Granby was seen in a side box with 
Mr. Wilkes and the Rev Mr. Churchill, to the great satisfaction 
of the Pitt and Gallery. I have but lately heard of the conse- 
quences of those two worthy gentlemen who were placed so near 
my noble friend, they must therefore excuse me if I think they 
were most highly honoured in his company. I shall always, 
were it only in gratitude for former amusements, interest 
myself for the Theaters Royal. But there is another theater, 
other actors and other scenes nearly opening, an accurate 
description of which I am still more solicitous to receive. Is the 
season to begin with a Tragedy or a Comedy? If the former I 
hope the fifth act will be over before my return to England, and 
that I shall find all my friends laughing at the farce. . 

I had destined my maiden widow cousin to the other 
Mr. Childe, but he is otherwise dispos'd, and therefore I 
think she may as well stay for me, for if any accident should 
befall poor Lady Buckingham, my cousin will certainly be 
young enough and sufficiently handsome for your ever affec* 
Nephew. 


* Maria Constantia, only daughter to Robert Trevor, who had assumed the name 
of Hampden, and became in 1776 Viscount Hampden. Her lover's name was 
Child, (See Lady Suffolk's Letters, Vol. II. p. 281.) 


180 


EarzL oF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy SurroLk. 


1764, Jan. 29. Petersburg.— . . Amongst all the 
attempts which I have hitherto made to render my little 
Gazettes not totally uninteresting to you, I do not recollect 
having said anything of Count Orlow,? tho' a person who acts no 
inconsiderable part in the scene which is now before me. His 
appearance is noble and full as handsome as is consistent with 
a manly and rather athletie figure. His manner is surprisingly 
affable and easy, allowing for his most sudden rise to greatness 
and that excess of most obsequious adulation which 1s necessarily 
paid to his situation. In his early days when he had no great 
prospect of advancement he distinguished himself for his attach- 
to Her present Majesty, tho' her favor was not at that time the 
channel for preferment. He has not forgot his former state, and 
said to me lately, ‘‘ Autrefois je me promenais beaucoup par 
nécessité ; à cette heure, je me trouve Grand Seigneur et je roule 
en carosse.’ 

His Sovereign considers him as ever watchfull over her safety 
and ready to lay down his life for her service. She has a 
pleasure each day in shewing him new marks of her favor. Her 
delight is to see him great. It is said and I believe with truth 
that he does not interfere in foreign affairs. The accounts 
which you send me of the altercations and animosity between 
the Grenvilles really give great uneasiness. It is the restless 
ambition of the eldest that has greatly contributed to the present 
publick and private feuds, yet surely at times when he is neither 
passion's nor indiscretion’s slave, he is a well-intentioned, an 
amiable and very good humor'd man. My compliments to Mrs. 
Harriet, and desire her to attend to her French and her Dancing, 
as I probably before we meet shall have forgot my English, and 
am determined upon my return to dance the first minuet with 
her. . 


EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy SurroLk. 


1764, Feb. 7. Petersburg.—lI receiv d yesterday a letter from 
Lady Buckingham, in which she gives an account of your health, 
which is by no means agreeable to me. 

I believe it was mention’d in my last that I was invited to a 
Russian wedding. I was present at all the ceremonys of the day 
and some of those of the night, but the whole was conducted 
with so much dignity and solemnity that it were in vain to 
attempt making the description of it entertaining without 
deviating from the truth. I was admitted to the bride’s toilet 
whilst she was dressing, she was in her stays, and several of her 
relations, women of the first distinction, were employ'd in adjust- 
ing her different ornaments. The toilet finish’d, the Company in 
about twenty coaches and six attended her to Court. Just before 
we set out the mother of the bride ordered us all to be seated and 
the doors of the room to be shut, as a prognostick of the future 





* Grigori Grigorievitch Orlow, Catherine the Second’s favourite. 





181 


tranquillity of the new marry'd couple, but unfortunately a child 
of the family who was offended at the prospects being inter- 
cepted, burst out into a most violent fit of roaring, which seem'd 
to me a much apter emblem of what might hereafter insue. 
Arrived at the Palace the bride was introduced to the Empress, 
who with her own hands ornamented her with the Crown jewels 
and pinn'd them on her tresses. The bride then proceeded to 
the Chappel, where the impatient bridegroom waited. He was 
crowned and she was crowned, he walk'd round the altar and she 
walk'd round the altar, he laugh'd and she ery'd. In the course 
of the ceremony the bride drop't her wedding ring, which, as a 
bad omen, gave great uneasiness to her mother. We then went 
home with them, sat down to a supper of sixty covers, undress'd 
the bride, who kiss'd every jewel of the Empress separately. We 
then kiss'd her and retir'd. . 


EanL or BuckINGHAMSHIRE to LADY SurroLk. 


1764, March 28. Petersburg.—Just as I was beginning to 
write to you, I have received some letters from England by which 
I am not a little sorry to find that your health is not as yet 
re-establish'd, yet i& may be hop'd that the approaching warm 
weather and a great deal of air and exercise, the best of all 
physicks, will have put an end to your complaints time enough 
for me to find you perfectly well at my return to England, 
whenever it shall happen. 

The Russian spring is begun, that is to say, it freezes all night 
and thaws all day. Early in the morning you travel upon ice, 
but all the rest of the day the streets are canals. I know not 
what to make of my country by the accounts I receive of it, 
perhaps when I return my country will not know what to make 
of me, the Individual and the General in some respects resemble, 
they are both passionate, both capricious, and both unhappy. It 
is ridiculous what a trifling circumstance will sometimes influence 
my temper for a whole day. You will tell meit ought not, which 
is just what I tell myself, but our united remonstrances will have 
no effect. Don’t you find by the disjointed sentences which 
compose these pages, the attempts at an idea which with diffi- 
culty stumble to the end of the period, that I am at this moment 
most delightfully dull? Indeed I cannot help it. Nature wants 
a fillip, but know not when it may be had. I often think of what 
Fontenelle, dying at the age of a hundred, said to his physician, 
who asked him if he felt any pain, ‘ Je sens le mal d'etre.' 

A fair lady was telling me my fortune last night, and informed 
me that I should live to be very old, ‘‘ Mais que cela ne'n vaudroit 
pas la peine, comme je deviendrois hypocondre et goutteur.”” Voilà 
un bel horoscope ! . 


BEanL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to LADY SvurroLx. 


1764, March 80. Petersburg.— . . . By the great dis- 
eretion and prudence with which my correspondents express 
themselves, I really believe that the method of proceeding 


182 


against Mr. Wilkes has had a very bad effect, for they write as 
if they expected a Messenger every minute. The Russian Minister 
in England is not half so prudent, he writes and comments in a 
very free style, and I am once a week regularly mortified in not 
having itin my power to assert whether the marvels which he 
advances are true or false. I have this moment received letters 
from L^ Barrington and Col. Hotham, which give me a satisfactory 
account of some late transactions, and also one from Lady 
Buckingham, in which she mentions her fears in relation to the 
inoculation of her child. Why don't you govern her better? 
But I flatter myself it will all be over before you receive this. 
By the aecounts given me of the moral Society in Albemarle 
Street, their existence cannot be of very long duration. Tho’ it 
ought to be otherwise, and I am confident you wish it should, a 
little spirited vice is necessary to keep frail men together. I 
am not sorry that young ladys who engage themselves warmly 
in politicks should be taken with a little yellow jaundice. A 
comfortable time the poor Senator would have indeed, if after 
twelve Hours melancholy Parliamentary attendance, instead of 
finding at home some agreeable relaxation from more amusing 
and what is frequently as important dialogue, he is to be treated 
with a hash of the debates of the duy introduced in a shrill voice. 


EannL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy SUFFOLK. 


1764, April 27. Petersburg.—You will easily imagine that I 
wait with some degree of impatience to hear from Mr. Grenville, 
though it is rather in respect to my future views than my thinking 
there is any great probability of my staying here more than two 
months longer. Three posts are now due since I received Lady 
Buckinghamshire’s letter, in which she mentioned mine of the 
28th February. I feel every day more and more that the 
Russians are sensible of the pains I have taken to contribute to 
their amusement and grateful for the desire I have shewn to 
oblige them. It is at present my intention to have only two balls 
more, as though now we freeze with only sixteen hours sun, the 
weather will soon be too hot for such sort of amusements. The 
Assemblies on Tuesdays and Saturdays I shall continue as long 
as I stay here. The river has got loose from the ice and so far 
my prospect is improved, but bleak and most ungenial are the 
gales which waft the snow across it. The very concise summer 
of Petersburg will begin in about & month. What we call three 
seasons are in great measure united here—Spring, Summer and 
Autumn when the weather is particularly favourable will together 
make nearly four months. The vegetation of such things as will 
vegetate in such & soil and such a climate is performed almost 
with magick celerity, and reminds me of what in my early days I 
have seen exhibited by the dexterity of an ingenious artist, who 
produced a tree which budded, blossomed, bore ripe fruit, and 
withered in less than ten minutes. The depth of winter to those 
who ean endure cold is the finest season, excellent roads, and a 
clear air which sharpens the appetite and enlivens the animal 


188 


spirits. Lady Buckingham’s letters overflow with her sensibility 
of your goodness to her and her child ; not being able to say 
enough upon the occasion, I shall desire you only to put a candid 
conjecture upon my feelings. 


EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy SUFFOIXK. 


1764, May 11. Petersburg.— . lam most particularly 
concerned that Mr. Grenville should have any reason to doubt 
of my taking the first opportunity to pay the proper acknowledge- 
ments for his kind attention to my wishes. Three Maids of 
Honour were marry'd on Sunday last. Theforeign ministers were 
present and supped with them at the Palace that and the follow- 
ing evening. As two of the brides are my particular favourites 
and one my relation, I am tolerably well aequainted even with the 
most secret transactions which passed upon the occasion; but 
it would not edify you greatly to receive a detail of events so like 
many events which have happened before. . . . Itis a usage 
established from old times in Russia that the nearest relations of 
the bride and bridegroom after they are put to bed remain in 
the next room, and after & certain time—the length of which 
oecasionally differs—the new-married couple pay them a visit 
and eat and drink with them. . . . You think this idle stuff, 
but you like I should write often and I like to write to you, and 
the unavoidable consequence of our two likings must be just such 
stuff as this. . . . Ihave a great deal to do, am in a hurry 
and very hungry. Must not your nephew at this moment be a 
most amiable existence ? 


Earz or BucKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy SurroLk. 


1764, May 28. Petersburg— . . . The Empress and 
many of my acquaintance who attend have been in the country 
for some time and we have very little reason to expect to see 
more of the Court at Petersburg this summer, which will 
necessarily interrupt amusements and what is almost of as much 
consequence delay any business which I may have to transact. In 
another week I possibly may alter my opinion, but at present 
there appears to me a great probability of my being detained 
here another winter. Whenever I return it will give me great 
pleasure to see Lady Suffolk and my family. As to any other 
circumstances which may attend me I have no very favourable 
opinion of them. I am offered a little place in the country about 
a Marble Hill distance from Petersburg, where probably I may 
wander for a few days, but my Town House will be my chief 
residence as more agreeable than any country situation in this 
neighbourhood. 


EarRL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy SUFFOLE. 


1764, June 8. Petersburg.— . . . I told Lady Bucking- 
ham in my last letter but one that I intended to give some prizes 
to be rowed for upon the King's birthday, and now I will tell you 





184 


that they absolutely were rowed for. There were nine barges, 
seven of twelve and two of ten oars. Count Orloff's barge won 
the first heat, but lost the second and third, which were won by 
a boat belonging to the Corps de Cadets, a sort of Academy where 
all the young people of distinction are prepared for the Army and 
Navy. Count Orloffs barge won the second prize and the 
Hetman'sthethird. The day was fine and upon the whole every- 
thing went off to my satisfaction. 0 

I never depended much upon Townshend's friendship, but it 
has proved lighter in the scale than even I expected. You know 
too much of the world not to be sensible that everything considered 
it is impossible for any cordiality to subsist between Mr. Harbord 
and myself unless we act politically together. 


EaRL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy SUFFOLK. 


1764, June 18. Petersburg.—I imagined to have sent you by 
this courier some positive account of myself, but my situation is 
in appearance as uncertain as every human event is in effect, yet 
it matters not much to me nor should it in effect to anybody. I 
cannot help thinking myself of that stock of men who will ever 
be most respected by their friends when in absence. Some of 
mine [ will believe frequently recollect my desire to act in every 
instance with honour and humanity, my anxiety to please and 
oblige, my wish to contribute to their ease and amusement, 
without recollecting that absence of mind, that captiousness, that 
gloom contracted by an unfortunate disposition ever to ruminate 
on the dark side of my own story, which make me often a melan- 
choly and sometimes a disagreeable companion. 

It seems to me that I have lived long and that most of my 
days have passed as tediously as unprofitably. Necessity might 
have made your nephew good for something, but indolence and 
dissipation have ever prevented me from any useful application 
except when immediately call’d upon. In reviewing my past life 
and judging my actions by the loose rules of worldly morality I 
have neither done anything very wrong or very right. One 
unfortunate disposition, which I believe I picked from my nurse, 
has principally shaded my conduct; guess it if you can, I 
am tired of my own reflections and undoubtedly so are you. 


Earz or BUCKINGRAMSHIRE to Lapy SUFFOLK. 


1764, July 8. Petersburg.— . . . The Empress went 
last week to Cronstadt to view her fleet. It is an island situated 
in the Gulf of Finland about 15 miles from hence and is properly 
speaking the fort of Petersburg. During her stay here she made 
everyone happy who had the honour of attending her, and you 
will be flattered to hear she was particularly gracious to your 
nephew. When she went to dine on board the Admiral she took 
me with only three other persons in her barge. When she 
returned to Petersburg I was the only foreigner who was admitted 
into her yatch. The wind failing, she got into her barge and 





185 


permitted me to attend her. When she arrived over against my 
house she told me that she knew I had no coach at the Palace, 
she would set me down at my own door. The next day though 
not & Court day I thought it incumbent upon me to appear at the 
Palace and to desire the Vice Chancellor to acquaint H.I.M. that 
I was there to express my sensibility of her goodness to me. He 
brought me for answer, ** Que B.M. était extrémement contente de 
mes attentions et que comme ma conduite était telle qu'elle 
m'envisageait plutot comme un compatriote que comme un 
étranger, elle me priait de diner avec elle." 

She set out on Sunday evening for Riga. She told me she 
should be absent three weeks. Just before her departure Count 
Orlow carried me into her private apartment that I might have 
an opportunity of making my Compliments to her. You will 
show this only to those who love me well enough not to laugh at 
any little vanity which may appear in the relation. Lady 
Buckingham writes me word that Mr. Grenville assured her I 
should hear from him very soon. It would really be a satisfaction 
to me if he could find leisure to send mea fewlines. Ivery much 
approve of Lord Tavistock's marriage.? You may make com- 
pliments from me which are truly sincere to the Lady's family. 
Notwithstanding a person is fixed upon to succeed me at this 
Court, I cannot flatter myself with the hopes of seeing you sooner 
than Christmas. 


Earz or BUcKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy SUurFroLk. 


1764, July 10. Petersburg.—There is no person but yourself 
to whom I can talk with confidence upon my situation, and 
therefore you must in some sort excuse my explaining to you 
some circumstances which give me great uneasiness. Your 
ladiship knows full well that Mr. Grenville is the only friend I 
can in the least depend upon in the present Administration. 
Lord Halifax has no longer any regard for me, and tho’ Lord 
Sandwich ever since he came into office has behaved to me with 
the greatest civility and attention, I have no right to expect any 
particular support from his Lordship, the Duke of Bedford and 
Lord Holland. The manner in which His Majesty is pleased to 
recall me, leaving me at liberty with regard to the time, is most 
gracious, and I should have been thoroughly satisfy'd with it 
had not Mr. Grenville’s silence upon that occasion most sensibly 
mortified me. I hardly dare tell youin my present temper how 
very little pleasure I promise myself in returning to England. 
Your Ladyship and Lady Buckingham will be glad to see me. I 
cannot answer for many more. . . . My Norfolk history sets 
heaviest upon me, and the thought that I must never expect to 
pass a cheerful day at Blickling. Lord Walpole, who tho’ a 
worthy man, must from his connections ever act in opposition to 
me on the one side, and Mr. Harbord, who has taken the oppor- 
tunity of absence to desert the man who essentially hurt himself 





* To Lady Elizabeth Keppel. 





186 


to serve him, on the other ; I will, however, leave a door open for 
reconciliation as long as possible. I always doubted of General 
Townshend's real regard for me, he has been upon many 
occasions lavish in his professions of friendship, but ever avoided 
entering into any engagements relative to the affairs of Norfolk. 
Às I have ever acted an open and candid part by him I had a right 
to make use of him if I could. Of that which he has acted I 
have no great reason to complain, tho' some cireumstanees which 
attended it will not be so easily forgot. The history of the 
receivers' place at Norwich 18 another unpleasant consequence of 
my being abroad as well as a further reason for my not wishing 
myself at home. Now I have said this much my heart is lighter, 
and upon reviewing my history bad as it is and drawn with a dis- 
contented pencil it does not absolutely amount to tragedy. Not- 
withstanding any peevish aversion I may have taken to England 
and the inordinate affection I have conceived for Russia, yet were 
it not for the hope that from a little delay I may return with 
more credit, I should humbly entreat that Mr. Macartney? might 
set out immediately. 


Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to the CouNTEss OF SUFFOLK. 


1764, July 81.  Petersburg.—It is in the garden of the 
Summer Palace, a most pleasant and cheerful retirement, in 
which I pass three of four hours every morning, when my leisure 
will admit of it, that this letter is wrote. It is the third or fourth 
which might have been dated from thence, but at the other times 
it did not occur to me to mention the scene which stood before me. 
The garden is laid out in the old English, or rather in the Italian 
stile, shady walks, marble statues and fountains innumerable. 
The Palace is at one end, and a Terras which commands a very 
fine view of tbe river on the other. Distant thunder, dark 
clouds, and screaming Peacocks prepare me to expect a storm, but 
I shall write on in perfect tranquillity till the first drops reach 
me. Whether it is à change of temper, or the effect of advancing 
further in life, I know not, but I every day find that I contemplate 
every kind of storm with inereasing tranquillity, or if any emotion 
arises it is more from general humanity, or particular regard to 
individuals than from my own fears or feelings. 

Since my last I have past another four and twenty hours at 
Count Rosamowski's, and I return'd as before, with contrition to 
Ministerial conference and the consequences. 

The Empress is expected this evening at Peterhoff, about 
twenty miles from hence, which I equally rejoice at both in my 
publick and private capacity, as I have sensibly felt in both the 
difference of her absence. Col. Hotham desires me at my return 
to England to bring a picture of her, but perhaps he will find a 
stronger resemblanee than any I can obtain in Lady Dy. 
Clavering. Her Imp. Maj. is fairer and not so tall. I hear 
much of the new pavement, but am persuaded that is not the 
only alteration I shall experience in England, and tho' I may 


* George Macartney, afterwards Bir George, and later Lord Macartney. 


187 


find it easier to glide along (Albemarle ?) Street, yet there are 
other paths in which once I trod with pleasure, where should I 
venture to range I might meet rivals who would with reason 
mock at my stale pretensions. lf I find you in health, and 
three or four, who, after three years' absence, I still esteem 
my friends, glad to see me, my reception in England will be 
equal to my wishes whenever I shall be in a situation to 
meet it. 


Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy SvurroLk. 


1764, August 17. Petersburg.— . . . When you hear of 
my balls and assemblies and entertainments you must imagine 
my hours not only pass cheerfully but riotously gay, yet some 
day or other you shall learn how flimsy are my pleasures and 
how real my anxieties. I have often complained of the slender 
information with whieh my friends in England favour me, but 
never with the tenth part of the reason which I have now, in that, 
except deaths and marriages, I know nothing of my own country 
and am never able to contradict any idle report which the 
flippancy of à Gazette writer or the real or willfull misinformation 
of a foreign Minister prompts him to propagate. I am tempted 
to tear this paper as the contents may teaze you without availing 
me. Yet you are the only person to whom I fully open my heart 
and the only one who loves me in the manner I most wish to be 
loved. Of this sort however you shall never receive any more 
letters from me, and if facts must be mentioned they shall be 
mentioned without comments. 


Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy SvurroLk. 


1764, Aug. 24.—(Complains of his own extremes in disposi- 
tion.) 

‘I have lately had some letters from England. Lady 
Buckingham’s are full of her sensibility of your goodness to her. 
Though she does not own it, I am persuaded you make her more 
than amends for the absence of her husband. Mr. Grenville 
has not as yet favoured me with a line, but I flatter myself daily 
with the hopes of hearing from him. He has certainly many 
most interesting occupations, but a letter is soon wrote.” . 


Tue SAME to THE SAME. 


1764, Sept. 7.—(Trivial recollections of his childhood.) 

" Many, many thanks for your most kind letter which I have 
just receiv'd. I will upon the whole in obedience to your com- 
mands? make myself as easy as I can and confide in the good 
intentions of my friends. I have no other dissatisfaction in 
relation to Mr. Harbord but his having taken the opportunity of 
my absence to change his political conduct." 








* See Lady Suffolk to Earl of Buckinghamshire of | 9 August, 1764. (Lady 
Suffolk's Letters, Vol. II.,.p. 289.) 











188 


Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy Svrrork. 


1764, Oct. 2. Petersburg.—By a letter I have lately received 
from Lord Sandwich Mr. Macartney will probably have left Eng- 
land before this arrives there. As soon as ever that gentleman 
comes to Petersburg I shall ask for my audience of leave, so that 
in all probability it will not now be many months before I 
embrace my good Aunt in Savile Row. It is very difticult to 
guess how long the journey will take me in .that inclement 
season in which I am destined to travel. If, however, the sledge 
way is good, as I hope it will be, at the time I set out the first 
half-way will soon be despatched. The winter is already beginn- 
ing, the Russians have got on their furs, but I remain in my 
autumn cloaths; if I took the same precautions they do I should 
not be able to live and dress like other people in England, as it is 
you wil find me grown exceedingly chilly. Though it is not 
properly the subject of private correspondence I cannot help say- 
ing a little to you in relation to Mirovitz, a gentleman of whom 
lately you must have heard a great deal. He was a man of most 
profligate and debauched character, though since his rash 
attempt he has been devout to a degree of fanaticism. During 
his confinement and trial, and even at his execution, he behaved 
with the most becoming resolution. He acknowledged his errors 
and declared his readiness by laying down his life with the 
greatest resignation to atone for them. He owned he was 
informed of the incapacity of the unfortunate Prince? which 
excited him still more to the attempt, as had he succeeded he 
meant to govern through him. What seemed most to affect him 
was the punishment the unhappy soldiers were to suffer whom he 
had seduced. The particulars of the event were most theatrical, 
but not of à nature to give me pleasure to write or you to read. 
Let me till we meet guard you against the reports which the ill- 
natured, the prejudiced, the designing most assiduously propagate, 
lest you should censure those who from their feelings are greatly 
more the objects of compassion. The Empress since her return 
from Riga has been almost constantly in the country, where she 
saw very few people but those about her; now she is returned 
Petersburg will be the gayer. Yesterday there was a ball, as it 
was the Grand Duke's birthday. The nobility and foreign 
ministers supped with him, but the Empress retired early. 

. Mirovitz's design was known only to two or three 
persons of no consequence. 


THE SAME to THE SAME. 


1764, Oct. 17. Petersburg.—In about six weeks I am to leave 
a country where I have now spent two years, and whatever 
pleasure a man may promise himself in breathing the air of his 
native soil and renewing his antient connections, yet the 
approach of a moment when you are to take an eternal leave of 
those with whom you have lived in an agreeable familiarity and 


* Ivan, 1740-1764, the Infant Czar of 1740-1741. 





189 


a state of mutual benevolence, cannot but be painful to a feeling 
mind. The unwearied pains I have taken, the difticultys I have 
submitted to, and the unpleasant moments I have passed in order 
to attain my purpose makes the assertion that no foreigner ever 
lived upon that footing which I now do in Russia, scarcely liable 
to the censure of vanity. My situation has improved by degrees, 
but it is only within these few months that I have been quite 
satisfyed with it, to which the gracious distinetions which the 
sovereign has condescended to shew me have not a little contri- 
buted. What weleome I shall meet with in England except from 
my own family seems to me rather uncertain, as from the 
extreme negligence with which my friends have corresponded 
with me, I almost suspect I shall find myself a little upon the 
footing of & stranger. . . . So many alterations have 
happen'd in the interior of England that even at the best & new 
man cannot avoid some disagreeable embarassments. 


Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lap SvurroLk. 


1764, Oct. 25. Petersburg.—Je vous écris si souvent que 
cela ne manquera pas de vous excéder. Cependant je fais mon 
devoir, je me livre à mon inclination; prenez patience, madame! 
Mercredi passé, le jour de nom du Comte Orloff, i1 donna bal à 
lImpératrice. L'ambassadeur l'Angleterre eut l'honneur d'en 
étre, et ne fut pas peu flattó, tant de s'y trouver l'unique étranger 
que de l'aeceuil gracieux que la souveraine lui fit. Nulle gène, 
nulle contrainte, l& soirée se passa agréablement au possible. 
Aprés souper, toute la compagnie sans exception, commenca une 
danse polonaise. Nous n'étions pas touts du méme áge, il s'y 
trouvait une fille d'honneur de 18 ans, et le Maréchal Münnich 
qui approche de 84. Ce bon vieillard dont l'attachement 
respectueux pour le beau sexe donnerait un air de brusquerie à la 
tendre galanterie de notre cher Ligonier disait l'autre jour, en 
entendant raisonner sur la beautó, qu'il n'avait jamais vu de 
femme qui ne lui paraissait belle. 

Un cas assez extraordinaire est arrivé ici et fait depuis 
quelques jours le sujet des raisonnements sages et frivoles de 
Petersbourg. La semaine passée, un soldat des gardes à cheval 
se maria. La cérémonie finie, on offrit du vin à la compagnie, 
tout le monde en prit, l'épouse excepté, car telle est la modestie 
des filles Russes, que le jour de leurs noces elles ne veulent 
absolûment rien prendre avant de se mettre au lit. Huit 
personnes done prirent de ce vin, et un quart d'heure aprés 
six des dix s’aviserent de jeter des éclats de rire des plus 
extraordinaires. En suite ils tombèrent en convulsions 
qui durèrent assez long tems. Le lendemain à la même 
heure mêmes éclats de rire, mêmes convulsions et cela durait 
encore le septième jour, quand l'Impératrice en fut informée. 
Les medécins en conséquence se sont assemblés en corps. 
On délibère encore sur les causes de ce phénomène, et 
quand on m'en dira quelque chose peutêtre je vous le com- 
muniquerai. . 








190 


L’envoie Ture doit avoir son audience publique ce matin 
et les dames travaillent furiensement 4 la toilette, quoique 
les Turcs sont des Mussulmans, ils sont aussi hommes, et il 
faut tacher de leur plaire. C’est comme cela que pensent les 
femmes Russes, je crois que les Anglaises agiraient à peu près 
de même. 


EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lapy SUFFOLK. 


1764, Nov. 20. Petersburg.—‘ Not with a Highwayman, you 
sorry Slut!’ says Mrs. Pechum to Miss Polly when after the 
discovery of her marriage with the seducing Captain she sweetly 
sings, ‘ Can love be controlled by advice?’ Extraordinary as my 
letters usually are, the beginning of this will still surprise you, 
till you know that I am just informed that the sister of the M. of 
R. and the niece of the E. of W. has thrown herself into the arms 
of her Irish footman. As the lady is a full-grown child and has 
probably made her reflections the footman is the proper object 
of compassion. It is most amazing to me that the numberless 
instances of ruinous and disgraceful matches should not suggest 
some serious reflections to parents and guardians, and intro- 
duce a different mode of education. Yet what expedients can 
avail? How ean you preserve and protect your child when the 
physician who feels her pulse, the surgeon who breathes (sic) 
the vein, every person whose profession or talents are essential 
to improve her, the footman who carrys the flambeau, and even 
the sprightly ostler, who expeditiously harnesses two miserable 
hacks to à post chaise are equally dangerous. . . . 

Your extensive notions of liberty and the high prerogatives of 
the female world are well known to me and in a degree merit 
approbation, but will you not allow me to confine the daughters 
when I give it as my opinion that the mothers ought to know no 
eontroul—a doctrine which I preach by example. Mr. Prior 
says, “ Clap your padlock on your mind." Agreed! But then 
there must be a mind to fix it on. If you fasten your padlock 
- upon a sap of green wood can you expect it to hold? It may 
be said, Why should not young women have opportunitys of look- 
ing round the world, of seeing variety of men, of sifting their 
characters and choosing him whom their inclinations favour and 
their judgment approves? Because for obvious, if indeed for 
excusable reasons, nineteen times in twenty they will choose 
wrong, 


Extract from a Small Bunpze of PRIVATE LETTERS exchanged 
between the EARL or BuckINGHAMSHIRE, PRINCE BELASELSKI, 
and Baron CHERKASOW. 


From the Baron CHERKASOW. 


1765, February 15.—‘ Aprés d’exactes recherches j'ai trouvé 
que ce n'est pas ici la coutume ordinaire de donner de portraits, 
et que le dernier fut donné en conséquence d'une demande 








191 


formelle,? et autant que j'en sais, vous n'en avez point fait. Mais 
vous pouvez comter que jamais ministre étranger n'a été aussi 
généralement estimé pendant son séjour ni autant regretté à son 
départ que vous. Vous avez vu la vérité de la première réflexion 
et je vais garantir celle de la seconde. On voit dans toutes les 
maisons des portraits de M. de Cappelmann, que l'on a décorés des 
quadres dorés à votre intention. Mais ce n'est rien. On vous 
tient pour un parfaitement honnéte homme. Et c'est quelque 
ehose. 

Mardi le 1-12 de ce mois, lon a representé chez le Grand 
Chambellan ‘ Le Philosophe marié et les Mœurs du Tems. Les 
acteurs et les actrices furent applaudis et avec beaucoup de 
raison. 

La Countesse Cheremeteff l'ainée et le Prince Belaselsky ont eu 
particulièrement mon approbation. Le Comte Cheremeteff, le 
Comte Orloff (Grégoire) le Comte Golowin, Monsieur Passek et 
ma femme m'ont chargé de vous présenter leurs complimens. 


EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to LADY Surrork. 


1765, Feb. 21. Koningsberg Brandenburg.— This letter will 
be sent you from Berlin, tho' probably without any addition to 
what is wrote this evening from the fair city of Koningsberg. I 
address’d Lady Buckingham yesterday and now it is my disposi- 
tion to address you. If I delighted in repetitions or was lazily 
disposed, the copy of my letter to her with only the change of 
the date, would be an exact account of the transactions of the 
day and of my situation in the evening, two little circumstances 
excepted, that I have travelled without a tilt and am not within 
hearing of a erying child. It cannot but affect everyone who has 
a feeling heart, to trace the cruel effect of the war upon these 
unfortunate countries through which I am passing ; ruined 
villages, large and well-built towns absolutely depopulated are 
objects which continually meet the eye. I have suffered greatly 
all this day from cold and warm winds, the first came from the 
South, the most piercing I ever experienced from that quarter, 
the latter was a kind of subscription gale, for which I was obliged 
to the footman and the man who drove my cart. You know the 
Russians were long in possession of Pomerania, they have left 
their mark everywhere, but since the new connection between 
the Courts of Berlin and Petersburg, the unfortunate remains of 
the inhabitants are forbid throwing out any reflections of their 
calamities. A postmaster however ventured yesterday to 
whisper me that the Russians had given him the knout for 
sending intelligence to the King his master; he was near 
dying under the hands of the executioner, and has never 
recovered his health since. But why should I distress your 
humanity with melancholy ideas ?—I have just burst out into 
an inordinate fit of laughter and I will tell you why—By way of 
a cheerful subject I was about to talk of the wild beast in 


— — — + — — 


* This refers to the Empress’ portrait. 


192 


Languedoc who eats virgins par préférence. Now if the existence 
of that gentleman is not fabulous, and his feats are really true, 
the story is extraordinary but by no means comical. 

I am refreshing myself at an old Burgomaster's, and whilst a 
room is warming for me, I have taken possession of his private 
apartment. He has very much the air of an old Duteh soldier 
that came over with King William, .and he interrupts me every 
moment to talk of the events of the War of Succession and of 
other antient stories in most abominable Latin, to which I answer 
in rather worse. For example —'Excellentissime Domine, si 
bene mimini serenissimus Orangea Princeps Angliam invasit 
Anno salutis 1689. Ego e contra, ‘1688.’ But I forget that 
you don't understand Latin. It is ten thousand pitys. You 
may however intreat Lady Betty Germaine to explain the mean- 
ing of those few words to you. e 


BUCKINGHAMSHIRE PAPERS. 
Part 8.—1769-1765. - 


Papers relating to Pouanp and CourraxD, with Mr. WRovoHTON's 
LETTERS. 


Traduction du PoLonats d'une LETTRE à un AMI 
-du 6 Novembre, 1762. 


Pour satisfaire votre curiosité sur les vraies causes et les 
principales circonstances de ce qui vient d'arriver à Varsovie, il 
faut prendre les choses d'un peu plus haut. 

Au commencement du mois d’Aotst le Comte de Brühl a écrit 
au prince Zartoryski, palatin de Russie, qui alors se trouvait à la 
campagne, que le Roi souhaitait de scavoir son sentiment sur 
la manière de remplir les grandes places alors vacantes. 

Dans le principe que le meilleur moyen de rendre un pays heu- 
reux est d'en remplir les charges de gens vertueux et capables, le 
prince palatin proposa le pisarz de Lithuanie Ogincki pour 
palatin de Wilna, son beau frère le cadet Brzortouski pour petit 


198 


Général de Lithuanie, le palatin d’Inowraclaw, Zamoycki, pour 
vice-chancelier de la Couronne, le palatin de Mecistaw, Plater, 
pour vice-chancelier de Lithuanie. Le Comte de Bruhl répondit 
que le Roi avait vu la lettre du prince palatin avec plaisir. 
Malgrés cette expression favorable, de jour en jour on apprenait 
que les recherches du prince Radziwil, Miecznik de Lithuanie, et 
du palatin de Polock, Sapieha, gagnaient plus de terrain et la 
voix publique assure que Radziwil a employé pour cela 60,000 
ducats et Sapieha 80,000. Quoique vous n'estes pas Lithuanois 
je crois cependant que vous scaviés que la loi donne au Palatin 
de Wilna le droit de légaliser le légitimité d’élection de chaque 
député ou juge au tribunal souverain de Lithuanie, de facon que 
quand le Palatin de Wilna est un homme violent et injuste, il 
dépend de lui de composer le tribunal presqu' à son grés de gens 
qui lui sont dévoués. Tout le Royaume sçait des injustices et 
des meurtres qui se sont commis sous la protection et méme par 
les membres de ces tribunaux de la faction de Radziwil du vivant 
du défunt Prince Radziwil, que sera-ce à présent que la charge 
du palatin de Wilna est entre les mains de son fils ?—dont on 
connait le caractère et qui trouvait que sen père le contraignait 
encore trop dans les persécutions sanguinaires qu'il exercait dès 
lors contre tout ce qui n'était pas aveuglément soumis à ses 
volontés. 

Il était du devoir des bons patriotes d'empécher que la Lith- 
uanie ne tombât entre pareilles mains. Pour contrebalancer 
l'argent du prince Radziwil le seul moyen que les princes Czar- 
torycki crurent efficace fut de faire avertir le Comte de Bruhl que 
s’il donnait le palatinat de Wilna à Radziwil, ils seraient obligés 
de lui faire contester dans la Chambre des Nonces, la noblesse 
Polonaise. 

Néanmoins le Palatinat et le petit généralat furent donnés à 
Radziwil et à Sapieha. Bruhl passa outre par deux raisons, la 

remiére parcequ'ils'imagina que les Czartorycki se laisseraient 
intimider par les satellites de Radziwil armés de pistolets et de 
cuirasses sous leurs habits, dont il a rempli la Chambre des 
Nonces, la seconde parcequ'il crut que les Czartorycki désire- 
raient de faire élire un Maréchal de la Diéte pour que Zamoycki 
peut devenir Vice-Chancelier, parceque selon l'esprit de la loi les 
sceaux ne peuvent être donnés qu'aprés un maréchal élu. 
Effectivement cette première raison fit que les Czartorycki 
n’éclatérent pas le premier jour de la diette pour laisser encore 
du tems à tous ceux qui travaillaient pour Zamoycki, mais ce 
méme jour-là au matin pendant que le Roi de sa bouche assurait 
le grand général Branicki qu'il donnerait le sceau à Zamoycki, 
Mieeznik, Maréchal de la Cour, dit à Zamoycki méme, ‘‘ Vous ne 
pouvés monsieur estre chancelier ear le Roy m'a déclaré il y a 
trois jours qu'il veut que je le sois, moi," et le soir lorsque le grand 
général en vertu de ce que le Roi avait dit le matin demanda la 
patente de chancelier signeó Zamoycki, Bruhl la lui refusa net. 
Alors voyant qu'il n'y avait plus d'apparence de faire avoir le 
sceau à ce digne et vertueux Zamoycki que toute la nation désirait 
pour ehancelier, et qu'il y'avait tout à eraindre que si le Maréchal 


17118 N 


194 


le devenait, la Pologne ne fut sous le joug comme la Lithuanie, 
les Czartorycki se déterminèrent à parler. Enfin le second jour 
de la diette le Stolnik de Lithuanie® dit dans la Chambre des 
Nonces, que ne pouvant connaître le C de Bruhl pour Polonais, 
il ne pouvait malgrès tous les égards et l'amitié qu'il lui portait 
personellement le laisser voter pour l’élection du Maréchal de la 
Diette. Apparemment on n'avait pas de bonnes raisons à lui 
apporter, car à ces mots, au lieu de répondre de paroles, les sabres 
tirés par des partisans de Radziwil qui se trouvaient les plus 
voisins du jeune Comte de Bruhl dans la Chambre des Nonces 
donnerent le signal à tous les autres. S'il était possible de douter 
de la vérité notoire et publique de quel côté on a dégainé le 
premier, la meilleure preuve se trouve dans un billet d’un ami 
de Brubl écrit par un reste d’ancienne amitié, ou pour effrayer les 
Czartorycki, où il leur a mandé la veille de ce jour que si on parlait 
contre Bruhl dans la Chambre des Nonces, on s'exposerait au 
plus grand danger. Le méme soir Szymakourki rompit la diette 
pour empêcher qu'on ne débattit plus cette matière incommode 
à Bruhl. 

La preuve que cet homme a agi par instigation de ce ministre 
c'est que six semaines auparavant lorsqu'il fut élu nonce, le 
Maréchal Miecznik voulut l'engager à céder sa nonciature à un 
autre homme dont le Maréchal Miecznik et Bruhl se croyaient 
plus sûrs pour rompre la diette. Mais Szymakourki s’offrit à faire 
également cette fonction, pourvu qu'on le paya bien comme on a 
fait, à quoi on a ajouté tout récemment un consentement de cession 
ce qui est une grâce royale. Voilà l’exacte vérité des faits. Bruhl 
attribue à faux aux Czartorycki un mot vis-à-vis du Roy— Tout ou 
rien!’ Ils ne l’ont jamais dit ni pu dire, premièrement ils n’ont pas 
pu employer ce terme parceque jamais on n’a voulu leur promettre 
positivement même aucune partie des grâces qu’ils demandèrent 
en Lithuanie. Secondement lorsque le Primat au nom du Roi fit 
demander au Prince palatin une réponse finale sur les candidats 
aux charges, il la donna par écrit en disant ‘ que tant qu'il plaira 
au Roi de le consulter sur la distribution des vacances, il ne 
pouvait en proposer d'autres que ceux qu'il avait proposés avant 
deux mois parceque dans ce temps il n'avait consulté que le bien 
public, les talents et les circonstances personelles des sujets.’ 
Jugez vous-même si dans tout ce que je viens de vous exposer 
il y a lg moindre manque de respect au Roy ? 

S1 vous demandés pourquoi il y a plus de signatures aux mani- 
festes de Bruhl que ceux des Czartoryckis, je vous dirai que les 
86 signatures de ceux-ci se sont faites sans offres ni menaces, 
uniquement par amitié et par la eonvietion du mauvais droit de 
Bruhl, fondé sur les loix qui y sont énoncées, au lieu qu'on a em- 
ployé tout le pouvoir des promesses des grâces du Roy et des 4 
généraux et des menaces les plus fortes du contraire pour faire 
signer les présens ; on a inséré les signatures des absens, témoin 
celle du neveu du grand Maréchal de Lithuanie ; on a fait signer 


* Stanislas Poniatowski, afterwards King of Poland. 











195 


comme nonces des gens qui ne l’étaient pas, témoin, celui qui a 
signé comme nonce de Rozan et qui lui-même avait rompu la 
diettine de ce canton. 

Dans ce manifeste Bruhl semble objecter aux Czartorycki qu'ils 
ont participé autrefois aux premiers actes où il est entré en 
jouissance des prérogatives de la Noblesse polonaise. Ils repon- 
dent qu’ils y ont connivé dans l’espérance que se croyant polonais 
il ehérirait le bien-estre de cette patrie, mais que depuis qu'il a 
brisé tous les liens publics et particuliers qui les retenaient vis-à- 
vis de lui, depuis que la distribution vénale des charges et 
l'allération manifestement frauduleux des monnoyes fait le 
malheur de là patrie, ils ont fait parler les loix expresses. 

Si l'on vous dit que les Czartorycki, jouant gros jeu, ils seront 
écrasés par la haine puissante du favori, là-dessus ils pensent 
premiérement qu'il faut faire son devoir à tout risque et qu'il se 
trouve encore chez nous des hommes intègres et courageux qui 
préferent l'honneur à tout, comme Wollowiez nonce de Sloninola 
bien fait voir en refusant mille ducats et une compagnie de gens 
d'armes que le Maréchal Miecznik lui offrait pour sa signature. 


9 Str la MANIERE VIOLENTE avec laquelle de SrwoniN, Con- 
SEILLER D'ÉTAT de RUSSIE, à mis EN SÉQUESTRE toutes 
les terres et revenus de Son AvrEssE Rovae le Duc 
DE CoURLANDE.t+ 


N.D. (1763, Jan.]—La veille de Noël, le 24? * Décembre, 
1762, M. de Simolin, Conseiller d'état de Russie, envoya le 
Lieutenant Colonel Schroeders mettre le Sceau Impérial sur les 
douanes au passage de la riviére, d'abord aprés le méme Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel se rendit à la maison de poste pour défendre au 
Maitre de Poste de la part de M. de Simolin de ne donner de la 
part de qui que ce soit quelque argent de celui qu'il pourrait avoir 
en eaisse. Le Maitre de Poste lui répondait qu'il n'en avait point 
pour le présent, et qu'étant engagé à son devoir par serment il 
n'avait d'autres ordres à suivre que ceux du Duc son maitre, sur 
quoi le Lieutenant-Colonel lui dit qu'il ne devait pas s'opposer 
à donner un revers comme quoi il ne donnerait aucun argent à 
qui que ce 80i. Le Maitre de Poste lui répliqua qu'il ne pouvait 
pas y acquiescer. Le Lieutenant-Colonel lui dit alors que s'il s'y 
opposait, il le ferait jetter hors de la maison, et mettrait un autre 
Maitre de Poste à sa place, et il fit tout de suite mettre une senti- 
nelle russe à 8& porte. Sur l'avis que Son Altesse Royale en 
eut Elle fit venir M. M. les Oberraths ou Conseillers suprémes, et 
aprés avoir écouté leur avis là-dessus, Elle députa M. M. le 
Landhofmeister de Hoven et le Chancelier de Kayserling à 
M. Simolin, les chargeant de lui témoigner de sa part sa surprise 
sur des démarches si contraires aux droits du Roi et de la 


* See Buckinghamshire Correspondence, Vol. I., p. 191 : Wroughton to the Earl 
of Buckinghamshire of the 5th Jan., 1763). where this account is mentioned as 
having been received by him from the Ministers of Augustus III. 

+ Charles Christian of Saxony, son of Augustus III. 





196 


République, et aux siens propres, Elle le fit requérir de ne pas 
continuer à agir de cette sorte, et lui fit demander de quelle 
autorité il faisait tout cela, lui faisant dire, que si e'était par ordre 
de l'Impératrice,? lui, Duc, avait à tous égards tout le respect 
possible pour Elle, mais que n'ayant d'autres ordres à respecter 
que ceux du Roi son père et maitre, il protestait contre tout ce 
qui serait fait sans le consentement de sa Majesté le Hoi, comme 
contre les démarches contraires aux droits du Roi, de la Répub- 
lique et les siens. Les sus-dits Conseillers s'acquittérent mot 
pour mot de cette commission et firent rapport que M. de 
Simolin leur répliqua avec beaucoup de vivacité et d'emporte- 
ment, que tout ce qu'il faisait e'était selon l'ordre de l'Impératrice 
de mettre le séquestre sur tout ce qui avait apparence de revenu ; 
il a ajouté que tout cela ne serait pas arrivé, si l'on n'eut refusé 
les quartiers d'hyver aux trouppes russes. Les Conseillers lui 
répondaient que l'on n'avait jamais refusé ni quartiers, ni bois 
aux trouppes, mais qu'on n'avait pu se charger de faire des 
quartiers pour des trouppes étrangères, sans en faire le rapport 
au Roi, comme maître direct de ce duché. M. Simolin leur dit 
à la fin que comme ils avaient tous deux des terres ducales en 
ferme, il leur notifierait par une lettre le méme soir le séquestre 
ainsi qu'à tous les arrondateurs. M. M. les Conseillers lui 
répétèrent que le Due leur Maitre aurait en toute occasion 
tout l'égard et respect dû à S. M. Impériale mais en ce qui 
regardait ces circonstances, il observerait ce que son devoir 
envers le Roi et la République exigeait de lui. M. M. les 
Conseillers aprés avoir fait leur rapport prirent le consentement 
du Duc pour aller insérer aux publiques une protestation contre 
tout ce qui pourrait être fait de contraire aux droits du Roi et de 
le République et de son Altesse Royale avec une relation fidèle 
de tout ce qui avait été jusqu’à présent dit et fait en cette 
rencontre. 

Pendant ce tems M. de Simolin fit tenir une lettre de la teneur 
ci-jointe à tous les arrondateurs, leur intimant le séquestre 
Impérial des terres Ducales qu'ils tiennent en ferme. Un 
instant après il fit mettre une garde d'un bas officier et de huit 
hommes au magasin du bois que le Duc avait pour sa provision. 
La nuit du 24 au 25 il fit poster une sentinelle devant la maison 
où sont les archives, on a appris le matin que la méme chose 
était arrivée au moulin du Duc, et que l'éerivain de ce moulin 
avait eu défense de rien donner de l'argent de ce produit. 
L'inspeeteur des étangs qui doit fournir le poisson &u Duc 
vint annoncer en méme tems d'avoir recu ordre de ne 
lui en point livrer. Le Bailli des deux Bailliages que S. A. 
Royale s'était réservés pour son économie et sa table recut 
une même défense par un officier, qui fut placé avec quel- 
ques soldats dans ces bailliages de ne rien livrer pour la Cour. 
M. Simolin poussant enfin les choses à l'extrémité s'assura du 
magasin de foin et d'avoine, de la monnaie, de la brasserie et de 
la basse cour, où il y avait la volaille pour la table du Duc, 





* The Czarina Catherine II. 





197 


n'oubliant rien pour lui couper tout moien de subsister. Suivant 
la raison que M. de Simolin allègue du séquestre c'est 
l'Impératrice qui l'ait ordonné, il est manifeste qu'elle l'a fait sur 
les faux rapports de ce Conseiller d'Etat qui dans ses relations 
envénimées, outre d'en avoir imposé à Sa Souveraine par’ un 
faux rapport que le Duc se soit opposé au quartier d'hyver que 
cinq Régimens russes ont pris en Courlande, doit avoir ajouté à 
ce prétendu refus et opposition, des circonstances les plus odieuses 
et méme atroces, pour que cette Princesse se soit portée à une telle 
extrémité sans le moindre égard ni pour la personne de §. A. 
Royale, ni pour son rang et naissance, reconnu par tant de 
puissances et par la Russie méme pour Duc Régnant, à qui Elle 
avait ci-devant accrédité ce méme Simolin. Or que la raison que 
celui-ci a allégué soit destituée de toute vérité, cela est óvidem- 
ment démontré puisqu'il dit que le Duc s’est opposé, et qu'il 
a refusé des quartiers d'hyver aux Trouppes Russes, pendant 
qui lui, Simolin, ne le reconnait pas pour Duc, qu'il ne lui a fait 
aucune réquisition (de quoi seul le Due s'est plaint) que les 
trouppes ont pris leurs quartiers d'hyver selon la répartition 
arbitraire que lui Simolin en a faite, qu 'elles ont été pourvues 
du nécessaire, et que le Duc n'a point de trouppes pour s'opposer 
aux Russes. 

Sur quoi Sa Majesté a pris la résolution d'expédier incessam- 
ment une personne distinguée dans la République à S. M. 
Impériale pour la rectifier sur les imputations de M. Simolin, et 
lon espére que rectifióe, elle contremandera et róvoquera des 
démarches si fort contraires aux principes de justice que cette 


Princesse a témoignés de vouloir exactement suivre dans son © 


gouvernement, et qui sont si eloignées du bon voisinage et 
amitié que le Roi et la République se promettaient d'elle. 

S. M. espère d'ailleurs de l'amitié de toutes les Puissances, ses 
amies et alliés, et de la République, et de la fidélité de sa nation, 
jalouse de son honneur et de sa liberté, d’être secondée à per- 
suader la Cour de Russie de se prêter à des arrangemens plus 
conformes à la bonne intelligence, que de son côté tant sa 
Majesté et la République que le Prince Royal Duc Régnant de 
Courlande n'ont cessé de cultiver fort soigneusement aux yeux de 
toute l'Europe. 


(1) °Expose des motirs de Sa Masest&é IMPÉRIALE DE TOUTES 
LES Russizs relativement aux affaires de la CouRLANDE. 


N.D. [1768, Jan. 4.]—L'Impératrice de toutes les Russies en 
montant sur le trone, croyait ne pouvoir donner des marques 
plus éclatantes du désir qu'elle a de cultiver l'amitió et le bon 
voisinage du Roi et de la République de Pologne, qu'en rendant 
la liberté à ceux pour qui le Roi et le Sénat l'avaient demandée 
tant de fois et si instamment sous le règne de l’Impératrice 
Elisabeth. 


* Enclosed in a letter to the Earl of Buokinghamshire by Mr. Wroughton, 
English Minister at Warsaw, oa the 5th of January, 1768 (see Buckinghamshire 
Corresp., Vol. 1, p. 195). 








198 


C'était dans ces considérations que sa Majesté Impériale a 
accordé au Duc Ernest Jean de Courlande de pouvoir sortir 
librement, et qu'elle s'est interposée en méme tems auprès Sa 
Majesté le Roi de Pologne pour qu'elle voulût restituer le dit Duc 
dans ses Duchés et lui rendre les domaines qu'en partie il avait 
dégagées lui-même, et qu'en partie lui ont été cédées de l'Impéra- 
trice Anne de glorieuse mémoire. 

Plus ees demandes se fondaient sur tout ce qui est juste 
et équitable, d'autant moins Sa Majesté Impériale s’etait-Elle 
attendue, ni pouvait-Elle s'attendre qu'on l'expliquerait selon 
la réponse du Roi du 8 Septembre de l’année passée comme 
si Elle empiétait sur les droits suzérains du Hoi et de la 
République 

Mais peut-on dire avec fondement que celui qui sur l'affaire en 
question en fait la réquisition à ce Prince Suzerain méme, empiéte 
sur ses droits et les révoque en doute? Or, comment peut-on 
interpreter si peu amiablement ce qu'on a demandé de la part de 
la Russie avec autant de justice que d'équité? Qui peut ignorer 
la Constitution de la Diète de Pacification de l'année 1786, faite 
du consentement de tous les ordres de la République touchant les 
Duchés de Courlande et de Semgalle? On y & statué qu'aprés 
l'extinction de la famille de Kettler ces fiefs devaient être 
conférés à un autre pour lui et ses descendans mâles moyennant 
un Diplôme, en usage dans de pareils cas, et qu’on conviendrait 
avec lui des conditions féodales. La Commission de 1727, 
déléguée de la Diète de 1726 pour les affaires de Courlande, 
avait été prorogée jusqu’à cette époque ; tout cela était observé 
et exécuté selon la dite constitution. Le Duc Ernest Jean recut 
le Diplóme Royal. Les Commissaires nommés de la République 
convinrent avec lui des conditions féodales; il reçut l'Investiture 
selon la couttime et le Diplôme de l’Investiture lui fut expédié 
solennellement sous les deux sceaux de la Couronne et du 
Grand Duché de Lituanie avec promesse au nouveau feudatoire 
dela part de la République, de le protéger et le défendre, lui 
et ses descendans dans ses Duchés contre qui que ce soit; de 
maniere que le dit Duc acquit par-là un plein et indubitable 

droit à ces Duchés pour lui et pour ses descendans máles. 

Or, si un Prince feudatoire sans avoir commis un crime de 
félonie, ne peut être privé de ses fiefs acquis légalement, de quel 
droit veut-on soutenir que le dit Duc Ernest Jean soit privé de 
ses Duchés sans avoir été écouté sans jugement et sans crime 
contre le Roi et la République? 

Si dans le tems où l'on a songé à le priver de ses Duchés il y 
avait des raisons d'état pour l'en tenir éloigné, à présent les 
raisons d'état pour ne plus l'empécher d'y retourner sont d'autant 
plus fortes qu'il est juste de rendre à un chacun ce qui lui 
appartient. 

S'il est du devoir de la nature et du droit de voisinage 
d'assister et de protéger un Prince voisin opprimé contre la force 
et l'injustice, sa Majesté Impériale de toutes les Russies ne peut 
que maintenir le Duc et les états de Courlande et de Semgalle 
dans leurs droits, priviléges et prérogatives. 





199 


Il n'est pas inconnu à sa Majesté Impériale que ces Duchés sont 
un fief de la dépendance du Corps entier de la République et non 
pas du tróne seul des Rois de Pologne selon la teneur du Diplóme 
de l'ineorporation de l'année 1569, et selon la constitution de 
l'année 1786 statuóe du consentement de tous les ordres de la 
République. 

Par ees raisons sa Majesté Impériale de toutes les Russies ne 
veut ni ne peut jamais consentir que ce qui est statué par la 
République entière, soit renversé par une partie de cette méme 
République, ni que les droits appartenants au corps entier de la 
République soient enfreints. 

Par conséquent sa Majesté Impériale, éloignée comme elle l’est 
d'empiéter sur les droits de la République de Pologne sur les 
Duchés mentionnés, et elle n'est pas moins fermement resolue de 
les conserver constamment dans leurs dépendances féodales avec 
la République et ne reconnait ni ne reconnaitra jamais nul autre 
pour Duc légitime des Duchés de Courlande et de Semgalle que 
le Duc Ernest Jean, investi légalement du consentement de 
toute la République. 

Sa Majesté Impériale embrassant en cela ce que la justice et le 
droit du voisinage demahdent ne fait que suivre les constitutions 
et les loix de toutes des Puissances de l'Europe, qui en vertu de 
ces constitutions ont reconnu Ernest Jean Duc légitime de 
Courlande.. 


(2) Brnrer du Vice CHANCELIER DE LA CoURUNNE® pour 
accompagner la ReronsE à l'Exros& Russe. 


1768, Jan. 9.—Ne connaissant, Monseigneur, à votre Cour 
aucun droit sur la Courlande je ne scaurai en chancelier convenir 
d'aucun motif que S. M. Impériale puisse avoir avec justice 
de disposer ainsi à force ouverte de cette Province. J'ai lu par 
conséquent avec beaucoup de surprise ceux que V. E. a allégués 
dans l'Exposé qu'Elle m'a fait tenir avec sa lettre du 4 d. c. 
Rien de plus contradictoire que S. M. Impériale ne consentira 
jamais que les droits appartenants au corpsentier de la République 
soyent enfreints pendant qu'ils le sont en son nom, tout comme 
d'exiger du Roi que cequ'Elle convient, selon l'Exposé, ne dépendra 
que de la décision de la République entière. Si la Russie forme 
quelque' prétension sur la Courlande elle s'adressera a la 
Hépublique dont elle reconnait la souveraineté sur ce Fief et 
laissera le tems aux Etats de s'assembler et de connaitre les 
prétendus droits de Biron. 

Supposant méme le Roi et le Sénat responsable de quelque chose 
dans l'investiture donnée de la Courland au Prince Royal, ce n'est 
jamais envers la Russie qu'ils le soyent, mais envers la République 
entière. Les Etats, Monseigneur, n'ont fait aucune instance à 
Votre Cour de se mêler de la disposition de ce Fief; de telles 
instances ne pourraient lui jamais être faits que par de mal 
intentionnés prêts à falsifier leur Patrie pour leurs intérêts et 








* Of Poland. - 





200 


avantage particuliers. J'espère donc que V. E. pour réaliser les 
assurances qu'Elle me donne des intentions constantes de sa 
Souveraine de ne vouloir empiéter en aucune facon sur les 
droits de la République ne manquera pas de l'informer de 
l'atteinte qu'on lui donne en son nom et l’assurer en méme tems 
du cas infini que nous faisons de son amitié pour la République. 


(89) Reronse® à l’ExPOSÉ JorNT à la LETTRE de MoNsEIGNEUR 
le CowrE DE KEYSERLING, AMBASSADEUR DE RUSSIE du 
4 JANVIER, 1768. (Enclosure.) 


1768, Jan. 10. Warsaw.—La justice est la base et le fondement 
des trones des Rois ; ce n'est pas sa Majesté Polonaise, à qui l'on 
puisse reprocher d'y avoir manqué; trop scrupuleuse méme 
dans ses engagemens, on l’a toujours vue y sacrifier ses propres 
intérêts ; elle a donné un exemple de cette délicatesse extrême au 
sujet de la Courlande. Le fief de la dépendance de la République 
vaquait depuis l'an 1741, jusqu'a l’année 1758. (a) Le Comte 
Biron qui en avait été investi l'année 1789, à la puissante 
recommendation de UImpératrice Anne de glorieuse mémoire, 
(b) au lieu de quitter un service étranger (c) pour aller remplir 
l'objet de son infeudation, continuant dans le même service pour 
son malheur, il y fut disgració et comdamné avec ses fils à un exil 
perpétual, par un arrêt de l'Empereur Iwan du 17 April 1741. 
(d) L'on passe sous silence les circonstances du manifeste publie 
contre lui en cette occasion par la dite Cour de Russie dans tout 
l'Empire, en Courlande méme ainsi que dans toutes les Cours 
Etrangères; l'intention du Roi n'ayant jamais été de lui faire 
quelque préjudice, mais de co-operer à son bonheur s'il avait été 
possible à S. M. sans déroger aux droits de sa Couronne et à ceux 
de la République. Si d'ailleurs pour éclairer le publie, le 
Ministère était obligé de relever des circonstances odieuses à 
Biron, il le ferait avec regrets, quoique ne devant rien épargner 
de ce qui peut servir à la justification de 8. M. contre les mêmes 
expressions peu ménagées (e), de l'Exposé que l'Ambassadeur de 
Russie a joint à la lettre du 4°"° des motifs de S. M. L'Impératrice 
de Russie relativement aux affaires de Courlande. Cet Exposé 
sans date et sans signature (f) ne saurait jamais étre avoué 
de la Cour de Russie, (g) étant trop éloigné de ce qu'une Puissance 
doit à une autre, et 8e doit à soi-même; mais comme il a été 
accompagné d'une lettre de son Ambassadeur, soit que lui-même 
ait été surpris par ceux, qui dès longtems tiennent le même 
langage, se flattant de la protection de la Russie, ou que de bonne 
foi 11 pense ainsi; et que par la manière inusitée de l'insinuer et 
de le répandre dans le publie par des circulaires, on y fait con- 
naître des intentions très-pernicieuses, le Ministre de $. M. 
chargé de veiller à l'intégrité des droits de sa couronne contre 
tout ce qui peut donner atteinte à son honneur et autorité, afin 
de réfuter une pièce écrite sans ménagement, se trouverait obligé 


* Enclosed in a despatch of the Earl of Buckinghamshire to Lord Halifax, 
26 March, 1763, (See Buckinghamshire Corresp., Vol. I., p. 197.) 


201 


d'y répondre avec ressentiment; mais comme il ne saurait suivre 
d'autre exemple que celui de ses ancêtres, il ne sçaurait non plus 
parler directement ou indirectement d'une Puissance qu'avec 
tout les égards qui lui sont düs, croyant fermement que sa 
Majesté Impériale dans tout ce que l'on fait en Courlande en son 
nom, ait été surprise par des interprétations sinistres, que l'on ait 
pu donner à la conduite du Roi et de son Ministere et à S.A. R. 
Mr". le Duc de Courlande., 

Le premier article de l'Exposé fournit une preuve évidente que — 
S. M. Impériale n'en a pas été prévenüe; il y est dit, que pour 
marquer son désir de cultiver l'amitié et le bon voisinage du Roi 
et de la République de Pologne, S. M. a rendu la liberté à ceux, 
pour qui le Roi et le Sénat l'avaient demandeé tant de fois sous 
le règne de l'Impératrice Elisabeth. Cependant il est connu à 
tout le monde, que ce n'est pas l'Impératrice d'aujourd'hui, qui 
a rendu la liberté aux Birons, de qui l'on parle, mais l'Empereur 
Pierre III. (kh) à condition qu'ils renonceraient en forme, comme 
ils ont fait, à tous leurs prétendus droits sur la Courlande, dans 
l'intention de se prévaloir de cette renonciation en faveur du 
Prince George de Holstein, ainsi que cet Empereur l'a fait con- 
naitre ouvertement, et par tant d'actes, nommément celui du 
séquestre sur les biens ducaux pour lequel il avait déjà donné 
ses ordres, et qui, apres sa déposition furent révoqués par 8. M. 
l'Impératrice par un effet de sa justice et équité naturelles. 

La Cour de Russie conviendra de cette renonciation faite par les 
Birons, (i) et dont on en voit l'aveu dans la lettre de Pierre 
Biron au Baron Knigge son agent, et que celui-ci a publiée afin de 
prévenir les Courlandois, que l’acté de renonciation n'existait 
plus puisque l'Imperatrice l'avait rendu. 

On ne s'arréte point ici sur les conséquences que l'on pourrait 
tirer contre les Birons sur une telle. renonciation, la nullité de 
leur investiture étant démontrée suffisament ailleurs. 

Ce qui est encore plus remarquable (k) dans ce 1** article, est 
que l'on prouve l'amitié de l'Impératrice pour la République par 
l'attention qu'Elle a eu, en montant au trone, de satisfaire aux 
instances que le Roi et le Sénat ont faites à l'Impératrice défunte 
pour l'élargissement de Biron; et lors qu'il s’agit de ne point 
inquiéter le fils du Roi dans la possession de la Courlande, si 
légitimement acquise par l'investiture solennelle que le Roi lui en 
a donnée de l'avis du Sénat relativement à la constitution de 1786, 
l'on fait donner à S. M. Impériale une marque d'amitié pour la 
République tont à fait contraire à la première ; Elle ne peut point 
consentir que les droits, appartenants au Corps de la République, 
soient enfreints par une partie de la République, savoir par le Roi 
et le Sénat (J) et Elle en fait revivre les instances faites sous le 
règne précédent. Si c'était l'intention de sa Majesté Impériale, 
elle aurait au moins attendu (m) qu'on lui renouvellat ces 
instances à Elle-méme, et ne s’engagerait point à vouloir faire 
un plaisir, dont ni le Roi, ni le Sénat la prie, ni la République. 

Ces instances ne sont encore point allées au delà des offices 
que la clémence a fait faire au Roi pour l'élargissement de Biron, 
et on ne s'est jamais adressé à la Russie pour le rétablir. (n) 


202 


Cet Exposé fait évidemment retomber tout le tort sur l'Impéra- 
trice Elisabeth de glorieuse mémoire, sur son Ministère et sur le 
Sénat méme de Russie (o), de n'avoir jamais voulu donner seule- 
ment une réponse à tant d'instances, qu'elle avoue aujourd'hui lui 
avoir été faites congécutivement pendant tant d'années de la part 
du Roi et du Sénat pour l'élargissement de Biron ; jamais pour 
telles demandes que l'on ait faites du cóté de la Pologne à la 
Russie, on n'a pu obtenir la satisfaction qu'elle démentit les 
prétentions qu' Elle avait au fief, pour tenir ainsi qu'elle faisait la 
plupart des Terres Ducales en séquestre, et pour en tirer les revenus 
au profit de son trésor (p). 

La seule réponse enfin, qui à été donnée au sujet de ce Duché 
au Roi et au Sénat, ce fut l'année 1758, que S. M. l'Impératrice 
Elisabeth, par la voie de son Ministère fit déclarer solenne- 
llement, que par toute raison d'état de l'Empire ni Ernest Biron, 
ni ses enfans ne pourraient à jamais être élargis; que S. M. le 
Roi pourrait par conséquence conférer ce fief à un autre 
pour satisfaire à la justice et la continuelle demande des 
Courlandais d’être conservés sous le Gouvernement d'un Duc, 
et cette Princesse recommanda elle-même le Prince Royal 
Charles (q) pour être Duc de Courlande, faisant déclarer à Sa 
Majesté le Roi, qu'il serait chose utile à la République de conférer 
l'investiture de ce fief à S. A. Royale. Comment croire que les 
Etats de la République puissent jamais désapprouver une con- 
duite si scrupuleuse de la part du Roi? Comment moins encore 
dela part de la Russie peut-on reprocher au Hoi de l'injustice ? 
L'Impératrice Anne après la mort du Duc de Courlande Ferdinand 
sollicita le Roi (r) qu'en vertu du pouvoir que la Constitution de 
1786 lui avait donné en eas de mort du dit Duc d'investir un 
autre de ce Duché, S. M. daignát le conférer à Jean Ernest Comte 
de Biron. Comme la Constitution n'avait faite aucune mention 
du dit Biron (s) S8. M. convoqua le Sénat, et ce n’est que de son 
avis: qu'elle lui donna l'investiture, tout comme elle a été conférée 
au Prince Royal Charles, en vertu de la même Constitution; par 
laquelle on peut encore juger, que l'intention des Etats n'ait pas 
été exclusive de tout autre cas de vacance, vi que cette loi n'a été 
portée que pour révoquer le décret de la Commission del'an 1727, 
d’incorporation de la Courlande à la Pologne pour être partagée 


en Palatinats, et pour conserver les Courlandais sous le Gouverne- 


ment d'un Duc ainsi qu'il y est exprimé. Par conséquence à cet 
égard encore on ne pourrait pas objecter le défaut de consente- 
ment de toute la République pour l'investiture du Prince Royal 
(t) le fief étant vacant, tant par la nullité de l'investiture de 
Biron que par sa mort civile; mais où le consentement de 
toute la République était expressement requis, c'était pour 
dispenser Biron de se présenter en personne pour prendre 
l'investiture; cependant il n'a été dispensé que par le Roi 
et le Sénat, (uw) qui est cette partie de la République contre 
laquelle l'Exposé se récrie dans l'investiture du Prince Charles, 
qui cependant s’est présenté en personne pour satisfaire à la loi 
de toute la République. Biron ainsi investi en la personne de 
son plénipotentiaire, fut quelques années après par la sentence 








208 


susmentionnée de l'Empereur Iwan III. portée par le Sénat, 
privé de l'honneur, de la liberté, de tous ses biens (r) et de ceux 
qui étaient administrés en son nom appartenants au domaine 
de la République, et fut confiné au fond de la Siberie. L'Impéra- 
trice Elisabeth le rappella à Taroslaw, en faisant connaitre de 
son côté des intentions de le relâcher, S. M. remplie de clémence, 
pour seconder la bonne volonté de cette Impératrice, interposa 
ses instances pour le reláchement de ce Prisonnier d'Etat de la 
Russie; mais enfin son élargissement étant déclaré impossible 
par raison d'Etat, et en vertu de la sentence, qui avait été 
portée contre lui et ses fils d'exil perpétuel, n'étant plus à 
considérer que comme civilement morts, 8. M. fut conseillée par 
le Senat de ne pas &bandonner ce fief, mais d'en investir le 
Prince Royal Charles son fils, et d'adhérer ainsi aux instances 
que S. M. Impériale de glorieuse mémoire lui faisait (x) en sa 
faveur. Outre les raisons d'Etat et l'intérêt de la République 
qui obligeait 8. M. d'y consentir, Elle s’y trouva autorisée par la 
République méme par la constitution de 1786, que sur la 
nullité évidente de l'investiture que Biron avait reçue restait en 
entier comme si elle n'avait pas encore eu d'effet. 

Sans répéter les motifs, qui sont allégues dans l'Exposé et 
mémoires précédens du Ministère pour prouver la nullité de 
l'investiture de Biron, celui d'avoir été investi sans être reconnu 
de la République et de n'avoir point eu son privilége muni du 
Sceau de la Couronne, suffirait pour la démontrer (y). 

Mais quand tout cela neserait point, quel droit la Russie acquiert- 
elle par-là sur la Courlande, fief incontestable de la République ? 
Si c’est par droit de voisinage, droit nouveau que cet Exposéintro- 
duit, que S. M. Impériale prétendrait disposer de la Courlande, 
sur les motifs qu'il lui plaisait d'adopter, il n'y a pays, ni cour, 
qui n'ait des droits sur ses voisins. Le plus grand motif qui est 
allégué conformément à ce droit de voisinage (2) dans l'Exposé 
mentionné de la part de S. M. Impériale, se fonde à défendre un 
Prince voisin opprimé contre la force et l'injustice. Si c'est à 
Biron que cela se rapporte dés qu'il était innocent, c'est la Russie 
qui lui a. fait tout le tort et toute l'injustice, (aa) de n'avoir jamais 
voulu le relâcher, et de le priver d'honneur, de biens, et de liberté; 
c'est à elle à le dédommager, mais pas aux dépens d'une autre 
Puissance, qui n’a eu aucune part à ses malheurs et ne lui a 
fait que du bien. Si au contraire Biron a été coupable, 8. M. 
Impériale & tout le pouvoir de lui rendre dans son Empire 
l'honneur et la liberté, mais elle ne  prétendra pas, de la 
facon qui'il a été traité, qu'il puisse étre rétabli dans un Duché 
sans aucune formalité que celle des armes, et que simplement 
sur la grâce qu'elle lui accorde, le Roi, quoiqu'il le voulát, 
puisse sacrifier son fils qui est en possession de ce fief par une 
voye légale, et sans au moins ce consentement de la République 
en corps, que l'Exposé prétend avait été nécessaire pour lui 
donner l'investiture. L'honneur de S. A. Royale touche le Roi 
de trop prés, et opprimer le Prince Royal pour soulager Biron, 
ce ne peut jamais être l'intention de l'Impératrice; car 
l'innocence du Prince est manifeste par toutes les raisons, qui 


204 


ont été alléguées. L’honneur du Roi intéresse toute la 
République, et ce serait exiger qu'elle fût insensible, que de 
vouloir qu'elle regarde avec indifférence une puissance 
étrangère disposer d’une manière absolué d'une Province 
qui lui appartient (bb) et cela par la raison de soutenir ses 
droits. C'est un malheur pour le Prince Royal Charles, si S.M. 
Impériale ne voudra pas le reconnaitre pour Duc, ainsi qu'il 
a été reconnu dans les Gouvernmens précédens ; mais c'est un 
tort qui est fait à toute la République, d'avoir à son insçu fait 
séquestrer par les trouppes Impériales tous les revenus du Domaine, 
(cc) jusqu'à couper à ce Prince feudatoire les moyens de subsister. 
Si: S. M. Impériale reconnait la Suzeraineté du Roi et de la 
République sur les Duchés de Courlande et de Semgalle, et qu'en 
bonne amie et voisine Elle ne veuille en aucune facon empiéter 
sur les droits dont la République est en possession, on la prie 
tres-instamment de ne rien décider elle-même sur la Courlande, 
de suspendre les effets de la protection qu'elle accorde à Biron, 
et de laisser aux états de la République la liberté d'exercer les 
droits qu'elle leur reconnait de décider. On peut bien s'assurer 
de l'équité et délieatesse de sa Majesté le Roi, que quoique con- 
vaineué de la validité et justice de ses démarches, loin de décliner 
la Diéte, elle ne manquera pas de la convoquer le plûtôt qu'il lui 
sera possible, et d'informer les Etats tant des intentions de S.M.I. 
que des motifs qu'Elle a de s'intéresser pour le Comte Biron, 
comme si on lui avait fait de l'injustice en donnant l'investiture 
de la Courlande au Prince Royal de Pologne. La fidélité que les 
Etats doivent à leur Chef est inséparable de celle qu’ils doivent 
aux loix; et le parti qui dans cette affaire de Courlande a 
jusqu'ici suscité des oppositions au Roi, aura toute la liberté d'y 
étaler ses argumens. $S. M. Impériale par la constante intention 
qu'elle déclare avoir de ne donner aucune atteinte au bon 
voisinage et de prouver son amitié à la République, voudra bien 
en attendant retirer ses trouppes de la Courlande, conformément 
à l'article du Traité de perpétuelle Alliance, qui stipule à l'égard 
de la Russie nullum in Curlandiam et Semigalliam jus sibi 
assumeret, nec bello eas infestaret ullare ratione rexaret (dd), et 
voudra bien aussi recevoir en bonne amie et voisine les représen- 
tations, qui lui seront faites par ordre de S. M. par une personne 
distinguée® qu'elle lui envoie à ce sujet. S.M. Impériale sera 
convaincue que l'on n'a jamais disputé à Biron la possession de 
ses terres allodiales ; que S. A. Royale Mgr. le Duc de Courlande 
n’a pas seulement été dans le cas de pouvoir refuser des quartiers 
d'hiver aux trouppes Russes comme on lui a objecté ; que 8. M. le 
Roi, le Prince Royal son fils, le Ministére et toute la Nation n'ont 
et n'auront rien de plus à cœur que de cultiver son amitié. 

F. Bielinski, G.M. 

M. Wodziecki, Evéque de Przemysl, Chancelier 

de la Couronne. - 
T. Wessel, G.T. de la Couronne. 
Gl. de Mniszeck. 


* M. de Borch. 








.205 


(4) Reronse de S. E. MoNsEIGNEUR LE CoMTE DE KEYSERLING, 
AMBASSADEUR DE Russie à la LETTRE de f$. E. le Vice- 
CHANCELIER de la CovRoNNE accompagnés de la REPONSE 
à L'EXxPOSE du premier, en date du 4 Janvier, 1768. 


1768, Jan. 10. Warsaw.—Il était superflu de mettre mon 
nom ou une datte à l’Exposé des motifs, puisqu'il était accompagné 
d'une lettre où il y avait l'une et l'autre. Ce n'était donc pas un 
écrit anonyme, ni fait dans l'intention de traiter cette affaire 
ministérialement, mais seulement pour prévenir les fausses 
insinuations qu'on a débitées tant ici que dans d'autres endroits, 
comme si la Russie avait dessein d'arracher les duchés de Cour- 
lande et de Semgalle à la République, et de se les approprier. 
C'a été dans cette vue qu'on a donné l'Exposé susdit, pour 
désabuser le Public et en donner part aux Sénateurs et aux 
Ministres de cette République. Mais comme dans la 
Réponse à cet Exposé, que V.E. m'a envoyée ce matin, il se 
trouve un nom qu'un Ambassadeur de Russie ne sçaurait recon- 
naître, et qu'il y est insinuó que je devrais être désavoué au 
sujet du sus-dit Exposé, je déclare à V. E. ne pouvoir me 
charger d'envoyer à ma Cour une pièce conçue en termes si peu 
analogues aux égards qui lui sont düs, mais j'en garderai 
l'original pour servir de preuve en tems et lieu, eic. . . 


(5) Reponse du Vice CHANCELIER DE LA COURONNE à ce BILLET 
du CouTE DE KEYSERLING. 


1768, Jan. 12.—A cause de l’incommodité que me tient au 
lit je n'ai pas été en état de répondre plutôt à la lettre de V. E. 
que j'ai reçue le 11 de ce mois. Elle m'y apprend que dans la 
réponse que je lui ai envoyée ministérialement il y à un nom 
qu'un Ambassadeur de Russie ne sçaurait reconnaitre et qu'elle 
ne peut point se charger de l'envoyer à sa Cour. Comme 
l'intention du Ministère n'a été que d'alléguer historiquement 
tous les faits, motifs et raisons qui pouvaient servir à la 
justification de 8. M. le Roi mon très gracieux Maitre, et à 
persuader la Cour de Russie, je prie V. E. de faire sousligner les 
noms qu'elle ne peut pas accepter et de me renvoyer la pièce. 
J'en conférerai avec mes collègues et elle sera convaincue de nos 
véritables sentiments de ne nous éloigner en rien des égards 
qui sont dus à un Ambassadeur et à sa Cour. 


(6) Remarxs® upon the foregoing Réponse made by the 
Russran Minister for the use of the Empress CATHERINE II. 


N.D. [1768].—(@) Si le fief de Courlande comme on le dit, a 
vaqué depuis l’an 1741, jusqu’à 1758, pourquoi a-t-on réclamé, 
l'an 1750, le Due Ernest Jean comme Prince feudatoire de la 


* Enclosed in a despatch of Ld. Buckinghamshire to Ld. Halifax, 26 Mar., 1763, 
The letters mark the corresponding paragraphs in the Réponse, see p. 200, which 
the Remarks profess to criticize, 





206 


République? Pourquoi n'a-t-il été que l'an 1758, qu'on a déclaré 
vacans ces fiefs? Il est notoire, que le dernier Duc Ferdinand 
de la maison de Kettler est mort l'année 1787. $i donc les fiefs 
de Courlande et de Semgalle n'ont vaqué que depuis 1737, 
jusqu'à 1741, ils n'ont pas vaqué. Le Duc Ernest Jean a donc 
été dans cet intervalle le Prince f udatoire de la République et 
Duc légitime de Courlande. 

(b) Le rescript du Roi au Comte Lénard du 28 Septembre 
1734; lalettre du Comte de Bruhl du 10 février 1786 ; les lettres 
du Roi, datées de Varsovie le 22 février 1736 etle 25 janvier 1737, 
démontrent assez évidemment que Jean Ernest ne devint pas 
Due de Courlande par la puissante recommendation de l’Impéra- 
trice Anne de glorieuse mémoire, mais qu'il le devint par les 
offres que lui fit de ces Duehés la Cour de Pologne de son 
propre mouvement et par reconnoissance. Les originaux de ces 
lettres se trouvent entre les mains du Duc Ernest Jean. (c) On 
n'a jamais regardé comme crime de félonie l'engagement d'un 
vassal de servir un Prince Etranger. Le Roi et la République 
de Pologne n'ont jamais exigé que le nouveau Duc quittât les 
emplois, dont il étoit alors revêtu à la Cour Impériale de Russie. 
Bien loin de là on & été trés-persuadé, qu'il y allait de l'intérét 
du Roi et de la République de maintenir par sa présence la 
bonne amitié et le bon voisinage entre la Russie et la 
Pologne, si bien que le Roi méme l’a félicité sur son avéne- 
ment à la régence et a par cela méme approuvé alors, ce 
qu'on prétend faire passer maintenant pour un crime de 
félonie. 

(d) It est bien surprenant que les quatre Ministres sous- 
signés se rapportent à un arrêt d'un Empereur de Russie, le nom 
duquel n'est pas reconnu, mais aboli, dans l'Empire de Russie, 
comme les manifestes de l’Impératrice Elisabeth de glorieuse 
mémoire le fait voir. 

(e) Comnie on n’a pas marqué les prótendués expressions peu 
ménagées, qui doivent se trouver dans l' Exposé des motifs, il n'y 
a rien à dire là-dessus. 

—» (J) Il était superflu de mettre le nom de l'Ambassadeur ou la 
date dans |’ Éxposé des motifs, puisqu'il était accompagné d'une 
lettre, où il y avait l’un et l’autre. 

(g) Tl est étrange de supposer que votre Majesté Impériale 
désavouera, non seulement ce qu'elle a ordonné, mais aussi ce qui 
s'est fait par son Ambassadeur puisqu'on prétend que tout se 
soit fait par surprise. 

(h) Ce n'est pas l'Empereur Pierre III. mais l’Impératrice 
Catherine II. qui fait sortir librement hors de son Empire le Duc 
Ernest Jean et ses enfans. En verité! Cette circonstance 
n'entre pas dans les raisons de l'affaire en question. 

(i) Cette prétendué renonciation n'est jamais parvenué à sa 
perfection ; supposé qu'elle eût été, elle n'aurait pas eu plus 
d'effet, que cet acte de renonciation, que le Roi de France, 
Francois I'" fut forcé de donner pendant sa captivité à Charles 
Quint, puisque ces sortes d'actes, extorqués par force, sont 
invalides et juridiquement nuls. 








207 


(k) L'amitié, que votre Majesté Impériale porte au Roi et à la 
République, se fait assez connáitre en ce qu'elle souhaite que les 
prétendus droits du Prince Charles soient aussi bien fondés que 
ceux du Duc Ernest Jean; alors, elle serait charmée de faire pour 
le fils du Roi ce qu'elle fait pour le dernier, selon le beau com- 
mencement de la réponse à l'Exposé, que ‘ la justice est la base 
et le fondement des trones des Souverains.’ 

(D L'Exposé des motifs ne parle que d'une partie de la 
République, et non pas du Roi. Pourquoi donc faire une inter- 
polation ?  N'est-ce pas le droit de s'expliquer, qui appartienne 
à un auteur ? 

(m) Si votre Majesté Impériale eût du attendre jusqu'à ce que 
le Roi et le Sénat se fussent intéressés pour le Duc Ernest Jean, 
Votre Majesté l'aurait attendu en vain. Mais c'est la magna- 
nimité et la justice qui font agir Votre Majesté pour des innocens 
et des opprimés. 

(n) Il n'est pas dit dans l'Exposé des motifs, que le Roi et le 
Sénat de Pologne se soient adressés à la Russie pour relácher le 
Duc Ernest Jean. Mais les propres mots en sont: ' Que Votre 
** Majesté Impériale a voulu rendre la liberté à ceux, pour qui le 
** Roi et le Sénat l'avaient demandée tant de fois et si instamment 
sous le règne de l'Impératrice Elisabeth.” 

(0) Avec quelle justice et quelle vérité peut-on dire que l'Exposé 
des motifs fasse evidemment retomber tout le tort sur l'Impératrice 
Elisabeth de glorieuse mémoire, sur son Ministère et sur le 
Sénat méme de Russie? Est-ce que ce tort s'ensuivrait de ce qu'on 
a dit des raisons d'Etat? Qui est assez peu savant pour ignorer 
que les raisons d'état se changent du vivant méme des 
Souverains? Mais qui est-ce qui ne voit pas, encore plus évidem- 
ment, l'esprit de malignité caché, et qui ne tend qu'à faire 
révolter l'ancien mais pourtant fidèle Ministère contre la volonté 
de sa trés gracieuse Souveraine ? 

(p) Mais c’est effectivément faire tort au souvenir de feué 
l'Imperatrice Elisabeth de glorieuse mémoire, que de dire jamais 
on n'a pu obtenir ‘‘la satisfaction, qu'elle démentit les prétensions 
" qu'elle avait au fief, pour tenir, ainsi qu'elle faisait, la plupart 
'* des terres Ducales en séquestre et pour en tirer les revenus au 
‘profit de son trésor." 

(g Quoique  feué l’Impératrice Elisabeth de  glorieuse 
mémoire a voulu beaucoup de bien au Prince Royal Charles, 
néanmoins le Grand Chancelier Comte Woronzow a fait connaitre 
par ordre de Sa Souveraine, du mois de juin 1758 en réponse 
à la lettre du Roi du 15 Mai 1758 que, si pendant les con- 
jonctures si délicates et guerrières alors, la matière de l'élection 
d'un nouveau Duc de Courlande fut mise sur le tapis, elle*ne 
servirait qu'à donner occasion à des plus grands désordres, à des 
raisonnemens sinistres et à des soupcons dans la République 
méme. Que l'exécution de ce dessein était un ouvrage, qui 
demande absolument la concurrence du Roi, aussi bien que 
celle de tous les Alliés. Que la négociation de la Paix future en 
pourrait fournir la matiére désirée, d'autant plus qu'il n'est pas à 
douter, que les autres Puissances, qui y sont intéressées, ne 


208 


s'efforcent, à l'example de l’Impératrice, à contribuer officieuse- 
ment á tout ce qui pourrait aboutir au contentement de 
S. M. Polonaise et au bien de sa maison Royale. Par là, on voit 
clairement que feue l'Impératrice Elisabeth a été recherchée par 
la Cour de Pologne, et qu'elle n'a pas voulu précipiter l'élection 
d'un nouveau Duc. 

(r) La fausseté, comme si l'Impératrice Anne eût sollicité après 
la mort du Due Ferdinand de donner ces Duchés en fief au Duc 
Ernest Jean est démontrée par les quatre lettres, qu'on a déjà 
alléguées sub-littera. 

(s) Il est vrai, que la constitution de l'année 1736 n'exprime 
pas explicitement le nom du Duc Ernest Jean, mais néanmoins 
il y est nommé implicitement ; car la dite Constitution ordonne, 
qu'apres la mort de Ferdinand et l'extinction de la tige de Kettler, 
ces fiefs soient conférés à un autre. Qui était donc cet autre ? 
n'était ce pas le Due Ernest Jean, à qui l'on a donné ces fiefs 
more solito, selon l'ordonnance de cette loi publique? Ou, en 
voulant appliquer cette loi au Prince Royal Charles, il faudrait 
soutenir que le Duc Ferdinand est mort deux fois, puisque la 
Constitution de l’année 1736 ne parle que d'un seul cas de 
vacance du fief ; qui est, qu'après l’extinction de la branche de 
Kettler ce fief de Courlande soit donné à un autre, ce qui 
s’exécuta en le conférant légalement au Duc Ernest Jean. 

(t) Voilà un argument bien concluant! La constitution de 
1736 dit, de conserver les Courlandais sous le Gouvernment 
d'une Due; et de là on conclut, qu'on peut disposer de ces fiefs 
dans tous les cas sans le consentement ultérieur de la République, 
de facon qu'on peut le prendre et le donner selon son bon 
plaisir, quoique le Roi ait expressement promis dans le 58ême des 
Pacta Conventa, qu'il emploierait ses soins relativement à la 
Courlande, conjointement &vec la République, sans déroger aux 
anciens droits de la Noblesse et des villes de ce Duché. 

(«) La constitution de l'année 1683 dit, que la permission 
accordée an Duc Fréderie Casimir de prêter hommage par des 
plénipotentiaires ne servirait point d'exemple à l'avenir mais 
cette constitution ne dit pas, que les Rois avec le Sénat n’en 
puissent dispenser un Prince feudatoire par des raisons légales. 

osons qu'il y ait un manquement en ce que le Duc Ernest Jean 
n'a pas prêté hommage en personne, à qui en attribuer la 
faute? Est-ce au Roi avec le Sénat, ou est-ce au Prince 
feudatoire à veiller aux loix? Tout ce qui en résulterait, ne 
serait point de le priver des fiefs, mais au plus, de l'obliger à 
venir préter hommage en personne. 

(r Comment peut-on se rapporter à une sentence d'un 
Etpereur qui n'est pas connu parmi le nombre des Empereurs 
de Russie, comme tout le monde le sait, par les manifestes 
publiés de feué l'Impératrice Elisabeth de glorieuse mémoire ? 
N'est-ce pas sortir des égards qu'on doit à la branche régnante 
de Pierre le Grand? 

(x) La fausseté de ce qu'on avance se fait voir par la lettre du 
Grand Chancelier, Comte Woronzow, laquelle on a citée sub 
littera. (q) 


209 


(y) La hardiesse d'une allégation aussi fausse est presqu' 
incroyable, puisque l'inspeetion seule des Actes de la République 
méme fait voir, que non seulement le Sceau de la Couronne 
équivale à celui de la Lithuanie, mais méme le Grand Sceau,. 
appellé Sigillum Magistaticum par excellence a été apposé au 
Diplôme d’investiture du Duc Ernest Jean. 

(2) Le droit de voisinage est fondé dans le droit de la nature 
et des gens, et si reconnu de tout tems dans le monde, qu'il serait 
superflu d'alléguer la foule d'exemples qui prouvent cette vérité. 
N'était-ce pas par ce droit de voisinage que la Russie soutint le: 
Roi aujourdhui régnant sur le Trône de Pologne? 

(aa) Si l'on a fait quelque tort au Duc Ernest Jean en Russie, 
elle tâche de le redresser. Il sera bon de suivre cet exemple. 

(bb) Sa Majesté Impériale ne disposera aucunement du 
Duché de Courlande, mais Elle soutient seulement ce qui a été 
disposé de ce fiéf par la République entière. 

(cc) Si le séquestre qu'on avait mis dans le tems passé sur les 
domaines en Courlande à l’insçu de la République, n’a pas été 
regardé comme un tort fait à la République, on ne s'attendait pas 
à l'explication, qu'on en a faite, d'autant moins que ce séquestre 
ne se fit pas pour faire tort à la République, mais pour soutenir 
le droit de toute la République. 

(dd) Il n’y a point de traité ni article, où il ge trouve ces 
mots: ‘ Russia nullum in Courlandiam et Semigalliam jus sibi 
assumeret, nee bello eas infestaret, nullave ratione vexaret." 
Ce Traité de perpétuelle Alliance fut conclu l'année 1686. Dans 
ce tems-là la Livonie était dans la possession des Suédois, et par 
conséquence les Duchés de Courlande et Semigalle étaient 
voisins de la Suède et non pas de la Russie. Etalorsil n'y avait 
ni lieu, ni raison de faire entrer la Courlande dans un Traité, que 
l'on faisait avec la Russie, on n'a qu'à lire le dit Traité de 1686. 
On n'y trouvera pas un mot de ce prétendu passage, ni en langue 
Russe, ni en Polonais et eneore moins en Latin. 


THomas WaovauroN? to the EaARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1764, May 9. Warsaw.—I have just time to inform you that our 
Diet assembled on Monday last; General Mokronoffsky delivered 
a manifest on the part of himself, several Senators and Nonces 
against the validity of the Diet, which had very near cost him 
his life; for several Arbiters endeavoured to massacre him, and 
would have effected it, without the immediate interposition of 
Prinee Adam! and others of his friends. This alarm and con- 
fusion being over, the Chamber proceeded to the election of their 
Marshal, Prince Adam was unanimously chosen. Yesterday in 
the afternoon, the Great General,{ Prince Radzivil, the Palatin of 
Kiovia, and several others left the town ; it is said that they will 
make a Confederation in the neighbourhood of Cracow, to be near 
at hand to receive support from Austria and Saxony ; twenty-two 








* British Envoy at Dresden and afterwards at Warsaw. 
+ Czartoryski. | Branitski or Branicki. 


17118 O0 


210 


Senators and forty-nine Nonces have signed the Manifest, the 
major part of the Nonces are of contested elections. 

The Bishop of Cracow has declared against the family,® and 
making a Manifest against the violence in the Chamber of Nonces 
and the precautions taken by the family of placing Guards in the 
streets about the Castle, leaves the town immediately and will 
probably carry off some friends from the family. 

The Prussian Ambassador is arrived here. 


Note on the part of the Russian GovERNMENT in reply 
to that of M. pe Boncn.! 


[1763,] April 4. Fait à Moscou.— Toute l'Europe voit et sans 
doute avec étonnement que la Cour de Saxe,aprés avoir formé un 
établissement des Duchés de Courland et de Semigalle pour un 
Prince de sa maison au mépris des droits d'un Duc auquel ils 
avaient été légitimement conférés de l'authorité des trois ordres 
dela République, ne se refuse à aucun moyen possible pour faire 
valoir une telle disposition toute illégale qu'elle est. 

Loin de se rendre aux premières instances que S.M.I., sollicitée 
par son humanité et sa justice, s'était portée à lui faire en faveur 
d'un Prince malheureux et injustement depouillé, sa réponse ne 
portait rien moins que l’anéantissement de tous les droits de la 
famille du Duc Jean Ernest en méme tems qu'elle réclamait le 
droit de les juger. Ses démarches ultérieures, toujours guidées 
par la même partialité n'étaient dirigées qu'à forcer S.M.I. à 
abandonner un Prince qui n'a d'autre ressource que sa protec- 
tion à qui elle est accordée et dont sa dignité l'engage à soutenir 
la juste cause. 

Tel fut le dessein de la mission du Chanibellan de Livonie S* 
de Borch, et quoique S.M.I. ne püt l'ignorer elle ne voulut point 
luy refuser l'audience, persuadée qu'elle se devait à elle-même de 
convaincre le Roy de Pologne ainsi que les autres puissances que 
tout ce que S.M.I. faisait, elle n'y était déterminée par aucun 
autre motif que par celui de la plus exacte équité. Il présenta à 
l'Impératrice une lettre partieuliére du Roy qui ne portait aucun 
caractère et le recommandait seulement pour l'affaire de Courlande. 
Aux répresentations qu'il fit sur cette affaire ainsi qu'il en était 
chargé, le Ministère eut ordre de luy communiquer la réponse de 
S.M.I. qui était telle qu'on ne pouvait manquer d'y reconnaitre 
aussi évidemment la droiture de ses démarches et sa fermeté à 
les soutenir. Sans y avoir égard il revint à de nouvelles 
instances et les appuya avec un ton qui peut-être ne tenait que 
de l'entétement mais dans le fait paraissait fort peu éloigné de 
celuy des menaces. 

Il eut été contraire à la dignité de l'Impératrice d'y paraître 
indifférente, mais elle se contenta de faire déclarer une fois pour 
toutes au Chambellan de Borch qu'elle ne varierait point dans 











© The Czartoryski. 
+ Jean de Borck or Borch, the informal envoy from Augustus III., sent to 
Catherine II. to represent the Polish view of the Courland question. 


211 


sa résolution qu'elle lui avait déjà fait communiquer que 
l'étant la dernière réponse qu'il avait à attendre elle luy fit 
indiquer un jour pour prendre congé. 

Ce fut alors que le S* de Borch s’annonçait comme un homme 
revêtu du caractère d’envoyé du Roy de Pologne, prétendit qu'il 
ne pouvait prendre congé sans lettre de rappel, comme si celle 
dont il avait été porteur, qui n'était qu'une simple lettre 
particulière qui ne demandait de méme qu'une simple réponse, 
avait été d'une nature et d'une forme à en avoir besoin. : 

Sans s’arréter à cette fausse prétention S.M.I. ordonna à son 
Ministère de luy remettre sa lettre pour le Roy, de lui déclarer 
que sa mission était finie comme de fait elle l'était. Le Cham- 
bellan de Borch après l'avoir recue, s'arréta toujours icy, continua 
à vouloir faire le Ministre et quoiqu' averti qu'on ne l'écouterait 
plus, il n'en continua pas moins ses importunités soit par un zéle 
outré et mal entendu ou plutót pour obéir à ses instructions qui 
tendaient visiblement à braver S.M.I. dans sa Cour. 

De tels démarches pour forcer S.M.I. à rétracter une résolution 
qu'elle avait fait connaitre si clairement, une conduite si 
opiniátre et si inconséquente de la part d'une personne, qui 
n'avait aucun caractère et en affichait un ouvertement dans cette 
Résidence blessaient trop S.M.I. pour étre souffertes plus longtems 
et elle ordonna à Son Ministère de signifier au S" de Borch de 
partir dans deux fois 24 heures. Il y consentit mais ne voulant 
rien rabattre de ses premières prétentions de Ministre, dont il 
s'était entété il voulut faire valoir la nouvelle qu'il avait reçue 
qu'un Senatus Concilium avait authorisé le Roy de Pologne à 
l'aeeréditer au nom de la République auprés de cette Cour, et il 
soutint qu'en se rendant à l'insinuation qui lui était faite de 
partir, il ne pouvait le faire que comme envoyé de la part du 
Roy et de la République. En vain lui a-t-on fait voir le néant 
d'une pareille prétention, en lui démontrant que sans lettre de 
créance, 1l n'y & point de caractère, que non seulement il ne luy 
en a point été envoyé, mais encore qu'il ne pourra luy en arriver 
de longtems jusqu'à l'arrangement pour le titre Impérial, non 
seulement ilest parti dans cette idée, mais encore on apprend 
avec étonnement qu'il a envoyé à tous les ministres étrangers 
résidents ici, une note en forme de protestation rélative à son 
départ de cette Cour, où il se qualifie d'envoyé du Roy et de la 
République de Pologne. 

Quoique l'Impératriee ne fasse nul doute qu'une pareille piéce 
ne soit appréciée comme elle le mérite, cependant pour détruire 
jusqu'aux moindres impressions qu'elle ne pourrait faire, S.M.I. 
a ordonné de communiquer à M.M. les Ambassadeurs et 
Ministres étrangers résidents à Sa Cour toutes les circonstances 
cy-dessus rélatives au départ du S' Borch et les raisons qui le 
rendaient indispensable. 

Ils y verront clairement le peu de solidité et l'inutilité de la 
Note du dit Chambellan qui s'arroge un titre qu'il n'a pas, qui 
réclame des droits qui ne sont pas faits pour luy et ne plaint que 
d'avoir eu ce que sa conduite et les instructions qui la dirigeaient 
luy ont mérité. Il sera aisé d'y reconnaitre que ce que S.M.I. a 


212 


fait elle aurait été forcée de le faire même contre un Ministre 
accrédité, puisque le droit des gens ne peut s'étendre jusqu'à 
forcer un souverain à se voir offensé et bravé dans sa propre cour 
qu'à plus forte raison, ce qui a été fait vis à vis du Chambellan 
de Borch, qui ayant fini sa commission, ayant recu sa réponse à 
une lettre que ne luy donnait aucun titre, s'obstinait à rester à 
Moscou, et n'y étant que comme particulier n'en continuait pas 
moins à faire le Ministre et à vouloir se communiquer avec le 
Ministére Impérial comme telle, contre les intentions et la volonté 
de S.M.—a été juste, tout à fait naturel et dans l'ordre. 

Sa Majesté sera bien aise à cette occasion que les Cours 
étrangères voyent par les faits méme, par la conduite du S*- de 
Borch en Russié, par son obstination à vouloir étre regardé comme 
ayant un caractère, enfin par sa prétention à vouloir qu'on le croye 
renvoyé de la Cour de Russie comme envoyé de la part de la 
République de Pologne, tandis qu'il ne l'est que comme un 
particulier qui a fini une Commission, à laquelle la République 
n'a jamais eu aucune part. Combien on cherche à faire illusion 
à la Pologne et à échauffer les esprits, au préjudice de la bonne 
union qui subsiste et doit subsister entre l'Empire de Russie et 
la République; au lieu que tous les soins que Sa Majesté s’est 
donnés depuis le commencement de cette affaire, n'ont eu d'autre 
objet que de ne pas confondre une chose personelle à la Maison 
Royale de Pologne, avec ce qui concerne la République et qu'en 
soutenant les droits incontestables du Duc Ernest Jean sur les 
Duchés de Courlande, elle n'a fait que soutenir les droits mêmes 
de la République et a porté on ne pouvait plus loin la délicatesse 
et l'attention à aller au devant de tout ce qui pourrait faire naitre 
des démélés avec un état voisin, dont elle estime l'amitié et qu'elle 
est jalouse d'assurer de la sienne. 


THomMas WroveHTon to the Ear. or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1768, July 16. Dresden.—They are busy here about the 
regulation of their army, which in four years is to be raised to 
80,000 men. The difficulty is the settling & proper fund for the 
payment of it, which eannot be done but by the States assembled. 
The Diet i8 to commence the beginning of next month. I need 
not tell you that if an accident happens to the Count? it will pro- 
duce as great & Revolution as the death of & monarch in an 
absolute country. 

Lady Stormont has been here some weeks waiting for her 
husband, whose departure from London does not seem fixed. 


Tuoxas WROUGHTON to THE SAME. 


1763, Sept. 10. Dresden.—The entry of the Russian troops 
in Lithuania has filled us with the greatest apprehensions, but 
we have received per the last post from Warsaw the agree- 
able news of a pacification being made between the Russian 





* Henri Comte de Bruhl. 


213 


Ambassador and the Primate of the Republic, by which means the 
Russians are to return to their own Country, and two very 
material points are gained by the family of Czartoryski. 

It certainly gives me great pleasure that my friend Osten? has 
met with so gracious a reception, I thank your Lordship for this 
agreeable intelligence, and dare present my compliments to him 
thro' your Lordship's Channel. 

Count Bruhl is in the most miserable situation a man can 
possibly be in, the Physician declaring it to be out of his power 
of saving him, that he may live some weeks or even months in 
this terrible anguish. He 18 one moment dying, and the next so 
much better as to write. He is visible only to his family, and 
his illness puts an entire interruption to all manner of business. 


PROTOCOLLE DES CONFERENCES TENUES DANS LE PALAIS 
^ 
DU PRIMAT LE p’ Aout. 


N.D. [1768.|—(This relates to the proceedings which led to 
the pacification mentioned in Mr. Wroughton’s of the 10th 
September, 1768, by which the Russian Ambassador agreed to the 
withdrawal of the Russian troops from Lithuania.) ‘‘ Sachant le 
cas que sa très gracieuse souveraine fait de l'amitié et de la con- 
servation de la tranquillité de la République.” 

(In return for which grace the Ambassador demands :—) 

‘‘]ème. Que le Prince Radziwil et le Tribunal de Wilna 
n’accablent ni poursuivent de décrets et de Condemnatis les amis 
de la Russie et ceux qui ont été contraires au dit tribunal. 

240. Que les Décrets et Condemnata dont l’exécution a été 
remise ad tempus bene visum n'aient point lieu. Par rapport au 
Tribunal de Petrikau il est notoire que c’est un Tribunal qui est 
uniquement du ressort de la Noblesse. C'est pour quoi il est 
juste qu'on lui laisse les mains libres, afin qu'elle puisse élire 
sans aucune contrainte les Députés et laisser juger à ceux à qui il 
appartient, de la légalité de l'élection et des Députés élus. Pour 
cet effet il est à propos qu'on éloigne toutes les trouppes du lieu 
du Tribunal et qu'on n'y envoye que le nombre aecoutumé pour 
la garde." . . . 

(À commission is also to be constituted of Polish and Russian 
representatives) ' pour le réglement et la bonification des dom- 
mages causés par les trouppes Russes dans le Pays." e 

En suite de quoi on a expédié des exemplaires signés de 
part et d'autre.—'' Le 12. d'Aoüt, Wolodkowiez a attaqué le logis 
du Sieur Sielicki, gentilhomme du Palatinat de Polock, Régent 
de la Chancellerie du Prince Czartoryski, a sabré plusieurs de ses 
gens et, entre autres, a emporté d'un coup le crâne d'un de ses 
gens. Le lendemain, Sielicki voulant porter plainte au Tribunal de 
cette violente attaque de son logis, à laquelle il n'avait donné 
aucune occasion que celle d’être ami de la maison Czartoryski, 
pe put trouver aucun avocat qui osa seulement plaider pour lui, 
tous disant qu'ils sçavaient combien il est dangereux d'être contre 





* Adolf Siegfried von der Osten, Danish Envoy to Russia. 


214 


Wolodkowicz d'aucune façon.  Sielieki fut donc forcé d'aller 
porter de ses propres mains le crâne sanglant de son domestique 
au Tribunal, qui le condemna encore à une amende en faveur de 
Wolodkowiez. 

Le Sieur Piszezala, gentilhomme du Palatinat de Minsk, avait 
depuis plusieurs anneés une dispute de frontière avec le fameux 
Wolodkowiez. Celui-ci auquel le témoignage de plusieurs 
paysans, appelés comme témoins en justice, ne lui avait pas ete 
favorable, les a enterrés tous vifs, a mis les corps dans un bois 
où leurs cris ont enfin attiré des gens à leurs secours. En suite 
par la protection armée de Radziwil, il a toujours empêché 
Piszezala de se mettre en possession de ce que plusieurs décrets 
de plusieurs Tribunaux consécutifs lui avaient adjugé. Enfin 
il avait épié un moment où Wolodkowiez, plus occupé ailleurs 
veillait moins sur cette terre et il s’y introduisait de bon droit, 
prouvé et confirmé par décrets. Peu après 1l est allé à Wilna 
pour y veiller à ce que dans ce Tribunal, favorable aux 
Haydenues (sic), Wolodkowiez ne regagna quelques avantages 
juridiques sur lui. Le 18 d'Aoüt il soupait tranquillement dans 
son logis lorsqu'un coup de pistolet chargé de deux balles tiré de 
la rue lui a percé la poitrine et l'a tué raide mort." 

(Here follow accounts of other similar outrages and miscarriages 
of justice.) 

" Voilà le Tribunal? dont il s'agit d'arréter et contenir 
linquité. . . . Or comme il est naturel que tous ceux qui 
ont signé les manifestes par les quels on ne reconnait pas ce 
Tribunal pour valide, refusent d'y plaider et se laissent con- 
tumacer, cela produira autant de bons patriotes appauvris, autant 
de richesses d'ajoutés à celles que les Radziviliens possèdent, 
mais ce qu'il y aura de pire c'est autant de prétextes de violences 
les plus sanglantes et de meurtres atroces, tous exercés contre 
des gens qui composaient le parti Russe. 

Si du premier coup d'oeil on est étonné qu'une trouppe de 
Brigands puisse devenir terrible à tout un pays, on le sera moins 
en réfléchissant à l'enchainement par lequel le moindre valet d'un 
Wolodkowiez par exemple, tel crime qu'il commette, est soutenu 
par son maitre; celui-ci par le Tribunal de Lithuanie et le 
Palatin de Wilna; et ceux-ci par la faveur et l'approbation de la 
Cour, de facon qu'on se trouve seulement à quatre degrés depuis 
le malfaiteur le plus obscur, jusqu'à la Majesté du trone." 


From STanisLas Ponrarowskr to S. A. S. Mer. LE 
Duc REGNANT DE CoURLAND AND SEMIGALLE.+ 


N.Y. [1764] A Varsovie, Mai le 31.—J’ai différé à dessein la 
réponse que je devais à la lettre dont V. A. S. m'a honoré le 7 
du courant, pour avoir le tems de vous prouver par des souhaits la 
part que je prend à vos intéreis. Enfin grâce au ciel votre juste 
cause a triomphé. Hier les états de la République assemblés à 
cette Diète de Convocation ont reconnu pour nuls et invalidés 


——— ——————M ———— 














* Of Wilna. 
t John Ernest de Biren. 

















215 


touts les actes qui étaient contraires à V. A. S. et ils confirment 
les droits incontestables que vous et vos descendants males ont 
aux Duchés de Courlande et Semgalle. 

Je me trouve trop heureux d’avoir pu contribuer avec un zele 
aussi véritable qu’heureux aux succès de vos désirs. (Holograph.) 


t 
BrL9 concernant le Duc et le Ducme de CouRLaAND. 


N.D. [1764.]—La Constitution de 1607, Art. 20, sous le titre 
Curatelle a expressément défendu que sans le consentement de la 
Diéte, le Roi ne dispose en aucune manière des Duchés appar- 
tenants à la République. Ce qui fut stipulé nommement pour 
les Duchés de Courlande et de Semigalle dans les Pacta Conventa 
d'Auguste III de glorieuse mémoire afin qu'il employát ses soins 
avec la République, elle donna peu de tems aprés à la Diéte de 
Pacification de 1786 par une Constitution portée le pouvoir au 
feu roi Auguste III de disposer en faveur d'un autre des Duchés 
au décès du Prince Ferdinand pour lors en vie et de la famille de 
Kettler éteinte en sa personne. En vertu de cette Constitution 
Ernest Jean Comte de Biron obtint en fief pour lui et ses 
descendants mâles les Duchés de Courlande et de Semigalle, que 
les arrangements féodals, suivant la dite Constitution, devan- 
cèrent. C’est pour quoi nous conservons et maintenons le Duc 
Ernest Jean et sa lignée mâle dans ce droit et la possession du 
fief obtenu légitimement ainsi que la Noblesse de Courlande et de 
Semigalle dans ses droits, priviléges, pacte de sujettion et dans sa 
forme de gouvernement sauves les conditions auxquelles le Duc 
doit satisfaire, marqueés dans la Commission. Or comme en 
1739 le Duc Ernest Jean ne prêta point hommage en personne 
mais bien par un Pleni-potentiaire contre la Constitution expresse 
de 1688, pour réparer en ce qu'il fut manqué à la loi et lui rendre 
sa premiere vigueur, statuons: que ce Duc en personne si la 
santé et l’âge peuvent lui permettre, ou son fils ainé devant 
succéder au Duché vienne rendre hommage à la fois pour lui et 
son Peré au futur Roi et à la Republique. De plus nous 
entendons que le Due moderne Ernest Jean et ses descendants 
régnants, n'aecepte aucun service étranger et que les Duchés de 
Courlande et Semigalle aprés que la branche maseuline du Due 
actuel Ernest Jean serait éteinte, retournent à la libre disposition 
de la République. Nous voulons que la Commission qui regarde 
les arrangements avec le Due Ernest Jean vu la Constitution de 
1736, effectuée le 12 Nov. 1787, à Danzig, soit insérée dans les 
Constitutions de la Diéte présente. 

Quant aux dispositions faites et le diplôme délivré, de méme que 
sous les autres actes qui s'ensuivirent à l’insçu de l'Ordre Equestre 
et sans le consentement d'une Diète, uniquement par les derniers 
Résultats du Conseil des Sénateurs, comme elles sont contraires 
aux Loix et conséquemment invalides, déclarons :—Qu'elles ne 
sauraient causer aucun préjudice et obstacle au Due Ernest Jean 
et à ses descendants mâles. 


———— a 





— —ÓMÓM——— ee ——— — — 


* Of the Polish Diet. (See Buckinghamshire Correspondence, Vol. II., p. 186.) 





216 


En outre, par l'autorité de la République nous enjoignons aux 
habitants de Courlande de telle condition qu'ils soient, d'étre 
selon les loix des Duchés, fidéles et soumis en tout à leur légitime 
Duc Ernest Jean. 

Comme il y a toute sorte de plaintes de la part des palatinats 
et distriets du Duché de Lithuanie et de la Livonie méme à l'égard 
des frontiéres, des frays onéreux, des douanes, des difficultés 
d'obtenir la justice et d'autres circonstances, nous aurons soin 
que le Roi futur expédie une commission à cet effet. 


THomas WROUGHTON to the EanL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1764, June 10. Warsaw.—I send your Lordship now two 
different relations of a scene that has passed between the Primate 
and the French Ambassador on the latter's waiting on him and 
informing him of the orders of his Court to quit this place; the 
Ambassador has not delivered his ministerially, but I have 
received it from & third hand, and believe it to be as he relates 
ib; this story makes a great deal of noise here, and will probably 
make more in France, where the Primate dispatched yesterday a 
courier with the “ exposé,” and a letter to his Most Ch" Majesty. 

M. de Paulmy went from hence the day before yesterday, and 
it has been reported that he would soon be followed by the 
Imperial Ambassador, tho' I cannot learn from any word dropt 
from His Excellency, that he has as yet any such orders from 
his Court. I think this quarrel had better been avoided, as I do 
not see any good that can accrue from it in whatever point of 
view we regard it; as to every thing else we remain in great 
tranquillity; the great General is at a little town called 
* Sambour," and has already offered to capitulate, tho’ upon 
eonditions that have been judged unacceptable. We do not 
know if the corps that is sent after and is very near him, will 
think proper to attack him, or seeing the necessity to which he 
is drove, may not rather choose to make use of milder means and 
give him time to let his small army accede to the authority of 
the Prince Régimentaire. 

The Diet will continue their session until the latter end of 
next week, when we expect a General Confederation of the King- 
dom of Poland, as there is already of the major part of the Dutehy 
of Lithuania. 


RELATION de ce qui s'est passé chez le Primar® le 
jeudi 7 Juni. 


[1764.] —M. l'Ambassadeur s'est rendu chez le Primat avec le 
Sieur Hennin, Résident, vers les onze heures et demie. Il y a 
trouvé grand nombre des personnes, et entre autres le Prince 
Czartoryski, Palatin de Russie. Le Prince Primat sous prétexte 
d'incommodité n'a pas voulu s'asseoir et a demandé à M. 
l'Ambassadeur s'il avait quelque-chose à lui déclarer, ajoutant que 


= Prince Ladislaus Lubienski, Archbishop of Gnesen and Primate of Poland. 











217 


S.E. pouvait dire ce qu'elle avait à dire; M. l'Ambassadeur Jui a 
dit à voix basse qu'il venait lui faire part des derniers ordres 
qu'il avait reçus de sa Cour, que Sa Majesté étant informée de tout 
ce qui s’est passé en Pologne, lui avait ordonné de faire une visite 
au Prince Primat et de lui dire (ici M. l'Ambassadeur a tiré son 
original de la dépéche et lu,) que la République étant divisée et 
la ville de Varsovie livrée aux Trouppes Etrangères (la depéche 
portait à la mercy) de ces Trouppes, qu'ainsi le Roi lui avait 
ordonné de se retirer jusqu'à ce que le calme et le bon ordre 
soient rétablis en Pologne. M. l'Ambassadeur a ajouté '*ce que 
je désire qui soit bientôt, Sa Majesté ne cessant de prendre une 
part sincère à la liberté et à la tranquillité de la République 
comme elle a fait connaitre par ses déclarations." Le Prince Primat 
élevant sa voix a dit à M. l'Ambassadeur, ‘‘ Vous ne reconnaissez 
*done pas la République?" A quoi M. l'Ambassadeur a 
répondu “Je reconnais la République divisée et la ville de 
* Varsovie livrée à des Trouppes Etrangères, j'ai ordre de me 
. retirer et je me retire." M. Henin a dit alors ‘“‘ Monsigr. le 
** Primat répond à ce que M. l'Ambassadeur ne dit pas." 


Le Prince Primat a dit en addressant la parole à M. l'Ambas- 
sadeur et regardant le Résident, * Puisque vous ne reconnaissez 
‘*la République, vous pouvez aller la chercher, vous et tous les 
‘“ Ministres de France." M. l’Ambassadeur a répondu, ''J'ai 
“mes ordres, les autres exécuteront les leurs." M. Henin 
s'avancant alors a dit au Prince Primat ‘‘Je rendrai compte à ma 
'* Cour, de ce que V.À. me déclare et j’attendrai ses ordres." Le 
Prince Primat a repris parlant à M. l'Ambassadeur, ‘‘ Si vous ne 
" nous reconnaissez pas pour la République, vous pouvez l'aller 
*" chercher où il vous plaira.” A quoi M. l'Ambassadeur réplique 
de nouveau, ‘Je reconnais que la Republique est divisée et c'est 
* parce qu'elle est divisée et que la ville est au pouvoir des 
** Trouppes Etrangère que j'ai ordre de me retirer." Le Prince 
Palatin de Russie a pris alors parole et dit ‘‘ Il faut espérer que 
quand le Hoi de France sera mieux informé." . . .. M.l'Ambas- 
sadeur a répondu, ‘“ Le Roi est bien informé et j'exécute ses 
"ordres." Alors le Prince Primat après avoir encore dit ‘‘ Si vous 
ne reconnaissez pas que nous sommes la République, allez la 
chercher, et ajouta, ‘ Adieu, M. le Marquis de Paulmy." M. 
l'Ambassadeur a répondu ‘‘ Adieu M. L'Archévéque " et s'est retiré 
sans que personne l'ait reconduit. La garde a reçu ordre de ne 
pas rendre à M. l'Ambassadeur les honneurs d'usage qu'il avait 
recu en entrant. C'est ainsi que s'est passé une scène dans laquelle 
sans aucun fondement un Ambassadeur qui faisait par ordre un 
compliment qui n'a rien de choquant a été brusqué d'une manière 
qui l’a surpris au dernier point. L'article des honneurs 
supprimés est hors de tout régle, puisque la guerre méme étant 
déclarée, un Ambassadeur rappellé, (et M. le Marquis de Paulmy 
ne l'est point) jusqu'à s& sortie de sa résidence jouit de tous les 
honneurs dus à son caractère. 


(A second version of the scene giving a more favourable account 
of the Polish attitude during the interview was also enclosed.) 





218 
THomas Wrovuauton to the Earn or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1764, June 24. Warsaw.—The Confederation in Lithuania 
joined by some Russian troops attacked a town and castle 
belonging to Prince Radzivil, defended by a considerable 
garrison (called Niedzwiesce) and after taking the town made an 
attempt upon the castle, but after firing some cannon shot 
against it, were obliged for that time to make a retreat. The 
Prince who was at Bialla in the Palatinat of Brzese with his little 
Army of about 5,000 men immediately marched to Count Flem- 
ming’s house in the neighbourhood, took 200 men prisoners, a 
considerable quantity of ammunition, plundered a convent, 
burnt several houses in the village, and has done other great 
damages to the Count, and we were in pain for the seat of the 
Prince Chancellor Czartoryski, but we heard yesterday evening 
that he is marched to relieve Niedzwiesce and to fight the 
Russians, which is the step that his enemies had most to wish 
for. 

We received also an account of a skirmish that has passed 
between the troops of the Great-General and those commanded 
against him by a M. Braniski, in which the advantage was on 
the side of the latter, who has taken about sixty prisoners. 

Yesterday our Diet ended and was succeeded by a General 
Confederation of the Kingdom of Poland ; the Prince Palatin of 
Russia is chosen Marshal of it, and a Count Bzewieski, Great 
Notary of the Crown, departs in a few days for St. Petersburg to 
announce it to the Empress, and intreat the effect of her 
promises in the support of it and the laws and privileges of the 
Republic. The Diet of Election is postponed until the 27th of 
August. (Cypher.) I am very happy that your Lordship is 
likely to conclude the Treaty of Commerce and wish that of 
Alliance may soon follow. I executed the order I received from 
London upon this subject and am expecting to hear the issue 
of it. 


THomas WROUGHTON tO THE SAME. 


1764, June 80. Warsaw.—We have received an account of all 
the troops that were with the Great-General having submitted to 
the Prince Palatin of Russia; and the Great-General with the 
General Mokronoffski® being retired into Hungary, so that all is 
quiet on that side of the country. 

We are anxiously expecting news of Prince Radzivil, who is 
marching to meet the Russians. Prince Repnin is gone from 
hence with all the Russian troops that were in this neighbour- 
hood, and several other officers are sent by the Palatin of Russia 




















— — 


* General Mokronoffski a little later was deputed by the Grand General to 
approach Frederic with proposals. 

Ist. That he should guarantee the liberty of the Republic. 

2nd. That he should mediate between themselves and the Russian party, 

8rd. That certain Acts which tended to make the King’s power despotic should 
not be made valid. 

See Polit. Corresp., Friedrich’s des Zweitens. Vol. 28, p. 448. 














219 


with private gentlemen's troops to attack him in the rear, or 
prevent his escape in case he should think proper to return this 
way. 

The news from Constantinople is also very favourable to the 
family, the Porte declaring that they wish to see a natural-born 
Pole on the throne of Poland, agreeable to the views of the Courts 
of Berlin and Petersburg, and their having insinuated once more 
to the French Ambassador there, that they desire him not to 
give any more representations contrary to this resolution. You 
will be able to procure from the Vice-Chancellor,? or Panin,t a 
more authentic relation of this news, as I have not been able to 
get a sight of Keyserling, who has sent me a letter to Panin, 
which I have delivered to the messenger, and which your Lord- 
ship will be pleased to send to him immediately. 


Tomas Wroveuton to the Eart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1764, July 16. Warsaw.— Before yesterday a Courier arrived 
from France with an order for the French Resident to retire from 
hence as soon as possible, on account of the dispute between the 
Ambassador and the Primate; it is said that that Court is 
extreamly offended at that affair, but whither they intend to 
demand any satisfaction, or what kind they could ask, is utterly 
unknown to us here. The Imperial Ambassador and Resident 
are to quit the place in a few days, so that the intention of those 
two Courts seems to be not to recognize the election, on the pre- 
text of foreign troops being entered and curbing the liberty 
of the electors. 

We have no further news of Prince Radzivil, except his being 
in the Palatinate of Volhinia; as he must be almost surrounded 
with different corps of Russian troops, it cannot be long e’er we 
receive an account of something decisive in regard to him. 
Lieut.-Genl. Stoffel is entered with twelve thousand men in the 
Palatinat of Kiovia, and marched to Leopol to keep everything 
quiet in those parts. Since the accession of the troops that were 
with the Great-Genl. to the authority of the Prince Régimentaire, 
all is quiet in that quarter; the Great-Genl. himself is in 
Hungary. 

Enclosed are 1‘: ‘ Copie du Billet de M. de Hennin, Resident 
de France, addressé a S. A. Mg' le Prince Primat de 
Varsouie le 16 Juillet 1764." 2"4: * Copie de la Dépêche écrite 
par Mg' le Due de Praslin à M. Hennin, Résident de France en 
Pologne, de Compiègne le 80 Juin, 1764.” 


THouas WROUGHTON to THE SAME. 


1764, August 80. Warsaw.—The reconfederation of Halisch of 
which I informed you has been crushed, and the Mareshal with 





* Prince Alexandre Galitzin, 
t Nikita Ivanovitch Panin, 1718-1783. First Minister of Catherine II. 


220 


the most considerable people engaged in it taken prisoners in a 
town called ‘‘ Stanislaw." 

Our Diet of Election opened Monday last; as yet the Palatin 
of Kiovia, the Bishop of Cracow, and some others who had mani- 
fested against the legality of the Diet of Convocation have not 
been allowed to assist at it, as they have not thought proper to 
retract that protestation ; but it is said that to-day all except the 
Bishop intend to join the Corps of the Republic. The two 
Chambers will make their junction this morning, that of the 
Nonces having chosen for their Mareshal a M. Sosnoffsky, 
Grand Notaire of Lithuania. Count Keyzerling's late illness will 
probably prevent the audience of the Ambassadors for this week ; 
this Ceremony over, I imagine that in a few days after, our 
Eleetion will follow, and that Count Poniatowski will be chosen 
in as peaceable and unanimous & manner as ever was known in 
this country. 

Prince Dashkoff® died of a fever in this neighbourhood yester- 
day. 


The Kine or Prussra to the Kine oF Powanp.t 


1764, Nov. 29. Berlin.—Monsieur mon Frère C'est avec une 
véritable satisfaction que j’ai recu la lettre de votre Majesté du 
20 de Septembre et les nouveaux témoignages d’amitié que le 
Prince Czartoryski, Grand Veneur de la Couronne de Pologne, 
est venu me donner de sa part. Je lui ai en méme tems une 
obligation infinie du choix qu'Elle a bien voulu faire en cette 
occasion d'une personne qui m'a été si agréable. On ne saurait 
être plus sensible que je le suis à la justice que Votre Majesté 
rend à ma facon de penser au sujet des désordres que pourraient 
avoir été commis à mon insu sur les frontières de la Pologne. 
Je puis me promettre que le compte que lui en rendra le Prince 
Czartoryski lui confirmera le désir que J'ai d'entretenir et de 
cultiver de tout mon pouvoir cette étroite intelligence avec la 
République de Pologne, si heureusement établie entre nous, et 
dont le maintien sera toujours un de mes soins les plus impor- 
tants. Si jai eu le plaiser de donner à Votre Majesté des 
preuves évidentes des sentimens que je lui porte personellement, 
elles doivent lui répondre de tont le cas que je fais de ceux 
qu'Elle éprouve pour moi. Et la conformité de notre facon de 
penser nous doit être un garant réciproque de la solidité. Le 
Prince Czartoryski m'a si bien rendu compte de celle de Votre 
Majesté que je m’en rapporte à lui avec beaucoup de confiance 
sur les assurances qu'il lui donnera de mon amitié sincère et de 
la considération toute particulière avec laquelle je suis, Monsieur 
mon Frère, de Votre Majesté, le bon Frère, Ami et Voisin, 


FREDERIC. 
[Copy.] 


* The husband of the celebrated Countess Dashkoff. 
+ This letter is not included in the published correspondence of Frederio II. 








221 


M. Wore to the Kart or BUCKINGHAMSHIBE. 


[1765,] à Londres le 15°"e d'Aoüt, chez M. Williams, Chymist 
at Galen's Head, Broad St., Soho.—Etant arrivé à Londres avant 
hiers je prends la liberté d'envoier à V.E. cyjoint la lettre de M. 
le Général de Goltz. "Vous en serez instruit, Monseigneur, de la 
commission dont je suis chargé. Je suis parti de la Pologne au 
mois d'Avril. J'ai fait quelque séjour à Berlin, et je me suis 
arrêté plus de deux mois en Hollande. A la Haie j'ai eu l'honneur 
de voir S. E. M. le Chevalier de Yorke, Ambassadeur de $.M. le 
Roi de la Grande Bretagne, j'aide sa part une lettre de recom- 
mendation pour S.E. le Duc de Grafton, Secrétaire d'état et une 
pour Monseigneur l’Archévêque de Cambridge (sic) et son 
Aumónier. (Begs his protection and counsel.) 


A. B. D. Baron DE Gorrz (STAROST DE GAUDENTZ) 
to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1765, Avril 6. En Grand Pologne.—C'est avec une confiance 
respectueuse que je prends la liberté de recommender à la 
gracieuse protection de V.E. le Sieur Charle Godfroi Woide 
Pasteur de la Communion Réformée en Grande Pologne que le 
Corp de la Noblesse Dissidente envoye en Angleterre pour porter 
leurs plaintes et trés humbles prières au trône sacré de 8.M. le 
Roy de la Grande Bretagne et implorer sa puissante protection 
pour ces infortunés. Les Dissidents auraient bien chargé de 
cette commission un homme de condition, mais l’état opprimé 
dans lequel ils se trouvent depuis la funeste Constitution de la 
dernière Diéte de Convocation, il leur est méme défendu de 
réclamer la protection des Puissances Protestantes comme 
guarantes de la Paix d'Olive, par conséquent de leurs droits et 
libertés; ils ont donc choisi le dit Pasteur Woide comme leur 
homme chargé d'affaire, qu'il puisse en secret en leur nom faire 
le récit de leurs souffrances et demander trés humblement la 
haute protection de S.M. pour le maintien du libre exercise de 
religion, leurs droits et libertés. 

Connaissant Monseigneur votre cœur généreux et vos sentimens 
Chrétiens pour protéger l'innocence et la vraie Religion je supplie 
V.E. de prendre dans sa protection le Pasteur Woide et de le 
vouloir gracieusement informer s'il doit rendre ses lettres de 
créance à V.E, ou à un autre Ministre du Roi, comme aussi de 
prévenir qu'il ne soit parlé de notre émissaire dans la Gazette. 


222 


BUCKINGHAMSHIRE PAPERS. 
Part 4.—1762-1774. 


PAPERS RELATING TO THE TRADE wirH Russia COLLECTED BY 
JOHN, EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE, DURING HIS EMBASSY TO 
St. PETERSBURG (1762-1765). 


/ 
* TRAITE.DE COMMERCE.’ 


A Paper described in a Report of the Lonps or Tnapz, 11th 
Feb., 1768, as “A PARTICULAR ExAMINATION of the State of the 
British Commerce with Russia antecedent to the Treaty of 
1734.” 9 


N.D. [1762, May 18.]—En conséquence des ordres de votre 
Majesté nous avons examiné le projet d'un nouveau Traité de 
Commerce avec la Russie, qui a été dressé à St. Petersbourg et 
presenté à M. Keith, 1 l'envoyé de S.M. à cette cour, par l'ordre 
de S.M.I. Nous avons aussi considéré ce qui est détaillé dans 
la lettre de M. Keith à Milor Bute, qui lui est venu avec le dit 
Projet, et ayant, poursuivant les ordres consécutifs de 8.M. 
communiqué cette proposition de la part de l'Impératrice t des 
Russies à la Compagnie et aux marchands principaux, qui sont 
engagés dans notre commerce avec cet Empire, et demandé leurs 
observations and opinions làdessus, nous supplions très- 
humblement votre Majesté de nous permettre de lui exposer le 
plan cyjoint, ou contre-projet d'un Traité avec la Russie, que la 
dite Compagnie nous a présenté il y'a dejà quelque tems, con- 
tenant leurs sentiments en detail, et toutes les propositions 
qu'ils avaient à faire sur ce qui avait été offert de la part de 
l'Impératriee. Cependant comme quelque tems était échu 
depuis qu'on nous a remis ce papier, il nous a paru nécessaire 
avant d'offrir notre répresentation finale sur une matière de telle 
importance, de consulter deréchef les messieurs qui sont intér- 
essés dans cette Commerce, afin de pouvoir être informé s'ils 
avaient quelque chose d'ultérieure à nous offrir. Qui là-dessus 
nous ont donné la copie d'un Mémoire$ cy jointe, addressé 
aux Seigneurs du Conseil de Votre Majesté, par les marchands 
Anglais résidents à Riga, dans laquelle les vexations et les 
empéchements dont le commerce des sujets de Votre Majesté 
dans cette ville est surchargé, par diverses procédés irreguliers 
et, à ce qu'ils disent, arbitraires des magistrats de la dite ville. 


* See for this Buckinghamshire Correspondence, ed. Royal Hist. Sy., Vol. I 
235. 

+ Ambassador to St. Peterburg 1758—Sep., 1762. 

+ Elizabeth Czarina, 1741—1762. 

§ The gist of this is printed in Duckinghamshire Corr., ed, R. Hist. Society., 
Vol. J, p. 90. 


228 


Mais avant d'entrer dans un examen précis ou de ce qui a 
été offert de la part de la feüe Impératrice, ou de ce qui nous 
a été remis par les marchands de la Compagnie et autres des sujets 
de Votre Majesté qui trafiquent dans ces pais, ou des idées qui nous 
surviennent sur le tout, en toute humilité nous supplions V. M. de 
vouloir bien nous permettre de constater aussi succinctement 
qu'il nous sera possible ce qu'il nous semble en général de la 
nature et de l'étendu de cette branche importante de notre 
commerce, les vexations et oppressions qu'elle a souffertes durant 
une longue correspondance commerciale avéc l'Empire Russien, 
et les propositions qu'on a faites pour remédier à ces vexations 
et oppressions qui donnèrent lieu au Traité de Commerce de 
1784, par lequel V.M., pleinement informée des avantages qui 
resultent de ce commerce, non seulement aux sujets de Votre 
Majesté, mais aussi à l'Empire de Russie, des empéchements et 
des obstructions qu'il a essuyées, de l'effet des remèdes qu'on 
y a appliqués, sera plus à portée de juger de la convenance, de 
l'utilité ou de Finutilité de ce qui a été offert de la part de la 
Russie pour la base d'un Traité de Commerce si bien pour ce 
qui regarde le commerce que la Marine de l'Angleterre. 

Le Commerce des sujets de V. M. avec la Russie est princi- 
palement composé des denrées que nous faisons venir de ces 
pais, scavoir le chanvre, le lin, la cire, le suif, le fer, les 
linges, du bois de charpente, du colle de poisson, de la rhubarbe, 
dela soye crue, du cuir, et de quelques autres Articles de peu 
d'importance; dont prés des trois quarts est payé en or, ou en 
argent non monnoyé ou en Rixdalers, le reste leur est remis en 
draps et autres denrées de la production et de la manufacture 
d'Angleterre, et si on examinait la monteé des imports qui nous 
viennent de la Russie exactement sur chaque article, on trouverait 
que les Anglais achétent pour le moins autant des march- 
andises Russiennes qu'aucunes autres deux nations ensembles, 
et payent plus d'argent comptant à la Russie que tout le 
reste de l’Europe, et bien qu'on doit convenir qu'il est essen- 
tiellement nécessaire &ux intéréts de l'Angleterre d'étre pourvu 
régulierement des munitions nécessaires à nos équippements 
maritimes, (ce qui fait une partie trés considérable de notre 
commerce avec la Russie) cependant, en faisant une revue 
exacte de ce commerce en général, on trouvera que la balance, 
non seulement à l'égard du profit, mais des intéréts réels, penche 
beaucoup du cóté de la Russie. 

Et si on se rappelle touts les avantages et les privilèges accordés 
par les Empereurs de la Russie dans les premiers tems de ce 
eommerce? aux marchands Anglais, on verra clairement que les 
Russiens eux-mêmes étaient de cette opinion. Et à dire la 
vérité la Couronne de Russie aurait péché essentielement contre 
la politique, adoptée méme par les états les moins versés dans 
les arts et les intérets du commerce, si elle avait d’abord 
poursuivi des mesures dont l'opération aurait pu mettre fin à un 
trafic si avantageux pour leur nation. 


* In the years 1556, 1068, 1628, (See for this Stow’s Chronicle, pp. 629, et seq. 
and 1044. | 


224 


Comme pourtant ces priviléges étaient des actes purement 
volontaires, et qu'on pouvait de tems en tems les changer ou les 
abolir par ce même pouvoir qui les avaient accordés, on ne 
devait pas les considérer comme donnant un sûreté, un établisse- 
ment fixe et durable au Commerce des Sujets Britanniques ; 
aussi en effet ne le donnèrent-ils pas, car, dans le cours de peu 
d'années, beaucoup d'ineonvénients et d'empéchements suc- 
cédèrent, tant par l'intervention d'intérêts étrangers, que 
par des  loix et des ordonnances d'état, fondées sur 
des préjugés locals et partials qui ont lieu presque toujours 
dans l'enfance d'un état, quand on s'y trouve peu au fait de ses 
vrayes intéréts à l'égard de ses liaisons tant de politique que de 
commerce. 

On verra plus au large quels furent ces empéchements et ces 
inconvénients dans un mémoire présenté au Gouvernement par 
la Compagnie dans l'année 1716, quand on fit la proposition 
d'etablir le commerce des deux Nations sur un pied plus fixe et 
plus durable par un Traite.9 

Nous n'entrerons pas à cette occasion dans le détail de cette 
negotiation, il suffira de dire qu'elle échoua, malheureusement, 
par l'intervention de propositions de politique, et d'intéréts 
tout-à-fait étrangers à cette considération; que touts les 
inconvénients et empéchements continuèrent sans remède, et 
conjointement avec d'autres causes produisirent des griefs encore 
plus onéreux; et comme ces griefs et ces inconvénients donnérent 
lieu à cette négotiation qui établit le Traité de 1784, nous nous 
contenterons (comme ici dessus) de nous en rapporter aux 
mémoires où ils sont constatés, suppliants trés humblement V.M. 
de nous permettre de lui exposer aussi succinctement qu'il nous 
gera possible la substance de ces griefs. 

Nous avons déjà expliqué à V. M. qu'une partie du payement 
pour les denrées qu'on tirait de la Russie se faisait dans 
nos manufactures de laine, dont l'espéce la plus grossiére servait 
pour habiller le soldat, et une grande partie de la plus fine, 
comme le drap large,t les aunes longues, les aunes impériales, 
et autres toiles différents, s'achetaient pour le commerce de la 
Perse par les marchands Russiens et Arméniens, qui trafiquaient 
à Shemakha, Ghilan, et autres villes sur la Mer Caspienne. On 
s'aperçoit pourtant par un mémoire de la factorerie Britannique 
à St. Petersbourg en l'année 1782, qu'en l'année 1724, la 
vente de nos manufactures par ces deux canaux se trou- 
vait extrêmement  interrompüe dans le premier, de ce 

ue les Russiens achetaient le drap pour l'habillement de 
leurs soldats dans les territoires du Roi de Prusse oü il se trouvait 
à raison de 15 à 20 pour cent à meilleur marché de ce que nous le 
pouvions vendre, quoi qu'il était évident que, comparant la valeur 
réele des deux, le drap Prussien était de beaucoup le plus cher ; 
dans le second, en ce que les marchands Arméniens qui résidaient 


* A draught of this projected Treaty is in Add. MSS. 28154, British Museum. 
(Townshend to H, Walpole, 3 August,1716.) See also Add. MS. 28155 for the negotia- 
tions in relation to it. 

t Broadcloth. 7 


225 


en Russie avaient obtenu le privilége de traverser ee pais avec 
leurs marchandises, et ayant seulement 8 pour cent de droit de 
transport, tant pour les denrées Européennes qu'ils portaient en 
Perse, que pour la soye crue qu'ils en retiraient; tandis que les 
Anglais trafiquant sous le méme tarif, qui prit lieu à peu prés en 
méme tems qu'on accordait ce privilége aux Arméniens, étaient 
obligés de payer depuis 25 jusqu'a 75 pour cent sur plusieurs de 
leurs marchandises qui convenaient le plus au trafic Persien ; 
par cette inégalité dans les droits cette branche se trouvait 
absolument dans les mains des Arméniens, qui envoyèrent toute 
la soye crue et les autres productions de la Perse en Hollande, 
d’où ils faisaient venir toutes les manufactures de laine et autres 
marchandises qu'ils débitaient en Perse. 

Les griefs pourtant qui étaient ceux qui nuisaient principale- 
ment au commerce des sujets de V.M. en Russie, ne se dérivaient 
pas ou de ce que nous n'avions point de Traité de Commerce, ou 
de la mauvaise disposition de la Cour de Russie, ils provenaient 
beaucoup plus des fraudes et des abus des individus particuliers 
dans la manufacture et la vente de nos draps, représentés et 
soigneusement exaggórés par les Prussiens (dans l'instance de 
Vhabillement des soldats) dont l’intérét à ce moment venait 
d'obtenir la supériorité, et nous nous trouvons plus disposés à 
faire cette remarque par raison que les griefs dont les marchands 
se sont plaignés ont eu lieu plus souvent des mauvais procédés 
et d'un manquement de probité dans les particuliers, que des 
restrictions injustes ou peu convenables de l'état où ils 
trafiquaient. 

Ces griefs, bien que les principaux, n'étaient pas les uniques 
circonstances qui produisaient ces empêchements à l’égard de 
notre commerce en Russie. Les marchands Anglais résidents dans 
ce Pais avaient beaucoup souffert par l'augmentation des impôts 
sur toutes les denrées qui venaient d'Angleterre, mais particuliére- 
ment sur les manufactures de laine ; par les décisions partiales et 
irregulières des magistrats dans les déméles qu'ils avaient avec 
les sujets Russiens; par la difficulté d'obtenir le payement de ce 
qui leur était dû de ceux d'entre les gens du pais qui avaient la 
mauvaise foi de vouloir l’esquiver ; par la méchanceté de ceux qui 
obligeaient leurs domestiques à trafiquer pour eux dans leurs 
propres noms; de ce qu'il ne leur était permis d'acheter des 
maisons ou des magasins; de ce qu'on leur refusait des passe- 
ports quand ils voudraient se retirer, à moins qu'ils ne 
donnassent des süretés qu'il leur était presque impossible de 
prouver; des fraudes et des abus dans le brack des marchan- 
dises, et d'une diversité d'autres défauts et actes d'oppression qui 
se trouvent pleinement détaillés dans un mémoire de la Com- 
pagnie en l'annee 1782. Il est vrai, que sur des rémonstrances 
qu'on a faites là-dessus, on offrit de remédier à quelques-uns de 
ces griefs par une ordonnance de sa Maj. Imp. mais comme elle 
aurait été, comme nous avons remarqué ci-dessus, sujette à être 
revoquée par la méme autorité qui l'avait établie, et comme 
beaucoup des autres griefs étaient de nature à ne pouvoir se 


17118 7 P 


226 


remédier que par les engagements réciproques d'un Traité de 
Commerce, les deux nations convinrent amicalement d'entrer 
dans une négotiation à cet effet. 

En conséquence de cette Convention mutuelle, et de cette dis- 
position amicale des deux Couronnes, le Lord Forbes,9 qui était 
alors Ministre Plen. de S.M. à Petersbourg, présenta le 8° 
d'Aout, 1733, un mémoire contenant les propositions de la part 
de l'Angleterre qu'on jugeait le mieux convenues à former la base 
d'un Traité de Commerce. 

Ces propositions qu'on avait rédigées en 29 Articles, contenaient 
non seulement les stipulations pour la süreté et la commodité 
en général des marchands dans l'arrangement de leur commerce 
sur les principes de l'équité, et des avantages réciproques, qu'on 
trouve dans presque touts les Traités de Commerce; mais 
aussi on y faisait provision pour remédiér à ces griefs qui 
avaient donné touts ces empéchements à la vente de nos manu- 
factures de laine, et de ces oppressions et de ces injustices qui 
provenaient de la partialité des magistrats dans l'administration 
des loix, et de ce qu'il leur manquait cette protection et ces 
priviléges qui sont essentiellement nécessaires au commerce. 

Pour remédier au premier de ces mals, on proposait que les 
mémes droits seraient payés ad valorem sur toutes les denrées 
qu'on faisait entrer et qu'on déchargeait, qui 8e ne nuiseraient 
pas aux productions et aux manufactures de la Russie, et que 
quand le marchand n'aurait point de Rickdalers ou d'Ecus, il lui 
gerait loisible de payer les droits dans l'argent qui serait de mise, 
à raison de tant de Copecks par Ecu ou Rickdaler, qu'il serait 
permis aux Anglais de transporter toutes sortes de denrées par 
les territoires de la Russie en aucun autre pais, payants un droit 
de transit qui ne passerait par 8 pr Cent ad Valorem, donnants 
&ussi caution que ces denrées qu'on avait déclaré d'étre de transit, 
ne seraient pas consummées en Russie; que les Anglais ne 
payeraient pas plus de droits d'entrée et de sortie des marchan- 
dises que les sujets d'aucune autre nation, et qu'on favoriserait 
davantage l'entrée des marchandises de laine, pour mettre les 
Anglais en état d'exporter, et de payer une plus grande quantité 
des marchandises Russiennes. 

Pour remédier aux griefs et aux oppressions dont les 
marchands Anglais résidents en Russie se plaignaient, on pro- 
pose que toutes les affaires mercantiles ne seraient jugóes que 
dans le Collége de Commerce, qu'il serait libre aux marchands 
Anglais, et d'en disposer, et qu'ils seraient exempts de fournir 
des quartiers pour Officiers, Soldats, ou autres dans leurs 
maisons, qu'on donnerait des passeports aux marchands qui 
seraient disposés à quitter le pais sans les obliger de préter 
caution, pourvu qu'ils notifiaient leurs intentions deux mois 
auparavant ; que les marchands qui retenaient des domestiques 
et les enregistraient au Police, ne seraient pas aprés responsables 
aux seigneurs de tels domestiques, ni obligés de rien payer à ce 
sujet à ces seigneurs, ou à d'autres, qu'ils ne seraient obligés de 


———— — — € ee — - eee — —— 


* George Lord Forbes, afterwards Srd Earl of Granard. 





227 


produire leurs livres de compte et papiers, si ce n’était pour faire 
preuve en justice, ni leurs effets ne seraient saisis, executés ou 
vendus, ormis en cas de banqueroute, et alors seulement par le 
jugement du Collége de Commerce; que touts esclaves Russes 
qui trafiquaient pour leurs maitres enregisteraient au Collége de 
Commerce les effets et les pouvoirs qu'ils auraient reçus de leurs 
maitres, et que leurs maitres seraient obligés de se tenir & leurs 
conventions, qu’on donnerait plein pouvoir au Collége de 
Commerce de faire arréter les marchands Russes qui partiraient 
sans régler leurs comptes, ou qui ne se rendraient pas pour 
acquitter leurs dettes quand ils deviendraient dues, et de se saisir 
de leurs effets et de leurs personnes ; que les marchands Russes 
seraient obligés en trois jours après l'arrivée de leurs marchan- 
dises à St. Petersbourg, d'en faire l'entrée tout à la fois, tant de 
ce qu'ils ont sous leurs propres noms, que ceux des autres ; qu'ils 
seraient aussi obligés d'en marquer la quantité précise sans 
(réduction ?) per Cent du poids actuel, ou de la mesure de telles 
marchandises; et qu'ils seraient sujets à payer les mêmes amendes 
que les étrangers, à l'égard des fausses entrées, en faisant entrer 
les marchandises qu'ils tirent des pais étrangers, que le brack 
sur toutes Jes marchandises serait le méme qu'à Riga, et que les 
brackeurs seraient responsables pour touts les faux emballages, 
et qu'on trouverait quelque méthode pour remédier à la 
fausse mesure des linges, et qu'on ajugerait un échet égal au 
bandage sur les cuirs et la filasse, et que si quelque dispute 
survenait sur le déchet, l'acheteur serait en liberté de faire la taxe 
des marchandises. | 

En conséquence de ces propositions les Ministres de Russie 
donnèrent à Milor Forbes deux papiers séparés, l’un desquels 
contenait leurs observations sur les Articles différents qui se 
trouvaient constatés dans le mémoire qu'il leur avait présenté, 
l’autre contenait les demandes qu'ils contaient d'éxiger de leur 
côté. 

En composant ces deux papiers V.M. s'apercevra que dans 
cette réponse pour ce qui regarde les demandes faites par les 
gujets de V.M. résidents en Russie, pour subvenir aux griefs dont 
ils se plaignaient, on en admet la justice, l'équité et la conven- 
ance, et bien qu'en dressant les Articles du Traité qui se 
rapportent à ces points, la mode de l’expression n’est pas précise- 
ment la même que celle des Articles proposés, et qu’en quelques 
instances le remède ne vise pas si juste et n’est pas si convenable 
ni si étendu que celui proposé par Milor Forbes, on n'en a 
retranché rien d'essentiel; aussi, depuis ce tems-là, n’y-a-t'1l eu 
ancun fondement de plainte raisonable de part ou d'autre. Les 
difficultés principales qui se rencontrérent dans le fil de cette 
négotiation naquaient de cette partie des Propositions de 
part et d'autre qui regardaient les droits exorbitants et autres 
désavantages auquels l'importation de nos marchandises de laine 
se trouvait exposée, la liberté qu'on demandait de trafiquer en 
Perse en passant par la Russie, et les contredemandes de la 
Cour de Russie. | 

On voit dans le papier d'observations sur les 29 Articles pro- 
posés par Milor Forbes, que cette partie du quatrième Article, 


228 


qui regarde le payement des droits ad Valorem sur les marchan- 
dises Anglaises est absolument rejettée, et quoique dans le cours 
de la négotiation on fit les plus grands efforts pour obtenir cette 
stipulation elle fut opposée avec la même rigueur, et absolument 
refusée. Aussi faut-il convenir que les raisonnements dont on 
Be servit pour soutenir cette proposition ne nous paraissent pas 
de la première conséquence, et que nous ne sommes pas absolu- 
ment au fait des avantages que les sujets de V.M. en auraient 
tiré. 

On voit de plus dans ce papier d'observations que quoique la 
Cour de Russie accordait aux sujets de V.M. ia liberté de trafiquer 
en Perse, cependant elle prétendait que ce ne serait que dans les 
marchandises de la crue et de la manufacture d'Angleterre, et de 
la crue de la Perse, que le droit de 8 pour cent ne serait qu'à 
l'égard de ce qu'on retirait de la Perse, que les droits se 
payeraient en Rickdalers, et que les marchandises Anglaises 
qu'on débiteraient en ce commerce, payeraient les droits dans le 
Port selon le Tarif. 

Milor Forbes dans sa réponse remarque que les marchands le 
trouveraient extrêmement difficile de distinguer ce qui était de la 
crue de la Grande Bretagne et de la Perse, qu'à la vérité les 
Anglais transportait beaucoup de denrées qui n'étaient pas de la 
crue d'Angleterre en Perse, et qu'aussi ils en faisaient venir 
beaucoup de choses qui n'étaient pas de la production de la Perse, 
mais qu'ils ne pourraient jamais entretenir l'idée de passer en 
Perse par la Russie, 8i on exigeait plus de 8 pr cent pour le droit 
de transit, ce qui ajoute au dépense du transport de terre, 
monterait à plus que les frais de faire venir le marchandises de 
la Perse en Angleterre par mer. ll ajouta que l'avantage qui 
résulterait à la Russie de cette proposition était si grande, qu'on 
aurait pu s'attendre qu'on laisserait passer les marchandises en 
Perse par la Russie franches de touts droits, comme ce n'était 
pas un nouveau commerce pour l'Àngleterre, qui le poursuivait 
de longtems par les états du Grand Seigneur, au grand avantage 
des Turcs. 

Convaincus à la fin par ces raisonnements aussi clairs qu'équit- 
ables, ils consentirent à cette proposition dans sa forme originale 
comme on le trouvera dans le Traité de 1734. 

A l'égard des propositions générales offertes par Milor Forbes 
qu'on devait donner plus de faveur et d’encouragement à l'impor- 
tation de nos manufactures de laine, et que les Anglais ne 
payeraient pas plus de droits d'entrée que les sujets d'aucune 
autre nation sur les mêmes denrées, elles étaient en elles-mêmes 
si raisonnables et si justes, et l'équité en etait si bien soutenu 
par la considération des grandes avantages qui résultaient à la 
Russie de son commerce avec l'Angleterre, qu'il était difficile de 
s’ÿ opposer, aussi on verra que la dernière fut accordée dans les 
termes proposés par Milor Forbes, et que la Cour de Russie con- 
sentit à baisser et à fixer les droits sur certaines espèces de nos 
manufactures de laine, comme il est resté par le 27™* Art. du 
Traité en 1734. 


229 


Ayant ainsi constaté à V. M. ce qui se passa à l'égard des 
demandes offertes par la Gr. Bret., 11 conviendra de parler de 
celles de sa Maj. Imp., comme elles se présentèrent sur les 
différents Articles du Projet de Milor Forbes. 

Surle premier, (qui stipulait une liberté de navigation et de 
commerce tant par eau que par terre dans toute la Russie et les 
provinces qui y appartiennent, où on permettait, ou on doré. 
navant permettrait, à aucune autre nation étrangère de 
trafiquer) Ja Cour de Petersbourg réclamait le même privilége 
pour leurs sujets qui trafiqueraient en Angleterre, si bien dans 
des vaisseaux construits en Russie ou en d'autres pais étrangers 
portants le pavillon Russien, que dans des vaisseaux Anglais, 
frétés par des Russes, et que ces vaisseaux et leurs com- 
mandantes, et leur matelots, tant sujets de la Russie qu'étrangers, 
ainsi que les marchands et leurs domestiques seraient traités en 
Angleterre sur le pied de la nation la plus favorisée, et qu'il leur 
serall permis de passer partout sans empéchement. Sur le 
deuxième et le troisième Article du Projet de Milor Forbes (par 
lesquels on stipulait que les sujets de la Gr. Bret. auraient une 
communication libre dans toutes les Villes de la Russie, et la 
liberté de faire venir et de vendre toutes sortes de marchandises 
qui ne seraient pas de contrebande, et de se fournir de provisions 
et de tout ce qu'il leur serait nécessaire, et de 8e retirer sans 
empêchement quelconque) la Cour de Russie demandait une 
liberté pareille pour touts ses sujets, de passer dans touts les pais 
de la domination Britannique, non seulement avec des marchan- 
dises de la crue de Russie, ou qui étaient fabriquées de ce qui 
était de cette crue, mais aussi avec toutes les manufactures et 
productions qu'on pourraient faire venir en Russie d'aucun autre 
pais étranger sans exception. Ces Propositions étaient si 
évidemment contraires à toutes les loix de commerce et de 
navigation établies en Angleterre, et en effet visaient si directe- 
ment à la racine de l'Acte de Navigation, le soutien principal du 
Commerce de cette Nation, que non seulement nous déclarâmes 
qu'elles étaient inadmissibles, mais aussi la Cour de Russie en 
convint, et en conséquence ils reduisirent leurs demandes de 
commerce et de communication réciproqués à ces deux points. 
Premièrement, qu'il leur serait permis d'envoyer en Angleterre 
les marchandises des Tartares civilisés de l'autre côté de la Mer 
Caspienne, qui occupent ce vaste Pais qui s'étend entre la Sibérie, 
le Territoire du Mogol, les Frontières de la Perse, et la Mer 
Caspienne. 

En second lieu, qu'ils pourraient envoyer les produetions de 
leur Pais en Angleterre consignées à des sujets Russes à qui il 
serait permis de trafiquer en Angleterre. | 

Après avoir examiné le premier de ces points, on trouve qu'il 
était sujet à la méme objection que la proposition originale, et il 
n'était pas possible de l'admettre dans cette forme, TN 
bien qu'il semblait un peu injuste d'exiger des Russes de nous 
permettre de poursuivre notre commerce en passant par leur pais, 
et en méme tems de leur refuser ce méme avantage. 

Telle fut cependant la disposition équitable et modérée de la 
Cour de Russie à cet époque qu'elle ne se picqua pas du refus de 





280 


ce qu'il nous était impossible de céder, et se contenta de stipula- 
tions générales de liberté réciproque de faire venir dans les pais 
respectifs des deux nations où il était permis de trafiquer toutes 
les manufactures des autres pais, dont la vente et l'entrée n'étaient 
pas défendues. A l’égard du second, (savoir la liberté d'envoyer 
les productions de leur propre pais en Angleterre dans des 
vaisseaux Anglais consignées à des sujets Russes,) la Com- 
pagnie Russie (qu’on avait consultée là-dessus,) consentit que les 
Russiens trafiqueraient ici, pourvu que ils se conformeraient aux 
règles, aux ordonnances, et aux statuts de la Compagnie, de la 
méme facon que ceux qui en sont libres, et aussi qu'ils payeraient 
à la Compagnie un droit pour les marchandises qu'ils feraient 
entrer égal à l'excès payé par la Compagnie en Russie sur ce que 
payaient les naturels du Pais, pour mettre le Commerce sur un 
pied égal. Dans le progrès pourtant de la négotiation sur cet 
Article, on varia cette Proposition de la Compagnie, et 1l fut con- 
venu par les deux partis, que pour établir cette égalitó que la 
Compagnie exigeait, les Russiens réduiraient les droits payés par 
les Anglais sur la sortie des marchandises à ceux que payaient 
leurs propres sujets. 

Ceux-ci sont touts les Articles qui se sont présentés dans cette 
négotiation qu'il nous a paru nécessaire de constater à V.M., 
quelques autres de moindre conséquence et d'un genre relatif aux 
circonstances et à la situation particulière du commerce à cette 
époque eurent lieu, mais comme ils ne nous semblent pas 
essentiels à l'information de V.M. en cette occasion, V.M. nous 
permettra de nous rapporter aux papiers eux-mémes, dont des 
copies sort ici jointes; nous n'avons donc qu'à ajouter, qu’apres 
une pleine discussion de touts les points dont nous venons de 
parler le Traité fut conclu et ratifié le 2° de Dec*"re 1784. 

La conclusion de ce Traité, comme elle donna une süreté et 
une stabilité mutuelle au commerce des deux nations et opéra 
à leurs avantages communs, donna aussi un essor et une 
activité nouvelle à celui des sujets de V.M. La vente des manu- 
factures de laine qui avait tant souffert auparavant s'étendit 
beaucoup, on fit des contrats avec les sujets de V.M. pour le drap 
pour l'habillement de l'armée Russiene, et la valeur annuelle de 
nos manufactures de laine portées en Russie du Port de Londres 
(prenant un milieu de l'année 1786 jusqu'a l'année 1745 inclusive) 
monta jusqu'a 14,548. 7s. 2d., bien qu'avant la conclusion de ce 
Traité prenant également um milieu de dix ans (viz. depuis 
l'année 1725 jusqu'a l'année 1784 inclusive) elle ne produisit que 
9,619/. 1s. 4d. On voit aussi que les marchands Anglais 
encouragés par la permission donnée par le Traité de trafiquer en 
Perse par la Russie, et portés par les représentations de Mr. 
Elton qui venait d'étre employé pour examiner la nature et les 
sources de ce commerce et la manière et les facilités avec 
lesquelles on pourrait le poursuivre, s'engagerent avec chaleur 
dans une entreprise qui promettait tant de profit aux particuliers 
et tant d'avantage à la nation ; on s'addressa au Parlement pour 
faire lever quelques difficultés qui se présentaient à l'égard de 
l’Acte de Navigation, et en conséquence un Acte fut passé pour 








281 


cet éffet qui contenait aussi d’autres régulations pour l'avance- 
ment de ce commerce, et bien que la conduite imprudente de Mr. 
Elton en s'engageant dans la service du Schah de la Perse donna 
beaucoup d'ombrage à la Cour de Russie, et que la confusion et 
les désordres qui eurent lieu bientot après par les grandes révolu- 
tions de l'empire des Perses, empêchèrent nos marchands alors 
aussi bien que depuis de poursuivre ce commerce, nous ne 
laissons pas de nous flatter que, quand la confusion cessera, et 
que les affaires dela Perse seront rétablies, la poursuite de cet 
objet sera renouvellée, et que l'Angleterre en dérivera les plus 
grands avantages. 

Il est vrai que beaucoup de ces marchands qui sont principale- 
ment intéressés dans ce commerce avec la Russie, n'ont pas des 
grandes ideés de cet objet et n'espérants pas de réussir sont assez 
indifférents sur le succès de la.proposition. Nous ne pouvons pas 
pourtant convenir avec eux quand nous réfléchissons sur les cir- 
constances et les avantages de ce commerce; combien aussi ne 
devrions-nous pas cultiver toutes les branches nouvelles de notre 
commerce, quand nous avons tant de rivaux qui s'efforcent de 
nous enlever les vieilles ? 

L'intention de cette répresentation ne nous permet pas 
d'entrer dans un détail de touts les avantages qui résulteraient de 
notre acquisition de cet objet, mais avec la permission de V.M. 
nous nous en rapporterons à la copie cy-jointe de la lettre de 
Mr. Burrish, datée de Petersbourg le 6™° d'Oct"* 1740, dans 
laquelle ces avantages se trouvent pleinement exposés. 

Ce que nous avons déjà constaté prouvera à V.M. quelques uns 
de touts les avantages que le commerce de vos sujets a dérivés 
du Traité de 1784, on n'a jamais nié que les avantages étaient 
égals du cóté de la Russie, aussi est-il assez clairement prouvé par 
la continuation que la Gouvernement a bien voulu faire de ces 
régulations longtems après l'expiration du Traité, dans des 
tems et des situations très-peu favorables à l'intérét de la Nation 
Britannique. 

Des trente Articles dont le Traité est composé le 4"*, le 8"*., 
et le 27"* sont les seuls par lesquels les sujets de V.M. dérivent 
des avantages en commerce qui leur sont particuliers, distinctes 
de ceux accordés aux autres Nations, aussi ne sont-ils pas au-delà 
de ce que la raison et l'équité exigent, et de ce que la Grande 
Bret. était en droit de demander en considération des griefs que 
80n commerce avait essuyé. 

Quand nous réflechissons sur toutes ces circonstances, si bien 
que de ce que la Russie dérive de son commerce avec l'Angleterre, 
des avantages supérieurs à ceux que lui produise celui de presque 
toutes les autres nations ensemble, et que bien que ce commerce 
a subsisté si longtems on ne l'a jamais changé au préjudice de la 
Russie en aucun point, mais au contraire, quil a eu tout 
lencouragement et touts les priviléges que les loix et la Con- 
stitution de notre Pais lui pouvaient céder, il nous est difficile de 
diviner les motifs qui (à notre grand regret) ont déterminé la 
Cour de Petersbourg d'offrir un Projet dont les principes et les 
provisions nous sont si peu favorábles, et si différentes de cette 


292 


équité et de cette modération qu'elle à témoignées en faisant ce 
Traité de 1784, et qui auraient dû étre soigneusement conservées 
par les deux Nations par égard pour leurs intéréts mutuels. 

[The rest of this Paper consists of criticisms upon the Articles 
proposed by the Russian Government in the Treaty of Commerce, 
whieh was finally concluded in 1767.] 


* ExrRACTS from the PETERSBURG MrncHaNTsS' PETITION to 
the Empress, together with some Account of the 
PROCEEDINGS relative thereto." 


N.D. [1762.]—By an Ukase or Decres® from the high ruling 
Senate, the Magistracy was ordered to summon the Merchants of 
the different Citys throughout the Empire to debate on the 
situation of their trade and represent whatever grievances or 
hardships they labour'd under, in order that the same might be 
removed and they in future be able to conduct their affairs with 
more advantage to themselves and the benefit of Trade in 
general. 

Upon receipt of the above Ukase in Petersburg, instead 
ef the Merchants and Citizens being allowed to set forth what 
they thought would mostly conduce to the intention of the said 
Ukase, a Petition was drawn up and not communicated to them 
till they were cited to the Guild House, when after a hasty 
perusal and without granting any time to consider on what it 
contained, they were commanded to sign it, hereupon several of 
them who are the most considerable traders declined signing 
their names, objecting particularly to that Article which points 
at the foreigner in general, and more especially at the libertys 
granted to the British trading subjects, well knowing the fallacy 
of what is therein set forth, and many of those who have under- 
wrote the said Petition were compell’d to it by being retain’d in 
the Guild House till they comply’d, tho’ {ths of them are people 
of no capital or knowledge in trade. 

It is further to be observ'd that the number of citizens here 
amount to upwards of three thousand, who ought to have sign’d 
the afore mention’d Petition had it been agreeable to their senti- 
ments, whereas there are only eighty-eight merchants, and 
fourteen mechanicks, barbers, and shoemakers, etc.”’ 

(Their names are appended.) 


Exrracts from the Petition above mentioned. 


1. That all Foreign Merchants and especially the English 
have nowhere such privileges and immunitys granted as here :— 
Ist, that they don’t become vassals and citizens. 2nd, they 
don’t pay a single Copeck towards the charges the citizens are 
at. Srdly, they are exempted from City services, and write for 
goods to this Port in their own name, keep the same in their 
houses and retail them at high prices. Altho’ some libertys 
were granted to the English to the end that our credit in other 


— — 


* [Of tho 9th Decr., 1762, o.s.] 


288 


parts should be more generally established, yet by their learning 
the constitution of the country they became entire masters of 
the trade and cutt us off from all correspondence abroad. They 
sell their goods on time (sic) at high rates to People of no 
eapitall, furnish them with ready money and bind them by con- 
tracts to deliver goods at low prices, by which the Russ 
Merchants are obliged to deliver their goods according to such 
Contracts, and if any remain over, they also retain them for pay- 
ment of such debts as may be owing. They also know the 
quantity and growth of the products of this empire, they lessen 
the prices of Russ goods and keep their own at exorbitant rates. 
They export Russ goods in their own name, ship them in 
foreign Bottoms, notwithstanding the Parliament of England 
made an Act in Ann. 1600, that no goods should be brought in 
foreign Bottoms, except the products of that country to which 
the ships belong. They export from hence for about 4 Millions 
of Rubles in goods, and import for a much larger summ, 
whereon they get 10 per cent by commission and charges. They 
also get their clerks to be burghers to transport their goods and 
transact trade in their name. 

2. Several who are no burghers erect fabricks, make 
deliverys, have saw mills, sell their goods in retail and export 
them to other countrys. 

8. The principal Russ Burghers and Citizens of this place to 
free themselves from serving all offices and charges thereby 
accruing, solicit privileges, erect fabricks, and enter into 
farms. 

5. All inland merchants and boors who bring goods to this 
market should not be allowed to retail. 

7. Concerning all trading people and mechanicks and that 
the foreigners should be subject to a tax and subordination. 

10. Lastly that all Brokers and Brankers, Notarys, 
Auctioneers and Gaugers and other inferior Custom House 
officers should be all Burghers. 


SPECIFICATION of incoming and outgoing Suirs out 
of the Russian Ports, 1762. 


Incoming. Outgoing. 
387 234 


Cronstadt - - 

Riga - - - 957 872 
Revall - - - 228 218 
Pernau - - - - 98 98 
Arensburg  - : - - 85 85 
Narva - - - 112 110 
Wieburg - - - - 58 55 
Friedrichsham  - - 27 94 
Archangel - 49 48 
Onega  - - - - 7 10 
Kolskoy - - - - 1 2 
Hapsal  - - - - 7 7 


Termernikoff . - - 8 


284 


Amount of Goops Exportep from ST. PETERSBURG in the 
year 1762 by the undermentioned :— 





Roubles. Copecks. 
1762.—By the English - - 1,905,449 16 
Russians - 409,447 47 
Hollanders  - - 268,811 494 
Lubeckers  - - 858,748 254 
Rostockers  - - 71,051 87 
Dantzigers  - - 111,439 2 
Hamburghers - 265,126 501 
French - - 78,169 893 
Swisses - - 17,561 191 
Saxons - - 7,370 46} 
Italians - - 45,109 38 
Venetians  - 8,300 50 
Imperials  - - 141 34 
S weeds - - 45,669 91 
Armenians  - - 1,681 891 
Sundry - - 52,908 914 
Total - 9,081,475 774 


Amount of Goops IMPORTED to ST. PETERSBURG in the 
year 1762 by the undermentioned :— 


Roubles. Copecks. 
By Russ Merchants  - - - 817,888 084 
English » - - - 653,627 72 
Hollands » - - - 348,822 214 
Lubeck ^ - - - 257,667 "1d 
Hamburg  . - - - 209,488 18 
Dantzig - - 46,677 14 
French » - - - 56,608 874 
Italian » - - - 16,023 482 
Saxon " - - - 89,916 8} 
Rostock » - - - 18,810 524 
Sweedish , - - - 12,984 284 
Swiss » - - - 82,556 87 
Austrian » - - - 77,204 64 
Armenians ,, - - - 5,402 224 
Venetians , - - - 6,578 244 
Court Factor ., - - - 25,052 294 
Sundry Passengers - - - 140,968 48 
Captains of Ships - - - 68,788 484 
2,984,554 74i 


SCHEME? proposed by an ENcrLrisH MERcHANT as to 
British TRADE with Persia.’ 


N.D. [1768.]—The total subversion of laws and government 
in Persia for so long a duration render it absolutely imprudent 





— — ———— —— — —MÀ 


. + Made at Ld. Buckinghamshire' 8 request, mentioned in his Despatch of the 7th 
Feb., 1763. 














235 


to think of a Factory at Resht (even if the Russians were 
inclined to grant the former liberties to us) and I am convinced 
the Court of Russia will never consent thereto. 

Therefore I propose that Russia permits one House of Trade or 
Faetory to be established at Astrachan to consist of 2 or 3 per- 
sons, whose names are to constitute the Firm of the House, and 
that they may have 4 English clerks and 2 supercargoes. 

That 2 small Snows or Ships of about 60 to 70 Tons each 
shall be ready and at the service of the British Factory every 
spring as soon as the ice is broke up in the Volga and the Port 
of Yarke (sic) free and open to carry such wares and marchan- 
dizes to Enzeli as the British factors shall chuse to ship; and 
that such snows or vessels shall be navigated by Russians, but 
be under the command of the British Factory’s supercargoes as 
to their departure or return, and one of them with a clerk be 
permitted to go in the spring with each ship and return to 
Astrachan in the autumn ; and that they depart from Enzeli on 
or before the 28th day of October for Astrachan. That the 
freight which the English are to pay for such vessels be agreed 
on and stipulated either by the month or for the season. 

That no Russian subjects, Indians, Armenians, or Tartars of 
any but British subjects have liberty to ship any goods or go 
passengers in the two vessels referred to in order to prevent any 
quarrels or chicanes which that nation are but too apt to 
encourage. That whenever the Government of Ghilan or Resht 
may be so far settled that the Russian, Armenian, or other 
merchants may proceed to Resht to dispose of their merchandizes 
and purchase silk, the British supercargoes shall have that 
liberty also, leaving one supercargo and one clerk with the 
vessels in the mouth of the lake of Enzeli while the other with 
one clerk resorts to Perebazar or Resht or such convenient mar- 
kets in Ghilan, as other merchants resort to. 

By this method I apprehend all reasonable objections would 
be removed ; for the Factory at Astrachan would be absolutely 
under their own power, the ships to be their own, navigated by 
their own subjects and the only command our people would 
have is that of their departure from Astrachan and returning 
from Enzeli to Astrachan, the latter being even limited; but 
there I shall anticipate one objection and it is the only one they 
can with any shadow of reason make, namely that these two 
supercargoes or their clerks may follow the example of Capt. 
Elton and enter into the Shaws’ service and teach them the art 
of Shipbuilding, ete. To this objection I answer that Capt. 
Elton was certainly the most improper person in the universe 
to be sent into Persia by the English or suffered to go there by 
the Russians. He had been bred a mariner and a merchant; 
had even been employed in the Russian service where, I have 
heard him say, he had been ill-used. These circumstances 
together with an immoderate share of vanity and the instability 
of his mercantile situation which he saw declining daily, may 
probably have been the first motives for his taking the rash step 
of entering into the Shaws’ service where he expected great 





286 


honours would be conferred upon him and large profits arise to 
him and he have the satisfaction of revenging himself, not only 
on the Russians, but on Mr. Mungo Grame, for between two men 
never did greater animosity or hatred exist. Therefore care 
may be taken that none be employed in this new Plan but such 
as are mere merchants, and, should the Court of Russia desire it, 
security might even be given them that, in case of any 
irregularities or breach of any Article in the Treaty, the persons 
shall be forthcoming or the penalty paid. 

But in the present confusion that reigns in Persia, an Empire 
without a head, there can be no fear that any attempt like that of 
Capt. Elton's will ever be made, for, if it could not succeed under 
Shah Nadir, what Emperor can ever make mariners of Persians 
who dread the water as much as cats. 

I have as yet said nothing touching the advantages that would 
accrue to the British Nation in general as well as to every 
particular member in that trade and also the Factory in St. 
Petersburg ; but there are arguments Ifear we must be very 
eautious in explaining to the Russians, whose jealousy and even 
vanity would prompt them to refuse us, thinking themselves 
capable of carrying on that trade to the extent weshould do; 
and therefore I would rather have them applyed on our side as a 
spur to accelerate the means for obtaining the liberties before 
recited. 

I shall, before I conclude, observe that whatever advantages 
the Russians may propose from denying us and trading them- 
selves to Persia, it is morally impossible that the silk they will 
or can bring as returns will ever be saleable here in England ; 
for the greatest part of what they buy is of Georgians and 
Armenians, and greater thieves and villians there certainly are 
not in the world, and the Russians in their package of silk follow 
the same unfair methods. And asto the wollen and other goods 
they never can make the advantage of them that the English 
will, for the Russians send agents from Petersburg and Moscow 
into Persia, who rather than stay more than one season will sell 
eheap and buy dear in order to be gone, whereas the British 
Factorv would support the market of European goods and keep 
down the price of silk ; and, as a proof of this, let anyone who 
has had any tolerable knowledge of the Persia Trade deny if he 
ean that the last three years, when I was at the head of the 
Factory, any Russians, Armenians, or others were able to make 
any figure in that trade,—nay they many of them complained 
they were starving and the trade not worth following. Yet the 
profits we obtained for our principals were more than would now 
amply satisfy them, and such as I dare not name ; from whence 
it appears of what great consequence the obtaining of the liberty 
herein proposed would be to this nation. 


EarL or BucKINGHAMSHIRE to M. Panm. 


1764, Avril 1%-—Voici à la fin le Papier que j'ai promis à 
V.E., qui n’a tardé si longtems que parcequ’on a voulu y travailler 
avec toute la précision possible. | 


287 


Il convient de la prévenir que l'évaluation des Exports qu'elle 
trouvera ici est beaucoup plus forte que celle qui est enregistrée 
à la Douanne de Sa. Maj. Impériale, différence qui provient de 
ce que là, tout est apprécié sur l’ancien pied sans faire aucune 
attention à l'accroissement considérable qui s’est fait depuis 
quelques années sur le prix de toutes les denrées de 1a Russie. 
Il n’est pas nécessaire d'assurer V.E. que je suis persuadé que 
rien n'y est manqué au delà de ce qu'il aura actuellement coûté. 

J’attens tous les jours une spécification pareille de Riga. 

Il n'est impossible de laisser passer cette occasion sans lui 
témoigner une partie du chagrin que je ressens de l’état fatal où 
se trouvent les négotiations que je m'étais flatté avec quelque 
ombre de raison de conclure. Dans votre dernière conversation 
V.E. ne m'a que trop manifesté que pour le présent il n'y a rien 
à espérer. Jusqu'à ce moment j'avais toujours eru que nous 
entrerions au moins dans le Traité de Commerce, supposant que 
la Russie était trop convaincu des avantages qu'elle retire du 
trafic de l'Angleterre pour vouloir nous laisser des doutes sur 
ees intentions de nous accorder les mêmes privilèges dont nos 
marchands ont depuis si longtems joui. V.E.me permettra de 
lui faire trois remarques sur les changements qui sont arrivés 
dans cette commerce. 

Que la Russie consume beaucoup moins de manufactures 
Anglaises. Que le prix des denrées que l'Angleterre retire de 
la Russie s’est accru sur presque touts les Articles d'un tiers, à 
l'égard d'autres, particuliérement le Col de Poisson, à l'infini. Et 
que le vivre à Petersbourg coüte le double au marchand de ce 
qu'il faisait dix ans passés. 

Je suis sûr qu'elle conviendra avec moi le Traité d'Alliance est 
unobjet qui, vue la situation critique des affaires de l'Europe, 
mérite toute l'attention des deux Nations ; qu'on ne peut envisager 
qu'avec regret les difficultés qui en retardent la conclusion. 
J'espére que V.E. me permettra de la voir aussi souvent qu'il lui 
sera possible durant le peu de tems qu'il me restera encore à 
passer en Russie, et qu'elle conservera toujours quelque amitié et 
quelque bienveillance pour celui qui a l'honneur, etc., etc. 


EvipENcEÉ relating to Russtan CoMMERCE given before 
the House or Commons. 


1774, May 5.—Mr. Nicholas Cavanagh’s evidence.  (‘ Mr. 
Cavanagh is concerned in a merchant's house established at 
St. Petersburg and is lately arrived from thence. He resided 
there 82 years; he buys and sells and exports the linens of 
Russia.") 





288 


BUCKINGHAMSHIRE PAPERS. 
Part 5. 1742-1798. 


VICEROYALTY OF ÍRELAND— AMERICAN REBELLION AND OTHER 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 





W. Prrr to THe Countess or SUFFOLK. 


1742, July 6. London.—Just after I had received the 
honour of your letter yesterday, I had a second letter from my 
sister upon the same scheme, my answer to the first not having 
reached her, your Ladyship’s being at Cheltenham when I made 
that answer, I was obliged to make it without troubling you upon 
it, though desired to take your opinion. My answer was (what I 
have again repeated) that I could not see the scheme proposed 
to her in any light that would let me think it fit for her; that I 
thought Paris the most improper place for a single woman to live 
at, nor could I like her settling abroad any where, if her health 
did not make it necessary ; that I made no doubt but the society 
my Lady Bolingbrook’s protection (which was the best in France) 
must place her in, would be, to all the world on that side the 
water, the most reputable advantageous thing imaginable; but 
that the world here would not know (and perhaps part of it not 
choose to know) any thing more of her situation, than that she 
was living at Paris a single woman, that I liked of all things her 
staying at Argeville, as long as my Lady Bolingbrook would give 
her leave but when that visit (which I hoped would bea very long 
one) was made, I advised her to come home. This, Madam, was 
the substance of my answer to her scheme, which I could by no 
means entertain a thought of.® I own, it afflicts me not to be 
able to agree with her in this project, which I see she has a great 
mind to, when I can only tell her what not to do with herself. I 
should have been very glad to have known your Ladyship's 
opinion before I gave my own; if you think as I do of this 
matter, I shall be sure I think right, your friendship and good- 
ness to my sister I think makes it unnecessary for me to make 
you an excuse for troubling you so long on her subject. I hope 
the waters agree with you, and with Mr. Berkley if he ventures 
to drink them. 


GrorcE TownsHEND to the WonsHrPFUL Mayor or RETURNING 
OrricER of the Borough of Thirsk, Yorkshire. 


(Endorsed, ‘ Circular Militia Letter.) 
1756, Aug. 6. Cranmore in Norfolk.—Enclosing the bill for 
constituting a general militia, which in the last Sessions of 


* See for this Mr. George Grenville to Lady Suffolk, Sep. 14, 1742. and Mrs. Anne 
Pitt to Lady Suffolk, July 10, 1757 (Vol. II. of Lady Suffolk’s Letters, pp. 193 and 
282). See also Walpole's version (Memoirs of the: Reign of George IIL, p. 85) of 
Pitt's relations with his sister. 








289 


Parliament passed with unanimity. Great weight would be given 
to this bill if the approbation of Corporations were expressed in 
the form of petitions to the House of Commons. 

" Every circumstance in the situation of this country which 
united the House of Commons in one sense of the necessity of 
passing such a bill as this has since the recess of Parliament 
increased upon us, for we have since that time lost Minorca, 
invited foreign troops and seen them called home, and found the 
war every day brought nearer to our doors, from whence nothing, 
in the opinion of the Commons of England, can keep the enemy, 
but & general, and to & certain degree, disciplined militia." 


Duxe or DevoNsHrnE to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1757, Tuesday, June 14.—The Militia Bill having passed and 
there being consequently a necessity of having a Lord Lieutenant 
for the county of Norfolk, I have mentioned it to his Majesty, and 
at Lord Orford’s request did recommend him to the King, who has 
consented to it. Iam very sorry that in this instance I am under 
the necessity of taking a step that may not be agreeable to your 
inclinations, but my situation is such with the Walpole family as 
made it unavoidable; upon any other occasion I am sure I should 
be very glad to oblige your Lordship. I thought it a piece of 
respect due to you to give you the first information of it. 


Extraits d'une lettre de M. pg MoNrTcaLM? à M. DE 
BERNIER, Ministre de Marine. 


1757, du 4 d'Aoüt —Mes correspondences avec les colons 
Anglais subsistent toujours; méme ouverture, méme fidélité 
méme eandeur de leur part. Un peu de contrebande transporté 
habilement chez eux m'améne reguliérement leurs dépéches. 

(Extraits d'une Lettre de M. de traduite par M. de 
Bougainville inclus dans l'autre.) 

‘ L'idée de cette lettre est de prouver que si les Français se 
donnèrent le soin d'encourager le commerce et les manufactures 
. il ne dépendrait que d'eux de s'emparer de tout le commerce des 
Anglais avec leurs Colonies Amériquaines et que touts les efforts 
de l'Angleterre pour y mettre quelque empéchement seraient 
inutiles.—Elle dit “Pendant plus d'un siècle nos diverses 
Colonies ont eu très peu de correspondence entre elles ; occupées 
à se former et s'établir, elles ne visaient qu'à elles-mémes. 
Les Gouvernements d'ailleurs sont différents, les loix, la Religion 
souvent, & le commerce y contrastent. De là leur peu d'union ; 
elles subsistaieut l'une à côté de l'autre sans presque se connáitre. 

Mais depuis cette guerre les colons se sont rapprochés de 
mœurs, d'intérêts, & de sentiments; obligés de fournir 
leurs contingents, ils se sont trouvés rangés sous le même 
pavillon; des liaisons, des correspondances se sont formées. 





* Louis Joseph de Montcalm Goson, Marquis de St. Véran (1712-1759) commander- 
in-chief of the French troops which defended the Colonies of France in North 
America He was killed at the siege of Quebec. 








240 


Coup décisif pour nous, parceque nous serons unis & que 
nous nous tiendrons par la main; on respectera nos droits, 
parcequ’il serait dangereux de les attaquer; le haut prix des 
denrées d'Angleterre surchargent si fort nos colonies qu'elles 
seront obligees à recourir à l'etranger, c'est-a-dire à ruiner 
l'Angleterre. Les pauvres prendront le devant, les riches suivront. 
J'espère que votre cour profitera de l'avis." 


(Suite de la premiere Lettre.) 


L'Article sur lequel mon correspondant s'est égaré c'est 
l'établissement des manufactures en Canada. Gardons-nous sur 
ce point d'imiter la folie de l'Anglais. Les Colons ne sont si 
indocils que parcequ'ils commencent à sentir qu'ils peuvent se 
passer de lui. Ils possèdent chez eux des manufactures de toute 
espèce & seront bientôt en état d'en vendre à la terre totale 
au lieu d'en faire venir. Pour les Natifs du pays laissons les à leur 
vie errante & laborieuse dans les bois avec les sauvages & leur 
exercise militaire, ils en seront plus braves, plus capables de 
gervir l'état & plus fideles à le vouloir. 

Vers la fin de la lettre et parlant de la possibilité de la perte de 
Canada, il recommende à sa Cour de s'assurer par la Paix, de 
Louisbourg ou de quelque Isle voisine qui pouvait servir également 
pour la Pêche & pour entrepôt pour introduire les manufactures 
Françaises dans les Colonies Anglaises. Idée dont la France 
malheureusement ne s'est pas départie. 


(Lettre 2", M. de Montcalm à M. de Bernier.) 


Les sentiments des Colonies Anglaises pour la Patrie sont 
si peu cimentés quesi je le jugeais convenable à nos intérêts 
je me ferais fort dans peu de faire signer la neutralité à une 
partie d'entre elles. 

Il s'appuie sur l'indiserétion de l'Angleterre de n'avoir con- 
struit des forteresses que dans l'intérieur des Provinces. 

Faute énorme de l’Angleterre de ne pas les taxier dés le com- 
mencement.” 

(Lettre 3°, Du même au méme.) 

Touts en général ne se soucient guère du Roinidu Parlement 
d'Angleterre—aussi auraient-ils dés longtemps secoué le joug, si 
la crainte de la France n'eut eté un frein pour les retenir, chaque 
Province serait devenue une petite République. Si l’ancienne 
Angleterre après avoir conquis la Canada scavait se l'attacher par 
la politique & les bienfaits, si elle la laissait à sa Religion, ses loix, 
sa langue, ses coutumes & son ancien Gouvernement; la Canada 
divisée dans touts ces points d'avec les autres Colonies, n'entrerait 
jamais dans leurs intérêts, ni dans leurs vues. Mais au 
contraire si elle veut la mettre sur le pied des autres, elle 
deviendrait bientót la méme à son egard. 

(Remarque.) . 

Ces lettres sont en général si prophétiques qu'on les soup 
connerait en quelque facon d'avoir été écrites aprés coup. 








241 


CRARLES TOWNSHEND to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1760, October 19. Adderbury.—If I had not been absent from 
Adderbury when your letter came, your Lordship would have 
heard from me by the return of the post, and if your letter had 
not come so late in the year, and at a time when Iam confined 
by a multiplicity of business to this distance from London, I 
should have brought you my answer to your summons myself ; 
as it is, I have lost the satisfaction of being of your party, which 
mortified me exceedingly, as I know I should have passed my 
time with the very people, in the very manner I mean and wish 
to live. Lest you should think I make you a general excuse, I 
must desire leave to tell you that Buccleugh being now fourteen, 
I have been lately obliged to attend him at Eton, and lawyers in 
town, several times, and that I have not yet the least command of 
myself for two days; such a variety of forms has the preciseness 
of ancient Scotch law created, and have the arts of modern 
practice preserved, upon the appointment of a sole guardian in 
that country; my attendance is the more necessary, as these 
forms must be executed within a certain time fixed by law. 

I beg your pardon for troubling you with such matters, but I 
should be still more vexed if you did not believe it is not in my 
"power to be with you; which of our friends is with you? I hope 
Vaughan, for Briekling will be excellent winter quarters for him 
at the close of his Welsh campaign. Vernon is gathering berries 
from Prince Ferdinand's laurels ; and Stanley, I fear, is engaged 
in launching the formidable expedition. My brother tells me 
nothing is so magnificent as Brickling, nobody so popular as the 
master of it. I foresaw it would be so. I knew you would bring 
back the county toa sense of better things than political jealousy 
and perpetual cabal, and that universal civility and a purer taste 
in life would gain everybody. I read in the prints that Mr. 
Harbord is married, and if his marriage pleases you, or, in your 
judgment, strengthens his situation, I shall be pleased vith it 
also, let me take this opportunity of saying that I rejoice much in 
your own late escape; the person would have disappointed you; 
the fortune would to you have been no recompence; the manner 
in which it went off proves you have no reason to lament it; 
and you have acted throughout with sense and temper. I 
should make another excuse for this topic; but I hope you will 
make it for me, and that the hearty love I bear you will explain 
and justify the liberty it takes. 

I beg you will present my best affections to all our friends at 
Brickling, my heart is wherever they are; for I have hung up my 
armsat the St. Albans, whether it be in town or country ; if Stanley 
be with you, tell him Lord Lyttelton has just opened Haggley 
House to the county of Worcester. The invitation was universal 
to all ranks and all parties, aud the plan really magnificent. The 
county accepted. They all came in, and my Lord at last was the 
only absent man. Some untoward accidents happened in the 
execution: for in the first place my lord forgot to have the beds 
aired ; in the second, he classed the company according to their 


17118 Q 





242 


birth and reputed estates into three divisions, and in the last place 
Mr. Lyttelton, destined to have opened the ball with the first person 
of the first class, mutinied, and would dance only with a smart 
girl he had brought in the morning from a neighbouring village 
unknown in her birth, equivocal in her character, and certainly at 
the very tail of my Lord's third division. Before the dinner was 
ended, everybody was talking of their private affairs and pedigree; 
Bacchus’s hall was turned into the Herald's office ; and the whole 
company become jealous and sulky. Atthe end of the three days 
my Lord's new palace was filled with disgust and complaints, and 
he is said to have confessed at last that distinctions are not 
prudent. 

I hope we shall meet soon in town, I suppose at Newcastle 
House on the birthday. 


Hargorp Harsorp® to the Karu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1761, March 28. Norwich.—I doubt not you will be as much 
pleased as surprised to hear of the late transactions at Norwich. 
Mr. Bacont and myself at our coming hither found all the 
Corporation, Quakers and, principal manufacturers warm and 
hearty in our joint interest, many of the middling tradesmen 
disgusted with us both, but upon application nine out of ten 
promised to support me. Robt. Harvey and Preston were upon 
our first arrival talked of as candidates by many of the very low 
freemen, the former declared to us both he had no intentions of 
offering himself, the latter hesitated and ask'd the advice of the 
Gregorians assembled by notice in full chapter, who all declared 
they were engaged to support me, and much more than the 
majority said the same as to Mr. Bacon. Upon this Mr. Preston 
took all opportunitys of publiekly and privately declaring 
he would support Mr. Bacon and myself. On Tuesday and the 
two following days, Alderman Thompson wasa good deal 
talked of as a candidate, but his being one of the deputa- 
tion from the Hall upon the 6th of November to invite 
Mr. Bacon and myself to represent that city, his publie and 
private conversation from that time till within this week, made 
it appear impossible he should be so treacherous. However, on 
Thursday evening about seven, printed bills were dispersed all 
over the town requesting votes for Thompson and Robert Harvey, 
publie houses open'd and they busy running about the town 
asking votes; the managers who had canvassed the Town Quakers 
and all, Mr. Rogers, Tom Harvey, Ives, etc., were much alarm'd 
for Mr. Baeon, as many of their workmen had declared they 
would give only single votes, and Thompson had directed most of 
his people to vote for himself and me. On Friday morning when 
the Mayor, Mr. Bacon, ete. went down to St. Andrew's Hall, 
the other two candidates came with their mob up to the 
Town Hall and waited for Mr. Bacon and myself. A poll 
was directly demanded and our friends went to work. About 


— 


EP Afterwards Sir Harbord Harbord and created Lord Suffield in 1786. 
+ Edward Bacon of Erleham (or Earlham), near Norwich. 














248 


five in the afternoon Harvey and Thompson proposed adjourn- 
ing the poll till this day, but gentlemen provd so warm 
upon thus keeping the town in a flame, that at length 
they agreed to close the booths and upon the casting up 
the numbers they were for Harbord, 1,729; Bacon, 1,507; 
Thompson, 715 ; Harvey, 501. Not a gentleman that I know of 
will be found upon the poll of the two latter gentlemen, and we 
gave no money nor open'd any house, had no country votes, and 
Thompson had, as we have since discover'd, been picking them 
up for ten days to the number of, I fancy, 60 or 70. Mr. 
Lillington and some others were at first so alarm'd for B; , 
that they refused some single votes and at length Crowe, Woods, 
Ives, Tom Harvey and others went down to the booths and used 
all their influence and interest with their respective workmen for 
the double votes, the steady and resolute and candid behaviour 
of the Sheriffs preventing any rioting, and I assure you I have 
seen more at this place when there was no opposition. The 
principal gentlemen are so exasperat'd at the behaviour of 
T n that if he is already in the list of justices and is not 
struck out and if we can possibly do not get him (sic) out of his 
employment it will prejudice our interest here more than any- 
thing that I know of that can happen. 








CHARLES TOWNSHEND to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1761, June 24. War Office.—I am sorry I was not in town 
when your Lordship's letter came to my house lest you should 
have found any inconvenience from the delay it has occasioned. 

Your Lordship has only done me justice in your immediate 
contradiction of the reports of my having interfered upon the 
vacancy at Norwich and the competition of Mr. Gay and Mr. 
Thompson, for I very solemnly assure you that I have never 
heard the subject spoke of but occasionally by yourself and very 
lightly by my own family, and have never had the least or the 
most distant conversation upon it with the Duke of Newcastle or 
any other person in the Administration. May I in return beg the 
favour of you to put such of your Lordship's friends as have thus 
used my name s0 very positively and with such little justification 
upon naming when and from whom they have in fact ever heard 
such a report? I could add to this general representation of the 
truth of my conduct upon this occasion, how little my temper, 
situation or any passion I have lead me upon such contests to 
take any interest at all, much less would they suffer me to act an 
unfriendly part towards you, with whom I live, thank God, and 
ever have lived, in & degree of friendship against which matters of 
this nature, I fancy, will never by either of us be put in the 
ballance. 


Tue SAME to THE SAME. 


1761, October 27. War Office.—As to Lord Buckinghamshire's 
letter of recommendation of Gardiner, whom he is unwilling to do 


244 


anything for unless Lord Buckinghamshire is really desirous of 
serving him. On learning that heis, he gives him a commission. 

**''he club meets on Saturday ; it will meet with more pleasure 
if you are there. Times busy; war hot: opera thin; Pitt 
resigned; Vernon lame; Vaughan sanguine. I have given 
Bellenden a company at your desire.” 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the EíARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1762, April 18. Wotton.—Expressions of friendship. It is 
impossible to answer Lord Buckinghamshire's enquiry as to the 
time when the Prussian subsidy and the vote of credit are likely 
to be eonsidered in the House of Lords as no day has yet been 
fixed for their consideration in the House of Commons. 


Joan EaARL or Hynprorp® to THE SAME. 


1762, August 1. Carmichael House.—'' As his Majesty has 
been pleased to honour you with the Embassy to Russia I heartily 
congratulate your Lordship upon it, and I can make no doubt 
that you will aequit yourself in that office to the satisfaction of 
the King and of the Ministry and your friends, of which number 
I desire to be ranked as a sincere one. 

As to the present politicks of the Court of Russia, your instruc- 
tions must direct you how to act. But as to your domestic and 
economical affairs I must acquaint you in friendship that during 
five years of my Embassy I was out of pocket, for 'tis & very 
expensive Court, and, contrary to common sense, an ambassador 
must give great entertainments and make a vast show in equipage 
to be respected. As to your eoaches, I would advise you to send 
them by sea from England, except what you want for the journey 
for yourself and servants which you may provide you in at 
Utrecht. But take care to avoid there & great rogue called 
Prichard, who takes upon himself the character of the King's 
Commissary, who has cheated many an English traveller and me 
in particular. You can’t do without a German secretary, and if he 
understands the French language, it will save you & third, for I 
make no doubt you carry an English secretary with you. The 
next thing is servants, and I must begin with good cooks and a 
Maitre d'Hotel, all which you may get at Hannover, and I would 
advise you to carry as few English servants as possible, except 
those about your own person, for they are sooner debauched at 
Petersbourg than at London (c'est beaucoup dire). This is very 
unconnected, but I must for your Lordship put down the articles 
as they occur to me at the distance of twelve years. Your 
Lordship may buy horses there of all kinds without being at the 
expense and risk of sending them thither. Mr. Keith, the King's 
Minister, will put you in the way of providing your family with 
all kind of wines and necessarys. I need not give you any caution 
as to wine or women, for I know your delicacy as to both, but 
you will be tempted. . . . . ; . 








ee eee 


* British Ambassador at St, Petersburg, 1744-1750, - 


945 


I dare not desire to be remembered to Peter the 8rd, altho’ I 
fancy he has not forgot me, at least he assured me he never 
would etc. He is a great lover of musick, and if you carry some 
good fiddles, he's very fond of them." C 


Viscount BARRINGTON to the Earn or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1762, December 17. Cavendish Square.—Tho' you did not 
lay any injunctions on me to write to you, I think 1t my duty 
to inform you of the interesting transactions of your country: I 
ought to have done it sooner; but till last week I hoped by 
staying some time, I might send you more agreable news both 
to yourself and to me. The die is now east, and opposition 
declared; nay actually begun. The Preliminaries have been 
opposed in both Houses of Parliament. In your House there was 
no division, tho’ the Duke of Newcastle and Lord Hardwick spoke 
against them. Mr. Pitt came to the House of Commons on 
crutches and spoke (sometimes standing, sometimes sitting) for 
three hours and twenty-five minutes; after which he went away, 
amidst the acclamations of a mob, which had follow’d him even 
into the lobby. His speech was against the preliminaries, but 
without violence or personality ; declaring he had no connections 
with any body. The House divided about midnight; 319 for the 
address approving the Peace, and 65 against it. The Attorney- 
General went away before the division ; but he attended the next 
day on the report and spoke in favour of the Preliminaries in 
general, tho’ he expressed doubts as to some articles, which he 
hoped might be altered in the definitive treaty: his brother Lord 
Royston voted with the Majority. The division the second day 
against the address was only 68, but if all had stay'd the day 
before, I believe instead of 65 they might have amounted to 
between four score and ninety. Such an eminent majority 
secures administration, and gives it credit as well as strength. 
Charles Townshend supported the Preliminaries soundly and 
well, tho’ he had resigned his employment the day before. 
He says he shall continue to support Government till 
the end of the session, when he will be ready to accept 
the Board of Trade; but that he disliked the War Office. 
Stanley made an admirable speech for the Peace. You have 
heard that Strange is Chancellor of the Dutchy in the room of 
Lord Kinnoul, who resign’d (as he says) on acc* of the usage of 
his friend the Duke of Devonshire. It is said Ellis will succeed 
Townshend and Rigby succeed Ellis; and it is thought Lord 
Granby will be Master of the Ordnance when he comes home. 
It is expected that they who voted in the minority the other day 
will be turn'd out before the holydays. 

Let me add a word about myself. I support Government, 
which I should do with the utmost satisfaction if the Duke of 
Newcastle did not oppose it. My motives in separating myself 
politically (personally I never can separate myself from his 
Grace) may be conscientious; they may be interested. I leave 
you to judge whence my conduct proceeds; you know me and 


246 


my actions for many years past. The Duke of N. continues to 
treat me with friendship and kindness. I was very explicit with 
him from the beginning; and he knows there never was a time, 
when even he could make me do what I thought wrong. His 
Grace had such offers several times in the summer, and particu- 
larly at the end of it, as I think he could not have refused, if he 
had not been govern'd and flatter'd by the Duke of Cumberland, 
who has undone him, and many of his best friends; but this is 
intirely inter nos. 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the EARL or BUCEINGHAMSHIRE. 


1768, July 18. Downing Street.—Tho’ the constant scenes 
of busyness which I have been engaged in for some time pass'd 
have scarcely allow'd me to perform the common offices of civility 
to my friends, yet I trust that they know me too well to believe 
that I ean be wanting in those of friendship. Many changes 
have happen'd in my own situation and that of the public since 
we parted, but none can happen in my sincere regard for you or 
in my desire to express it more effectually than by the 
assurances contain'd in a letter. I had the pleasure of seeing 
Mr. Hobart? as soon as he arrived in England and for the few 
days that he staid here before he went into the country. The 
account which he gave of himself made his return hither very 
necessary, but I flatter myself that he will not be oblig'd to go to 
Spaw to perfect his recovery. I rejoiced extremely to find from 
him as wel as from your own letters that the severity of 
the winters in Russia has had no ill effect upon you. Your return 
to Petersburg will, I hope, open a more agreeable and more active 
scene to you and take away all complaint of want of occupation. 
Such at least are the expectations that we form here, in con- 
sequence of the information which we receive. For my own part 
I most sincerely wish it from the persuasion I have that whenever 
you enter upon any busyness of importance you will in the 
transaction of it do honour to yourself and service to the publick. 
You was fully apprized of my sentiments upon that subject my 
dear Lord, before you left England, and I can only say to you that 
they still continue in all respects exactly the same. As you seem 

not to wish to have any body appointed Secretary to the Embassy 
in the room of Mr. Hobart, I believe I may assure you that no 
body will, at least for the present. Indeed I perfectly agree with 
you and enter into your reasons for not wishing it. I am 
extremely sensible to the many kind expressions towards me in 
both your letters, which I shall allways hope to deserve by every 
means in my power. Adieu my dear Lord, there is no public 
news worth the sending you, and if there was you would receive 
it by your publick dispatches, and as to anything of a private 
nature relative to the interior of this country, as this letter will 
probably go by the common post, it certainly would not be a 
proper conveyance to send it by. . . . 











— ——  ~ Ó— —ဗÀ M € —— M  —— — — M — MÀ M € Ó M 


*George Hobart, afterwards third Earl of Buckinghamshire. 


247 


Log» Barrineton to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMBHIRE. 


1768, November 17. Cavendish Square.—I have not time to 
answer two very friendly and agreeable letters which I have lately 
received from you, but which I shall acknowledge soon in the 
manner I ought. 

The paper herewith enclosed (which is an extract from a 
letter I have just written) will inform you of the state of publick 
matters here, which is much better than I expected it would be, 
and bears a very favourable aspect. I will only add that the House 
of Lords have come to very strong resolutions against a most 
obscene and profane book called ‘‘An Essay on Woman,” with 
notes by Dr. Warburton, Bishop of Gloucester. For this breach 
of the Bishop’s privilege, Wilks the author will be in Newgate 
after expulsion, if he does not run away, which in his present 
state he can hardly do. 


Inclosure. 


1768, November 17. Cavendish Square.—Last Tuesday the 
Parliament met, and the House of Commons, before the King’s 
speech was reported from the Chair, took into consideration a 
Message from his Majesty, on the subject of Mr. Wilkes, stating 
the impediments thrown in the way of his trial by the decision 
of Westminster Hall, on the head of privilege. After long 
debate on various points it was determined that the ‘ North Briton’ 
No. 45, was an infamous, seditious libel, etc. It was also resolved 
to proceed further on the Message, next day, when the point of 
privilege should be discussed, and enquiry made whether 
Mr. Wilkes was the author of that paper, with intention, on proof 
thereof, to expell him; but, just as the House was going to 
proceed yesterday on this business, news came that he had been 
shot thro’ the body, in a duel, by Sam. Martin, late Secretary to 
the Treasury. Martin had said in a speech, the day before (after 
mentioning some virulent abuse thrown on him, in a former 
North Britain) ‘‘that whoever was capable in a printed anony- 
mous paper to asperse him by name, was a cowardly scoundrel.”’ 
Wilkes the next morning wrote a letter to Martin, acknowledging 
himself the author of that paper, and they proceeded to Hyde 
Park, where the duel was fought. The wound is not thought 
dangerous ; but it occasioned the putting off the consideration of 
the Message, and we went on the Speech. The Address was 
moved by Lord Carnarvon, and very well seconded by Lord 
Frederick Campbell. Mr. Pitt spoke with great ability, and the 
utmost degree of temper. He said he had not altered his 
opinion of the Peace, which he still thought inadequate to our 
situation and successes; but that being made and approved by 
Parliament, nothing more unfortunate could happen than that 
it should be broken. That it was every man’s business to 
contribute all he could, to make it lasting, and to improve it; 
for which purpose he recommended union and abolition of 
party distinctions as absolutely necessary. He spoke civilly 
and not unfavourably of the Ministers; but of the King 
he said every thing which duty and affection could inspire. 


248 


The effect of this was a vote for the Address Nemine Con- 
tradicente. I think if 50,000/. had been given for that speech, 
it would have been well expended. It secures us a quiet Session ; 
and with the help of a division of 300 to 111 the day before, will 
give strength and reputation to Government, both at home and 
abroad. I must return for a moment to Wilks, that you may 
know more of Mr. Pitt’s present temper, for which I cannot 
account. He speaks as ill of him and his writings as anybody ; 
he approved the resolution against his Paper No. 45, except one 
word: but he is very warm on the affair of privilege, which he 
insists to have been rightly determin'd by the Court of Common 
Pleas, and violated by the Secretaries of State. He abused the 
opinion given by the Crown Lawyers, and treated both the 
Attorney and Solicitor-General very roughly tho' the former has 
resigned, and was supposed to be politieally connected with him. 
I know not what to make of this, in all. respects, most extra- 
ordinary man. 


Lorp BARRINGTON to the Kart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1764, February 26. Cavendish Square.—You have probably 
heard of some near divisions lately in the House of Commons, 
but perhaps you are not inform'd exactly of the points which 
occasion'd them. The following account will not be unacceptable 
to you if you have not received a better. 

Wilkes was taken up by Lord Halifax on a general warrant to 
seize the printer, publisher or author of the ‘‘ North Briton” No. 
45, together with their papers. Of this he complain'd the first 
day of the session as a violation of his privilege; but the hear- 
ing of that complaint was postponed to the consideration of the 
King's message concerning him. After Wilkes's expulsion, the 
complaint was taken up (not in his name, but as regarding the 
privilege of the House) by Sir Wm. Meredith and Sir George 
Saville. On enquiry it was found that nothing had been done by 
Lord Halifax or others concerned, but what was warranted by 
the constant usage of office, from the earlyest times, particularly 
when Lord Townshend, the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pitt were 
Secretaries of State; and therefore the House unanimously 
agreed there was no ground of eensure or blame on the present 
occasion: but the opposition proposed a Resolution declaring 
such general Warrants illegal, as in truth I believe them to be. 
The Ministers would not consent to this declaration of the law 
by one House of Parliament only, tho' they did not assert the 
legality of the Warrants. They said Westminster Hall and the 
judges there were the best interpreters of law; or else an 
Act of Parliament; and therefore proposed to adjoin the con- 
sideration of the matter for four months; which was carry'd 
at near seven in the morning by 282 against 218. "There were in 
the course of this proceeding several very long days, and near 
divisions, many persons extremely well disposed to Government 
and in employment, voting (in what they call’d a constitutional 
point) with the opposition. I think they will most or all of them 
come back to their friends: and if this point, greatly labour'd by 


249 


active opponents, does not raise more flame without doors than 
there is an appearance of at present, I hope it will not do Govern- 
ment any real or lasting mischief. As to change of administra- 
tion, I dare say it will produce none; tho' perhaps the Court you 
are at may receive different information. Wilkes has been con- 
victed on the indictments against him for writing the ‘ North 
Briton " No. 45, and the “ Essay on Woman," a most bawdy and 
blasphemous performance, 80 I think it impossible he can ever, 
eome over hither. He and his cause are already forgotten by the 
only friends he had, the mob; and we shall not soon have any 
similar writings. 

Dull politicks, my dear Lord, are a very poor inadequate return 
for the charming letters you send me from Petersburgh, two of 
which remain unanswer'd ; I mean those dated the 27th December 
and 10th January last. I have communicated them, or parts of 
them, where it was proper; and my communications were 
admired. The club is at your devotion, and goes as well as it can 
do without you. Strange and Stanley have had your messages, 

love you very much, and talk of writing to you. Our other club 

held on Sundays is in a very prosperous way, the vacancies have 
been well fill'd up, the meetings are well frequented, and our 
friend Johnston gets as many bumpers as he desires. There is 
an antiministerial club set up in Albemarle Street, at the house 
where poor Lord Waldegrave lived, on the footing of Whites ; but 
I hear no amusement or vice going on there; so I conelude it 
wil be soon abandon'd. Mrs. Welch lately return'd from 
Ireland with a fresh importatjon of beauty, was inform'd against 
and obliged to give security for her appearance; a bill of indict- 
ment was offer'd at the last sessions, but the grand jury had the 
good sense to return it ignoramus. 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIBE. 


1764, March 27. Downing Street.—Lady Suffolk has com- 
municated to Mr. Grenville Lord Buckinghamshire's letter from 
which it would appear that he was desirous to have it at his option 
whether he should stay at St. Petersburg some time longer, or 
return immediately, as the situation of his affairs may render it 
desirable. Mr. Grenville has therefore applied to his Majesty and 
is able to inform Lord Buckinghamshire that nothing further will 
be done with regard to the appointment of any other person, or 
to his recall at the present. 

‘“ Lady Suffolk will always prefer Lord Buckinghamshire’s 
credit and reputation even to the joy and comfort of seeing him. 

Of Parliamentary transactions it would be difficult to say but 
a little, and improper to say a great deal.” 


Lorp BARRINGTON tO THE SAME. 


1764, May 9.—I did not intend writing any more to you, for 
by your letter of the 8rd of April I concluded you were soon to 
begin your journey hither, but I have since found reason to believe 
I was not so near the comfort of seeing you as I hoped and 


250 


expected. Lord Sandwich tells me you may have your letters of 
recall whenever you shall desire them, and that you know you 
may. lam certain this paper will arrive at Petersburgh before 
those letters, not yet requested ; and therefore I send it, full of 
the most cordial and sincere assurances of my entire 
undiminished affection for your Excellency. You generally 
begin with a little politicks and I will (imitating your good 
example) do the same. The session of Parliament ended very 
well for the Administration, which has now in favour of its 
stability the publick opinion. You know how much that opinion 
will contribute to its stability. George Grenville has done 
admirably, indeed triumphantly, in the House of Commons. He 
gains ground every day in the city, a material place for the head 
of the Treasury. He has not indeed received any compliments en 
corps from the first commercial corporation in the kingdom ; but at 
Bristol, the second, he has been visited, complimented, feasted and 
honoured with his freedom. He went thither from Stoke with 
our friend Berkeley, now Lord Botetourt, fifth Baron of England ; 
and he visited his Lordship from Bath, where Mrs. Grenville has 
been sometime for her health. I wish you joy of Lord Halifax's 

Garter, an honour, in my opinion, well deserved and well timed. 
I hope my dear Lord to see it round your leg, while that leg is 
able to perform all the offices a true knight can require from it. 
Lord Bute came to town towards the end of the session. His 
Lordship and his most intimate friends declare he will never 
more have anything to do with ministry or even office ; and they 
add his perfect satisfaction in the administration now entrusted 
with the conduct of affairs. My old patron and friend the Duke 
of Newcastle 18 gone to Claremont for the summer in good health. 
I have seen him often this last winter, and Abdiel as I am, have 
always been kindly received. I believe he does not expect or 
even intend to be minister again, but he continues very restless. 

Mr. Pitt is almost worn out with gout, and except where Lord 
Chief Justice Pratt has been concern'd seems to me rather to 
have supported than opposed Government. By this time, the 
Court where you are probably knows how much it has been 
deceived by misrepresentations from home. 

Have you seen & most curious collection of letters published 
here by M. D'Eon, secrétaire d'Ambassade to the Due de 
Nivernois ? Wilkes is a child to him in abuse. M. de Guerchy, 
the Due de Prálin and others who are his objects have found him 
a most dangerous adversary, the more so for his being mad. 
Guerchy found out that he was visited by Lord Temple and 
expressed his surprise thereat to Lord Halifax, who made him 
this answer, 'Qwue voulez-vous que Milord Temple fasse; wl a 
perdu son propre Wilkes il faut qu'il se prenne au vôtre.” We dare 
not send this gentleman out of the country, but the Attorney- 
General, by order, is prosecuting him for a libel against the 
French Ambassador. 

The Earl of Pomfret has at last taken that deep laden rich 
aquapulea Miss Draycott. . . . . You see what middle- 
aged Lords of the Bedchamber can do. 








251 


I must conclude this letter by informing you of poor Jack's 
death at Paris the 2nd of last month, the heavyest affliction I 
ever knew. He was seized with & sort of palsey, which ended in 
an apoplexy. Water and matter were found in his head, 
occasioned as the learned there believe by a shot when he was 
unfortunately hit by David Hamilton in Norfolk. I cannot, like 
old Farington, make a new friend at the Coffee House when I 
have lost an old one. Come therefore my dear Lord and comfort 
your ever affectionate Barrington. 


Sir& WinLLIM HanBoRD to the Haru or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1764, August 18.—(Regrets that he is staying another winter 
as he now fears will be the case in so severe a climate and so 
uncomfortable a situation. Details as to what he has done for 
him on his Blickling estate.) 

I can’t indeed wonder that your Lordship should be a little 
mortified at your friend Townshend’s deserting you upon a late 
occasion. However, tho’ he carried his point, he gained no credit 
by it, nor has your Lordship lost any. His breach of friend- 
ship to you, which is the light in which it is generally looked 
upon, 18 condemned even by those who have no particular regard 
for your Lordship, and many gentlemen of the first fortunes in 
your country as well as most others are so dissatisfy'd with the 
proceedings at the last election that your lordship before another 
will have no great difficulty in overturning what has been done and 
taking the lead out of the hands it is in at present, if you think 
proper to exert yrself, but whether living upon easy terms with 
all and treating friends and foes upon the same footing will have 
the effect is a matter of some doubt. 

Mr. and Mrs. Harbord who have been here since the adjourn- 
ment of Parliament and your old friend Lady Harbord join in 
compliments to your Lordship. 

Lord Albermale (sic) has bought Quidenham and is to give 
68,0001. for it. 


Lorp BARRINGTON to the EaRL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1764, September 24. Cavendish Square.—It being understood 
that Mr. Macartney® is on the point of departure for Petersburgh, 
I thought it useless to write to you any more; concluding that you 
would not remain in Russia after the arrival of a person who 
could take care of the King’s affairs. But your letter of the 
21st August acquainting me you shall not be here at soonest 
before Christmas, I perceive that I have full time for another 
letter. It shall be chiefly composed of politicks, for there is 
nothing else stiring here. 

I need not inform you that Monsieur Destaignt, Governor of 
St. Domingo (a man of great quality who deserved the gallows 





* Afterwards Sir George Macartney. 
t Charles Hector Comte d'Estaing. b.1729. Guillotined 1794. 


252 


for having broken his parole when our prisoner of war in the 
East Indies) was pleased to seize Turks Island, one of the 
Bahamas; neither is it necessary I should acquaint your 
Excellency how completely the French Court has disavow'd that 
proceeding, and promised the most ample satisfaction; but 
possibly you may not authentically be informed that our Ministry 
have acted in this affair with the utmost spirit, and have been 
unanimous in so doing. A latter transaction perhaps may not 
yet have been communicated to you. Some French ships of war 
went to Newfoundland, where they met Captain Palliser, with a 
force not quite equal under his command. The French Commo- 
dore was preparing to visit the ports of the Island, in conse- 
quence as he said of orders for that purpose. This Palliser told 
him he must not permit, and should resist by force, notwithstand- 
ing his wish to proceed in the most amicable manner. The French- 
man at last declared he would not take any step that could violate 
the peace and every thing afterwards past with the utmost amity. 
Now it is thought here that in both these instances the French 
have a mind to feel our pulse, and that perceiving it beats high 
they have disavow'd their officers. It is thought we shall bring 
our negotiation with France concerning the money due for keep- 
ing prisoners of war, to a good issue; and that we shall receive 
a large ballance on that head. 

I now come to home affairs, and have the satisfaction to assure 
you that every thing is very quiet both at Court, in the city, and 
in the country; except at Exeter, where there is & violent spirit 
of opposition headed by Mr. Heath the Town Clerk, and, as I am 
told, by our friend Vaughan; who has now some leisure moments 
from love, which he throws away on country politicks. Poor 
Legge? you know is dead, and the Duke of Devonshire who 
tho’ very ill went abroad in hope of getting better, is much worse, 
has lost the use of part of one side by & stroke of palsey, and is 
thought in much danger. It is the general opinion both of them 
would be well at this time, if they had continued Chamberlain 
and Chancellor of the Exchequer. It is still thought Mr. Pitt 
wil not oppose, Charles Townshend wants to make his peace, 
the minority have neither abilities nor union, and I verily believe 
they will not have numbers next Session. The Duke of Grafton 
who since you left us has commenced opposer and orator, lives 
incognito at Woodford in Essex with Nancy Parsons in a cottage, 
the only inhabitant of which besides themselves is à maid servant, 
and a shoemaker's boy comes in the morning to clean his Grace's 
shoes. 

I have before inform'd you that poor Lady Barrington has been 
long in a declining way. I left her in no sort of immediate 
danger a week ago, and came hither for a few days, but last 
Friday she was rather worse and dyed in an hour after her danger 
was perceived. However it was known by every body but herself 
that she could not last long. I return to Beckett after her 
funeral." 


y Hey Bilson Legge, d. 23 Aug. 1764. Chancellor of the Exohequer until 


258 


Lonp Barrineton to the EaíRL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1764, December 17. Cavendish Square.—In obedience to your 
commands I again write to you, and I direct my letter to Berlin 
with great pleasure, because your instruction to do 80 is a proof 
that you are soon to return home. I have thought you too long 
absent for some time, on your account and my own; I hope I 
shall never more have another uneasy thought about you. 

I flatter myself from the flow of spirit and gayity in your 
letter dated the 13th of last month, that you are well and happy. 
It was reported here that you were ill at Petersburg. If that be 
true, I hope you are intirely recovered. May you bring to 
England all the health and vigour you carry'd abroad ; and may 
you have good employment for both in your own country. 

À sketch of the Carte du Pays to which you are coming may be 
of some use and afford you some amusement. I will begin with 
its politicks and be short on a dull subject. 

Mr. Grenville's ability in the House of Commons last Session, 
the firmness of the Court during the course of it, the spirit of 
administration towards France and Spain since the recess, 
the death of the Duke of Devonshire and Mr. Legge, the 
outlawry of Wilkes, Mr. Yorke's acceptance of a favour from the 
Crown and Mr. Pitt's supposed moderation, give the greatest 
prospect of success, strength and perhaps unanimity in Parliament 
this winter. You may be assured that the Ministers are perfectly 
satisfy'd with their Royal Master, and intirely united in what 
concerns his business. So much for publick affairs. 

We have a most admirable first man on the opera stage, 
Mansoli; our first woman is charming as to person, a good 
actrice and a pleasing singer. Our tennor is much admired, and 
Gardini conducts the orchestra. We hissed one set of dancers off 
the stage the first night; it is said a better set is coming. 

Mrs. Cornelys has made Carlisle House the most elegant 
place of publiek entertainment that ever was in this, or perhaps 
any country. The Duke of York returned from his travels and 
the Duke of Gloucester emancipated from his Governor, 
preceptors, etc., amuse themselves there constantly. The latter 
of these Royal personages seems to have no dislike to the 
Dowager Lady Waldegrave ; and she seems comforted for the loss 
of our deceased friend, by the general homage pay'd her by the 

iving. 

The Duke and Dutchess of Grafton are separated. . . She 
has 4,000/. a year for herself and the children. The Duke has 
declared he has no objection to her conduct, but chuses to live 
alone, having found they could not live happily together. His 
Grace passes his time with Nancy Parsons, and her Grace lives 
in retreat. No court, no spectacle, no assemblies. Perhaps when 
you arrive antiche pene may revive also. There is so much 
similitude between the Duchess and Lady Buckingham that an 
infidelity may be excused. 

I do not recollect anything more worth your knowledge. The 
opera club is very impatient for its dear president. Clubs put 


254 


me in mind of one lately established by the Jeunesse at Almacks 
call'd the Macaroni. It has demolish'd young Whites intirely, 
and old Whites is not without some apprehensions. 

Adieu my dear Lord, make haste hither. 

P.S.—The Primate of Ireland? is dead, and it is doubted a 
better Lord Northumberland will return to that country. Will 
you bea king? 


The Baron J. B. De CHERKA8SOrFF to the EaARL or 
BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1765, Feb. 28 (N.8.). Petersburg.—Expressions of affectionate 
regret at his departure from St. Petersburgt—the Baronne Eliza- 
beth de Czerkasoff adding a note to the same effect. 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1765, May 18. Downing Street.—Notwithstanding the great 
variety of busyness, in which I have been necessarily engaged, 
and which still continues to demand more hours than it is in my 
power to give, yet I cannot omitt expressing to you my warmest 
thanks for your very kind letter of the 25th of this month. You 
judge very truly, my dear Lord, that I cannot feel a more sensible 
joy at the reconciliation of every part of our family, nor more 
obliged to my friends there at the share which they take in it. 
As for the political situation and the many extraordinary circum- 
stances which have passed relative to it since I saw you, it is not 
possible to write upon a subject which requires much more than 
a letter can or ought to contain, especially from me and therefore 
I reserve till I have the pleasure of seeing you all that I have to 
say upon it. In the meantime let me assure you my dear Lord 
that whatever that scene may be, I have received in the course of 
this transaction a comfort and satisfaction which I trust will only 
end with my life, the first part of it from that domestic union 
which you so kindly congratulate me upon, and the other from 
those testimonies of friendship and approbation which have so 
far exceeded, not my wishes indeed, but what I had a right to 
expect. Let me add too that amongst these none can give more 
pleasure than the proofs of your kindness and regard to, my dear 
Lord, 

Your most faithfull and most affectionate 
GEORGE GRENVILLE. 
My best compliments attend Colonel Hotham. 


The Earz of BUcKINGHAMSHIRE to the CavaLieERA MICHIETI. 
(In French.) 


1765, May 80.—Expressions of friendship and of condolence 
on the death of her husband. 

* Après une absence assez longue dans un pais que les ignor- 
ants estiment un pais barbare, me voici de retour chez moi. 





* Dr. George Stone, Archbishop of Armagh. 
+ Lord Buckinghamshire reached London from St. Petersburg 28 March, 1765. 











255 


Mon Séjour y a été assez agréable et vous êtes trop au dessus 
des prejugés pour ne pas me croire quand je vous assure que le 
genre humain y est à peu près comme ailleurs, les hommes n'ont 
ni queux ni griffes et les femmes sont très-belles. Il est vrai 
qu'il leur manque aussi bien qu'aux autres Européens la sensibilité 
et la morbidezza degli occhi Veneziani.” 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the Karu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1765, July 9th. Downing Street.—Though I have not been 
able to acknowledge the honour of your Lordship’s letter of the 
27th of last month so soon as I ought and as I should have done 
at any other time, yet I am convinced by the kindness of it that 
you think me incapable of neglecting the first opportunity in my 
power todo what you desire and recommend to my care. The 
consequence of this I took the earliest and probably the only 
occasion which I shall have of laying before the King that 
article in your bill of extraordinaries which relates to your 
travelling expenses and of representing to His Majesty the justice 
and reasonableness of making some allowance on that head in 
your particular case, notwithstanding the general rule and the 
minute of the Treasury upon this subject. I have now the 
pleasure to inform your Lordship that in consequence of this 
representation his Majesty was pleased to signify to me his 
directions that the sum of one thousand pounds should be allowed 
to your Lordship for the expenses of your journey from $t. 
Petersburg to Moscow, but as I am informed that £200 has 
been already allowed to you upon that occasion, if that is true, 
no more than the sum of £800 can be paid to make up the sum 
of one thousand pounds in the whole. I have given the necessary 
orders to have that matter settled before I leave the Treasury 
which I have reason to believe will be to-morrow or the next day, 
as I should be glad if possible to have it completely done, that 
you may have no further trouble about it. 

I am extremely sorry, my dear Lord, for the uneasiness which 
you express at your political situation and at the many disagree- 
able circumstances which have occured to you in the course of it. 
I have felt them for you very sincerely and I hope I need not 
say that my best wishes and utmost endeavours have at all times 
been employed to remove or to diminish them. The change 
which the King has been making for these two months 
in his administration and which I understand will be declared 
to-morrow, you will easily see makes it quite impossible for me 
to be of any use at present to any of my friends. I know not 
whether you have received any account of the intended arrange- 
ments from those who are to succeed me or how far your appro- 
bation and support of this new system has been desir'd and 
applied for. I may possibly be a very improper judge of the 
propriety of this measure, but I should be wanting to that friend- 
ship and openness with which I have always acted and shall 
always act towards youif I did not say to you that Iam thoroughly 


256 


persuaded that it will not tend to the honor and ease of the king, 
the safety and happiness of his people nor to the particular credit 
of those who are engaged in it. 

The Plan after a great variety of unsuccessful attempts is now 
said to be as follows. Lord Rockingham, Mr. Dowdeswell, Lord 
John Cavendish, Mr. G. Onslow and Mr. Pelham to be Lords of 
the Treasury, and Mr. Dowdeswell to be Chancellor of the 
Exchequer. Duke of Grafton and General Conway to be 
Secretaries of State, Lord Winchelsea Lord President, Duke of 
Newcastle Lord Privy Seal, Duke of Portland Lord Chamberlain, 
Lord Egmont to continue First Lord of the Admiralty with four 
new Lords not yet settled who they areorin whose room. Lord 
Bessborough and Mr. W. Mellish to be the two Postmasters, 
instead of Lord Trevor and Lord Hyde, the younger Mr. 
Mellish, who is in Parliament, and Mr. J. Roberts to be the two 
Secretaries of the Treasury, instead of Mr. Jenkinson and Mr. 
Whateley. Lord Dartmouth to be at the Head of the Board of 
Trade instead of Lord Hillsborough. Many other arrangements 
are talked of, but not finally determined. I have now told your 
Lordship all that I know and make no comments, because I think 
them unnecessary. I will not even answer that all this will take 
effect, because if I am rightly enform’d, it has been chang’d every 
day and almost every hour. You will hear many other reports 
of support approbation, etc., but as most of them are false, to 
my own knowledge, I cannot but recommend to your Lordship to 
believe none of them till they are confirm’d in a manner which 
will admitt of no doubt. 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the Eart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1765, July 16. Downing Street.—(Warmly acknowledges his 
kind expressions of friendship and good opinion.) 

I set so high a value on the assurances which you give me of 
your affection to me as a private man and of your approbation 
of my conduct as a public man, that I shall certainly use my 
utmost endeavours to deserve both the one and the other. My 
best means for the continuance of the latter, must be to persevere 
in the same behaviour by which I have been so happy as to 
attain it, and my best title to the former is the sincerity of those 
sentiments which I have long borne to you. 

P.S.—We go to Wotton on Fryday next where we shall be 
happy to see you whenever you can give us that pleasure, and 
we flatter ourselves from what you say at the end of your letter 
that you will find a time to do what will certainly be so infinitely 
agreeable to us. I beg you will make my best compliments to 
Mr. Nugent, if he is still with you. 


MrNvTES for Mr. Tomurson’s LETTER to Mr. HaRbonp.? 


1765, August.—That Lord Buckinghamshire rather chuses to 
wave his own own feelings and the facts upon which those feelings 








E See for this this politioal quarrel with the Harbords Lady Suffolk to Lord Buckingham- 
shire, 9 August, 1764. (Lady Suffolk's Letters, Vol. II., p. 289.) 





257 


are founded, some of which Mr. Harbord may possibly not be 
fully acquainted with, as to mention them would be invidious 
and probably of no utility. 

That if Mr. Harbord supposes that he has not already 
suffieiently prov'd his independency, he will possibly think it 
necessary to continue to act differently from Lord Buckingham- 
shire. In which ease Lord Buckinghamshire will not readily 
submit to have it understood that of twelve members which 
Norfolk sends to Parliament, he do's not recommend one. 

It may further be necessary to observe how unnatural it is for 
two persons who take different parts at Westminster to make a 
common political interest in the country. That if Mr. Harbord 
proposes in opposition to Mr. Grenville to support the present 
administration, in justice to Lord Buckinghamshire he ought to 
decline standing for Norwich at the next general election in 
eonsideration of which Lord Buckinghamshire will exert his 
influence to the utmost to bring him in for the county. 

That the idea of a probable coolness with his neighbours at 
Gunton has given Lord Buckinghamshire more uneasiness than 
any misfortune he as yet has experienced. 

That Mr. Harbord should eonsider the weight of property and 
of parliamentary interest his family together with the whole of 
Lord Buckingham’s must have, when united together in a very 
short time; and particularly how much their influence must 
operate both in Norfolk and Norwich, if living in a thorough 
good understanding they are not obliged to make any declaration 
prematurely, but offer either Mr. Harbord, or Mr. Hobart to the 
county, just as the then tempers of gentlemen lead. 

That it is mutually for their honour and interest to give each 
other every publiek and private support. 

That no two persons can always be exactly of the same 
opinion and therefore for the sake of consistency it is in- 
dispensably necessary that upon such occasions one must give 
way to the other, upon which supposition it is submitted to Mr. 
Harbord, which of the two may best expect such a deference. 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1765, Oct. 21. Bath.—(Mrs. Grenville’s ill health is his excuse 
for not writing earlier. Her painful and precarious situation 
fills him with the greatest uneasiness. Extremely sensible of Lord 
Buckinghamshire’s solicitude.) I will certainly write to the 
Dean of Norwich, who is in Dorsetshire, by the cross post, which 
sets out from hence to-morrow night, and desire him to do all in 
his power to promote the change in the living of St. Giles’ in 
Norwich between Dr. Gardener and Mr. Money, and to inform 
you of the steps which he is able to take in it, being fully per- 
suaded of his hearty disposition to obey your commands as well 
from the real respects which he personally bears to you, as from 
the knowledge he has of the interest which I take in every wish 
of yours, which will make me feel extremely obliged to you for 
every opportunity of furthering them. As to Spanish Charles 


17118 E 


258 


Townshend’s opinions which you inform me of, he will allow 
me to think that they partake a little of a Spanish Rodomontade; 
at least from the endeavours which it is universally believed have 
been us'd (though hitherto ineffectually) to dissolve the present 
Parliament, it does not seem that his superiors are of the same 
opinion. . . . 


The Eanz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Mr. Nuarnr.® 


1765, Oct.—Your not having been well is a sort of apology, 
tho' the most disagreeable one you could have made, for not 
coming to Blickling. Nor does it seem totaly conclusive as your 
complaint was not of so acute a nature as to prevent your taking 
a journey to a house where you were well assured every possible 
care would have been taken of you. My wife and my daughter’s 
officious attention would have vy'd to relieve you. 

Lady Buckingham’s partial friendship has long been known to 
you; partial I must call it as it seems even to exceed mine, nor 
can you doubt the preferential affection with which Lady Harriet 
regards you; which though in this instance it may prove her 
judgement and discernment, yet must make the heart of that 
parent feel some little degree of anxiety who considers how far 
such an early disposition to tenderness may hereafter lead her. 

I have not heard anything material lately relative to our little 
masters, tho’ general accounts of their divisions, irresolution and 
inability must reach even the remotest corners. Whatever face of 
triumph the second-rate politicians who have embarked in the frail 
green vessel, may display to the publick, I am well assur'd the 
leaders are fully conscious how little they are equal to their 
situation, and that they can never wear those new robes, which 
hang by a cobweb to their shoulders, with honor to themselves or 
utility to their country. 

I have lately received a letter from Mr. Grenville. Reflection but 
the more convinces me of the calamity England has sustained 
by his being compelled to quit an office which he is not only the 
best but the only man in these times duly qualify'd to fill. The 
candid and the inform'd must lament his retreat, which can only 
please the interested and the ignorant, or those wretched 
merchants who living upon expedients make a lottery of trade, 
and would adopt the same miserable plan for the Publick, which 
in the end must prove equally ruinous to the General as to 
individuals. 

When avarice or extravagance makes nineteen in twenty deaf 
to every other consideration but their own momentary advantage, 
surely the Treasury ought to be directed by a minister who acting 
from experience, knowledge and integrity, despises popular 
clamour, resists it with temper and firmness and whose measures, 
founded on true principles will best be justify'd by their conse- 
quences. 


* Robert Nugent, successively Lord Nugent, Lord Clare and Earl Nugent, 


259 


This is only saying in worse terms what I am persuaded you 
would give as your opinion; and I know not why it found a place 
here except that in writing to a friend my pen is us’d to scrawl 
what first occurs to me. 

(Draft.) 


The Earu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Mr. Nuaenrt. 


1765, November.—Lady Dorothy Hotham! intreats the favor 
of you to inform her particularly what method your father took 
to cure himself of the gravel, and how long it was before he found 
any benefit from it. 

She would have wrote to you herself upon the subject, if she 
had not lately been mortify'd by having a letter return'd by a 
gentleman, and you will agree she ought to be cautious of again 
exposing herself to such a disgrace. I am glad my letter pleased 
you; you stile it ‘ elegant,’ an epithet it il] deserves, unless the 
artless, yet decent, garb of truth may claim it. You injure me, 
however, by imagining that any part of it was wrote with an 
intention to check the career of your vanity in preventing the 
displaying of that tribute my complaisance paid to it in the 
account of that decided preference my wife and daughter gave 
you—fatal rivalship which may hereafter cool them in the per- 
formance of the reciprocal dutys of child and parent. 

I judged of the election by the representative and could not 
imagine any merchant who voted for you could be offended at the 
sentiments you approv'd. I considered your city as a seat of 
commerce in the noblest and most extensive sense of the word, and 
that, excepting indeed the narrow circle of the White Lion Club, 
it would have been as difficult at this time to have found a mean, 
interested trader amongst the sons of Bristol as it was in the day 
of Queen Elizabeth to discover a beauty amongst the daughters. 

Your account of Mrs. Grenville is but too disagreeably con- 
firmed to me by Lady Suffolk, who has seen her since she came 
to town. Should the worst happen our friend’s loss will be 
irreparable. As far as long study of that wayward sex has enabled 
me to analyse the intricate and indefinable qualitys by which 
their various natures charm and plague, she was the first prize 
in the marriage lottery of our century. 

I love you and yours too well not to enter into all the anxiety 
you must have felt during your son’s late absence in Ireland; he 
should for the future confine his gallantrys to England where he 
may be happy with twenty fine women upon easier terms than 
with one in that perverse country. You will see me in London 
in about a fortnight, but in the meantime let me give you one 
caution :—to insist upon my sister’s not communicating your 
father’s receipt to her friends (for she has some everywhere) in 
the New Ministry. Those gentlemen are certainly gravel’d and 
it is by no means your business to contribute to their present 
ease, much less to their radical cure. 

(Draft.) 


! Sister to the Earl of Buckinghamshire, 


260 


Sir. Wa. HarBonp to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRe. 


1765, Dec. 16. Gunton.—Refuses to sell his Plumstead estate, 
but is not averse to an exchange. 


The Eanr or BuCKINGHAMSHIRE to Sir Wm. HARBORD. 


1765, Dec. 21.—Explaining his reasons for having offered to 
buy Plumstead. 

1766.—A packet of extracts from the North American Papers of 
the 24th Jan. 


Short extracts from the following :— 

1. Mr. Secretary Conway to General Gage of the 24th Oct., 
1765. . 

2. The same to Governor Bernard of the same date. 

8. Representation (dated Aug. 27, 1765) of the Board of 
Trade to Council relative to the Virginian Resolutions received 
in Governor Fauquier's letter of the 5th June, 1765. 

4. Extract of a Representation (Oct. 1, 1765) of the Board of 
Trade to Council touching the proceedings of the House of 
Representatives of Massachusets Bay. 

5. Report of Council, Oct. 8, 1765. 

6. From Governor Bernard to Mr. Pownall, Oct. 1, 1765. 

7. Governor Franklin's answer to Mr. Cox, Stamp Collector. 

1765, Sept. 4. New Jersey.—'"'All with whom I have conversed 
seem to think they are as much bound to pay obedience to this 
Act, as to the Act of Dutys upon Trade and to those other Acts 
relative to the Colonys which they have heretofore obeyed, and 
that they ought not to make any opposition till they have first 
try'd all means of obtaining redress. These also seem to be the 
sentiments of the sober, discreet men of every province." 


A Packet of Papers endorsed ‘ Relative to North America and 
the Repeal of the Stamp Act.' 

1. America. (6) Intended Resolutions of the House of Peers, 
Jan., 1766. 

2. North America. Address. (In consequence of the above 
Resolutions.) 

8. Protest against the Repeal of the Stamp Act. 11 March, 
1766. Signed by the following Peers: Bedford, Coventry, 
Bridgwater, Dunk Halifax, Buckingham, Wentworth, Sandwich, 
Marlborough, Trevor, Ker, Leigh, J. Bangor, Waldegrave, 
Aylesford, Gower, Dudley and Ward, Powis, Weymouth, 
Scarsdale, Temple, Littleton, Eglintoun, Suffolk and Berkshire, 
Abercorn, Vere, Bolingbroke, W. Glouster, Thos. Bristol, Ferrers, 
Grosvenor, Townshend, Hyde, Charles Carlisle. Copy. 

4. A Duplicate copy of the above. 

5. 1766, 17 March. Protest against passing the Bill to 
repeal the American Stamp Act of last session. Signed by the 





261 


above with the exception of the following Peers: Bedford, 
Coventry, Wentworth, Waldegrave, Bolingbroke, Townshend. 
C 


0py. 
6. 1768, Oct. 31. Copy of a letter from Major-General Gage 
to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston. 
7. 1768, November 1. Copy of a Letter from Governor 
Bernard to the Earl of Hillsborough. 
8. 1768, November 1. Copy. Minutes of Council at Boston 
October 12, 1768. (In Governor Bernard’s.) 
1 9. Copyof the minutes of Council at Boston the 17th October, 
768. 
10. Copy. Minutes of Council of 26th October, 1768. (In 
Governor Bernard's to Mr. Pownall of 17 November, 1768.) 
ll. Copy of the answer of the Justices of the Peace of Boston 
to the Governor. (In Governor Bernard's of November 1, 1768.) 
12. Copy of Governor Bernard's order to Joseph Goldthwaite, 
esq. (In Governor Bernard's of November 1st, 1768.) 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the EaíARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1766, June 28. Wotton.—However indifferent I may be in 
general with respect both to the text and comment upon our 
present Political Situation, which can only be agreeable to those 
who can derive pleasure from the prospect of Changes founded 
upon the unhappy necessity of public distress, yet I feel very 
sensibly the proofs of your friendship in the information which 
you have given to me of the state of things and return you m 
sincerest thanks for every part of your letter. I agree very mue 
with you in the greater part of your opinions upon this subject, 
but I think you seem to over-rate the little footing which 
you suspect Lord Albermarle has gotten and his Testament 
Politique which, unless you have good grounds for it I 
should scarcely believe is ever likely to be adopted. To be 
sure the present Whig Administration set up in opposition 
to the Tory and Jacobite Families who formed the last 
Ministry would furnish matter of observation to an 
curious enquirer into this species of their merit, who should find 
that they consisted of men descended from Lord Strafford, 
Sir Edward Seymour, King Charles the 2nd, Lord Nottingham, 
and Lord Dartmouth, with that true Wig the Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, amd for their men of busyness and of confidence in 
the two great Offices of the Treasury and Secretary of State, the 
two Mr. Burkes, whose Whig pedigree, history and qualifications 
for this unlimited trust, may be learnt from those who have been 
lately in Ireland. I should not have mention’d nor judg'd of any 
man by the Party merit or demerit of his ancestors if the 
Whig Families had not been impudently urg’d to make up for 
their notorious deficiency in all other circumstances. But not- 
withstanding all this, and all that I hear from every quarter, I 
am of your opinion that the majority will not vary essentially till 
other things vary, or till those public difficulties, the seeds of which 
have been so liberally sown, shall begin to produce their harvest 


262 


and in that case I pity the man whose fortune it shall be to reap 
them. What the event of it will be I know not. My only care 
must be to preserve my public opinions and my private honor 
inviolate that my friends may never be asham'd of me; and this, 
I hope to accomplish because it depends upon myself. I am 
very much mortifyd to find by your letter, that you doubt 
whether you shall be able to call upon your friends in Bucking- 
hamshire in your return from the West into Norfolk. Consider 
only that it is the nearest way and how extremely glad we shall 
be to see you here; the more so because I own after your kind- 
ness to me last year, we have no pretence to ask it, but must 
owe it entirely to your friendship and inclination. Believe me 
my dear Lord, these motives wil be more than sufficient 
to carry me to Bliekling even without my owing it to you 
(which I acknowledge with pleasure). I need not say that 
the hopes you give us of finding Lady Suffolk there would 
be the greatest additional inducement to us both if we 
could want any to come to you. But alas the returns of Mrs. 
Grenville's fits of pain are too frequent at present for us to 
reckon upon it. We have been at Shortgrove and at Petworth ; she 
had a severe attack at both places notwithstanding which upon 
the whole she is satisfyd that she has gained ground con- 
siderably, as she has certainly gained strength. Many of our 
friends have promised us to come here in the course of the 
summer; amongst others Mr. Nugent who wrote me word that 
he had seen you &nd how much oblig'd to you I was for your 
remembrance of me in your potations. Lord Lorne and Lord 
Frederick Campbell left us the day before yesterday and we 
expect Lord and Lady Aylesford and I believe Lord Trevor the 
day after tomorrow. We propose to go with them to Stowe in 
5 or 6 days and I will certainly remember your invitation to 
Lord Temple, whose inclinations I am fully persuaded would 
lead him to Blickling, if after the excursions which he has 
already made and one more into another part of the world, 
which he has engag'd to make, he can again leave Stowe this 
summer, which I scarcely think possible, especially unless you 
can come into Buckinghamshire to tempt him. 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1766, July 1. Stowe.—(Acknowledging a letter from Lord 
Buekinghamshire at Bath. I am extremely sensible of your 
kindness to me in the offer which you make me to bring in any 
friend of mine at a borough where there will be a great probability 
of success, but a considerable expense may be incur'd. I am 
persuaded that I know some friends of mine who will very 
willingly engage in & reasonable expense with & fair prospect of 
success, but as I see the impossibihty of your writing more clearly 
and with a degree of certainty, so it is impossible for me till I 
can explain that matter more fully and in consequence receive 
an answer upon it, to give any certain answer to it, except to 
desire you by no means to postpone on my account any immediate 





° 263 


arrangement which the situation of this affair may require, as I 
am sure what will be most advantageous to your interest will for 
every reason be most desirable and agreeable to me. . 


P.S. We came hither yesterday and return to Wotton in 4 or 5 
days. My wife still continues to have frequent returns of pain. 
She joins with Lord Temple in desiring their best compliments 
to you. 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the EaARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1766, July 20. Wotton.—Tho’ you will have seen from every 
newspaper and have heard from every correspondent in London 
that my brother, Lord Temple, returned to Stowe on Fryday and 
that he had declin’d accepting the office intended for him under 
the new arrangement, yet perhaps you may be glad to know the 
outlines of what was proposed to him, and I shall certainly be 
glad to give you the earliest intelligence which I received of this 
transaction. The modest proposal made to Lord Temple by Mr. 
Pitt, whom he saw but once during three days he was in town, 
was that he should stand as a capital cypher in the most 
responsible office in the kingdom unsupported by any of his 
friends, whilest Mr. Pitt, in the sine cure Office of Privy Seal 
without any risque or trouble, except what he chose, was to guide, 
nominate and form the whole. Asa particular grace to him, he was 
to be consulted in naming to his own Board of the Treasury, care 
being taken that if any of Mr. Pitt’s friends were left out of it, 
they should be otherwise as well provided for. There was no 
change of measures pretended, so that Lord Temple was to come 
in to support what he foresaw. He could not approve in con- 
tradiction to his declar’d sentiment of last session, and as to 
men, the only change was to bring in some of Mr. Pitt’s 
immediate dependants, who with the rump of the last were to 
form the present plan of an able Administration. Lord 
Shelburne and Mr. Conway were to be the Secretaries of State 
and the Duke of Grafton Lord President. Lord Temple wish’d 
for Union for the sake of the King and of the kingdom, but not 
for Obedience, which he did not expect to have propos’d by one 
who well knew beforehand that he would not consent to it and to 
whom in the like case, he would not have proposed it, and as 
this could attain no public end, and was in itself utterly 
inadmissable, it put an immediate end to the whole 
idea. Lord Temple declined expressly to state me for 
any office whatever, knowing my sentiments, and that I thought 
it much more for my dignity and honour not to have my name 
mentioned ; so that it cannot be said that this was broken off by 
Lord Temple upon considerations for his own family. When he 
mentioned Lord Lyttelton for a Cabinet Council office it was 
receiv'd with scorn and at ‘last as a particular favor to Lord 
Temple be might have had some office’ for the present and have 
a Cabinet office on some future vacancy, but not now. The King 
receiv'd Lord Temple very graciously and favourably both the 


264 


days when he waited upon him, but you will not wonder that 
whilst Lord Temple is thoroughly sensible of the King's goodness 
to him that he should feel a treatment so unworthy and un- 
expected from Mr. Pitt. This my dear Lord is all that I can tell 
you, what the further arrangements will now be, I know not, nor 
can it be very material, as it must be very little different from 
the former system with the addition of wisdom, temper and 
moderation to the ability and experience of the former. Adieu 
my dear Lord. Our friend Nugent who has been here these 
8 days waits to carry this to town with him. (Assurances 
of friendship. Mrs. Grenville's health still precarious but im- 
proving.) 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1766, July 29. Wotton.—(Nothing to add to the political intel- 
ligence of his last letter except what may be learnt from the 
Gazettes.) 

I now write only to thank you for your very kind offer to 
bring in any friend of mine next Election for £1800,—if not 
chose to cost him nothing—and to tell you my dear lord that ‘I 
greet your love not with vain thanks only, but with acceptance 
bounteous.’ I am convinced that two or three of my friends 
will be at a loss whom this proposal will make very happy and 
I suppose there will be no occasion to declare the name as yet 
at least, and if not, I should wish not to do it for a little 
while till I can see how their other endeavours are likely to turn 
out, as I take it for granted whatever we may hear talked of, 
that no ministry will put an end to the present well constituted 
and happily dispos'd Parliament till pretty near its natural death. 
Our friend Mr. Nugent seem’d to me not well when he was here, 
and out of spirits, which is a bad sign for some, but I hope both 
the one or the other will mend soon. . 


RicHARD OWEN CAMBRIDGE tO THE SAME. 


1766, Aug. 2.—$o far from the Center of Intelligence, I am 
forced to delay writing till the last moment, that I may gain the 
freshest news; the consequence of which is that I must write in 
a hurry as the post is going and jumbling all things together. 
"Iis well I did not tell you Lord Chatham was brought to bed 
or a still greater personage, if such a one there be in these 

arts. 
P I have this morning left Lord Suffolk and Col. Hotham. We 
cannot all together furnish one paragraph of news for your use 
or entertainment, and I only write to let your Lordship know that 
I would amuse you if I could and since I can not I must insist 
and will send you all our acknowledgements and repeat the 
grateful sense we have of our entertainment in Norfolk. 

It seems strange that a man within ten miles of London can 
find nothing to write to one who is 120 miles distant, but for my 
part, I live so much out of this sort of talk that I know no more 


265 


how these things are come about or what is to be next, than my 
Lord Bute or any other person devoted to the most recluse 
retirement. Not one of those whom I call my particular friends 
have I happened to see. 

It is at this instant thundering and raining, I hear Lord 
Chatham is unpopular in the city already. He is certainly in 
a very bad state of health. As soon as I know anything worth 
your Lordship's hearing I will write. 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1766, August 5. Wotton.—As you desire to have an answer as 
soon as possible upon that part of your letter which relates to 
the Election at St. Ives, I would not omit writing to you 
immediately after I have received it, tho’ it is impossible for me 
to do more than to refer myself entirely to you upon that 
subject. I would upon no consideration put you to the least 
extraordinary trouble or expense to show your kindness to me 
by choosing any friend of mine there. I am fully satisfied of 
your friendship towards me by the manner in which you made 
me the offer—but if it suits you better upon account of the 
fresh difficulties which I find by your letter are arising there, to 
close with the proposals which Mr. Knile makes to you to fix 
upon some other man, I earnestly desire that you will do so 
without thinking a moment of what you have writ to me on this 
subject, of which I shall only remember your obliging intentions. 
On the other hand, if it were quite open to you and the election 
could be’ sure for 2,500 as Mr. Knile states it to you, I believe I 
could recommend a very good friend of mine who would accept 
it with pleasure, provided he is not obliged to any further trouble 
or canvas, except the appearing in the town if necessary a day 
or two before the election. 

I leave this matter therefore entirely to your decision, assuring 
you that whatever is most advantageous to you cannot fail of 
being most agreeable to me. As to the other part of your letter 
I should flatter myself that your Lordship will congratulate me 
upon that Union not taking place with our family on terms of the 
utmost danger, servility and dishonor which I think would 
have involved those who would have engag’d in such insolent 
and insidious conditions in ruin and disgrace. I am very glad 
you approve of what Lord Temple has done and of my sentiments 
on this occasion and, I rejoice as an individual, tho’ as a true friend 
to the King and the Kingdom I lament the situation of both, and 
am firmly of opinion that the event will show the folly and 
instability of this interested weak and narrow system, on which 
I will make no further comments, as you now know all that I do 
about it and will see the rest from the Gazettes and your own 
observation. 


JoHN ParrEsoN, Mayor of Norwich, to THE SAME. 


.1766, Sept. 18.—Has the honour of transmitting to Lord 
Buckinghamshire three petitions, relative to the dreaded scarcity 





266 


of wheat, which we are persuaded you will not, my Lord, think 
it a trouble to cause to be delivered, one to the Rt. Honble. the 
Earl of Northington, one to his Grace the Duke of Grafton, and 
one to the Rt. Honble. Ch. Townshend, Esq. I cannot but 
esteem it & most fortunate cireumstance that these petitions will 
thus under your Lordship's countenance go with so much weight 
as I make no doubt but will obtain such relief as may be in 
the power of government to give. 


Jon PaTrrESON, Mayor of Norwich, to the EARL or 
BucKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1766, Sept. 24. Norwich.—(Thanking Lord Buckinghamshire 
for having enforced the petitions from this city.) 

I have had a letter from the Treasury requiring the prices of 
wheat for three market days last past, which have accordingly 
been transmitted and this gives us hopes that the matter will 
again be brought under consideration of the privy council. 
(Encloses the Chancellor of the Exchequer's letters to Lord 
Buckinghamshire.®) 


C. TowNsHEND{ to THE SAME. 


I have this moment received an express from the Duke of 
Grafton inclosing the representation from Norwich. His Grace 
will not be in town till Thursday morning. In this situation and 
from the anxiety of our friends, I doubt whether it would not be 
more prudent because more agreeable to them, if we were to send 
our answers this evening. In this, you will judge for us both, 
but I renew the subject least out of kindness to me, you should 
expose yourself to any supposition of delay. The Duke of 
Grafton has probably wrote to you, but in his letter to me, he 
only encloses the representation. 

I have some idea that the lawyers have decided that the 
measure of an embargo would be unconstitutional, and I hear 
that the Secretary's of State have said in their letter to the city 
that the prohibition must wait the meeting of Parliament !, but 
you could easily learn this from the Lord Mayor who is a Norfolk 
man and a corn factor. 

Gr. Sq. Tuesday morn. Sep. (otherwise undated §). 


C. TownsHEND to THE SAME. 


Gr. Sq. 11 o’clock. Having written you an ostensible letter 
give me leave now in our natural and more pleasant stile of friend- 
ship, to add this codicil, it 18 to whisper to you that the Council 


_ ee eee — —— —- — 





* See Charles Townshend to Lord Buckinghamshire. (Dated Tuesday morning, 


Sept.) 
f Chancellor of the Exchequer in July, 1766. 
t Parliament was prorogued from the 16th September to the 11th November, 
1766. The Embargo upon the Export of Corn was proclaimed the 26th September. 
$ See following letter. 


267 


have met upon the subject. I was not present and I am told 
they decided against any interposition, probably they argued 
upon the sense of the two last acts taken together, and thought 
an embargo confined to corn and in time of peace, too bold a 
measure to advise. With this I have nothing to do, but I will 
suggest the necessity of another Council. I wish I may catch 
the sight of you before you return. 


C. TownsHEND to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


[Undated.]—Upon second thoughts, your Lordship would 
probably give more satisfaction to the City of Norwich, and I 
should like it better so far as relates to me, if you would be 
so good as to inform yourself of Mr. Conway’s® publie answer to 
the City of London, when they made the same application, in 
which I am told it is expressly said that the Privy Council can- 
not interfere. This would save me the necessity of seeming to 
discuss the reasons of that deeision in a matter not within my 
office. 


JoHN Gay, Esq. to THE SAME. 


(Endorsed.) September 1766, 5 o'clock.—We have perpetual 
alarms and informations of threats, thank God no further mischief 
has happened in the city. But some has been done in the neigh- 
bourhood at Trowse by almost demolishing the house of one Mr. 
Money there, and speeches given out with threats against Mr. 
Bacon's at Erleham etc. 

Under our present circumstances it would have been happy for 
us if your Lordship was with us to advise and assist us and I do 
believe the knowledge of your presence amongst us would awe 
and restrain the mob, the apprehensions 9f many are great for 
this night. We do and will endeavour to do all we can to prevent 
further mischief. But we really want help, assistance and advice 
and the sooner we had your Lordship's the happier I think it 
would be for us all and might prevent further outrages. 

Your Lordship's most faithful and most obetient, 


Hear a malthouse by Conisford Gates just now fired. 


Lorp BARRINGTON to THE SAME. t 


Cavendish Square, Sunday night.—I am this moment sending 
by express orders for two troops of dragoons to march from 
Colchester to Norwich to assist the civil magistrates there. It 
may be useful to acquaint you that let the call be ever so urgent 
I can send no further military aid into Norfolk, for the troops of 
the whole kingdom are employ’d and we have not enough by one 


* General (Henry) Seymour Conway, Secretary of State. 
+ This letter is endorsed. Norwich Riot, September, 1766. 


268 


quarter. I know your weight, authority and spirit ; I also know 
your discretion, my dear friend, and I am certain if this hint 
does no good, it can do no harm. 
Adieu, in great haste, but great affection, 
BARRINGTON. 
I enclose this in my despatch to the Mayor of Norwich. 


Lorp Barrinaton to the EaínL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1766, September 80. Cavendish Square.—lIt is fortunate that 
I wrote to your Lordship by my express to the Mayor last 
Sunday, for by that means you have the earlyest notice of my 
inability to send any more troops into Norfolk. All we have are 
disposed of, and we have occasion for 80,000 more at least to 
keep the mob of this country in order. I have foreseen and 
foretold the circumstances we are in above six weeks ago. I can 
blame nobody within that period; but God forgive and amend 
those who have contributed to our present anarchy ; a charge 
from which no party or faction among us is exempt. I am 
happy to hear that you are going to Norwich, for I know how 
much good a man of your quality, spirit and discretion may do. 

P.S. The troops have all had orders to obey the civil magis- 
trate, so what there is may be disposed of where most wanted. 
I know how inadequate the force is to the need, and lament to 
the last degree that I can send no more. I need not desire you to 
keep our poverty unknown as much as possible consistent with 
the circumstances of your situation. The mob is up in my own 
neighbourhood. I have no troops to send, but I am going myself 
to see whether an English gentleman who has never injured his 
neighbours cannot influence them now in their madness. 


Jon Norris, High Sheriff of Norfolk, to the Saw. 


[No date. ]—I have but now finished my morning ride—just 8 
o'elock—and am not able to mount my horse again and go as far 
as Bliekling; were I to order my carriage at this late hour I 
know not when I should return; I mention this that your 
Lordship may see with me the impossibility of my waiting upon 
you. Ithink myself obliged to your Lordship for your friendly 
notice to me of a matter, the communication of which the Mayor 
seems to have alone entrusted to your Lordship. 

Upon reading your letter I resolved upon the following 
scheme—to order the chief constables of my own hundred to 
despatch immediately their precepts to the several petty 
constables, commanding them to be at Lenwade bridge to- 
morrow morning before 7, there to join me, who with God's 
blessing will in person be at the Fair; they are to take their 
constable's staves. Since I formed my design I have recollected 
that this is the very measure prosecuted in London under 
similar circumstances, and it will be a high satisfaction to me to 
have my adoption of the same conduct approved by your Lord- 
ship and the gentlemen at your house. If the scheme is 








269 


contrary to that formed by your Lordship and the gentlemen 
with you, I hope you will be kind enough to me to remember that 
I could not avail myself of your and their advice and yet that 
something was to be done forth with. 

Your Lordship and the gentlemen have, I presume, as magis- 
irates, an unquestionable authority to direct the like kind of 
precept with mine to the chief constables of your respective 
divisions, on the supposition I mean of the measure itself 
appearing an eligible one. I could wish that we could all unite 
our warlike strength within two or three miles on that side of St. 
Faith, and if your Lordship can think of any plan convenient 
for us all I shall not fail to attend. 

My wife's and my respects to Lady Buckingham. 


W. W. Buzwer to the E4ARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


Heydon, Wednesday.— Upon my return home I was informed 
that a mob collected from the neighbouring parishes had 
assembled themselves at Cawston and that they intended to 
proceed to Marsham, where a large party from Norwich was to 
join them, that their intentions were afterwards to divide them- 
selves into partys and to scour the country. I thought proper 
to give your Lordship this piece of intelligence, and I beg leave 
to know what steps your Lordship intends taking upon this 
occasion as I should be happy to concur therein. 

(Endorsed: Oct. 1766.) 


To the Lorp Viscount BARRINGTON. 


1766, October 1. Norwich.—In addition to the facts we laid 
before your Lordship on Saturday, we beg leave to acquaint you 
that the mob, after destroying the corn mills, actuated with fresh 
fury, proceeded into many parts of the city, and both on Saturday 
night and Sunday broke open houses, destroyed furniture, fired 
a large granary, threw corn, flour, etc., into the river, and were 
guilty of every outrage which popular madness could suggest. 
During this time and in this extremity the magistrates and 
inhabitants exerted themselves to the utmost and have had the 
good fortune to disperse the rioters, near thirty of whom are 
apprehended and secured, who after disabling the engines which 
supply the inhabitants with water had threatened the destruction 
of the city by fire. 

We beg your Lordship to accept our thanks for the honour of 
your letter to the Mayor. Nor can we with too much gratitude 
acknowledge the readiness with which your Lordship ordered us 
the assistance of the military. The inhabitants being nearly 
worn out with the fatigue of continually watching and patroling 
the city both by night and day and using every other means of 
preserving the public peace are this forenoon made very happy 
by the arrival of two troops of the Queen’s Regiment of Dragoon 
Guards, commanded by Capt. Innis, who will now afford them a 
respite, and that quiet and tranquillity which with so much 





270 


difficulty they have recovered. At the same time we return your 
Lordship our sincere thanks for this seasonable relief, it would 
be extremely ungrateful in us to omit mentioning in the most 
respectful manner the assistance and countenance which we have 
received from the gentlemen of Norfolk, and particularly from 
the Earl of Buckinghamshire, who on the first notice of this 
unhappy affair instantly came hither and did us the honour 
personally to assist us in putting a stop to the insolence and 
madness of the daring multitude, and by his appearance and 
counsel greatly contributed to restore peace and quiet amongst 


us. 
(Signed by about 40 of the magistrates and principal 
inhabitants.) 


JOHN ParrESON, Mayor of Norwich, to the Earn or 
BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1766, 1 October. Norwich. 2 o'clock, afternoon.—Is encouraged 
by the eminent part which the Earl of Buckinghamshire has 
taken in the suppressing of the late riots to beg his opinion as 
to the propriety of the inhabitants of Norwich addressing 
his Majesty with their thanks for his late Royal Proclamation 
ordering an embargo. They are the more anxious to do 
this as mention was made in the introduction to that 
proclamation of an address for relief which went up from Nor- 
wich as well as London and Bristol. Two troops of dragoons are 
this minute arrived. Thanks Lord B. for his undertaking to 
recommend that Norwich be supplied with flour. 


J. Gay to the Same. 


Sunday morning.— The insurrection here began yesterday in 
the afternoon between 1 and 2 in our Market Place by a tumul- 
tuous assembly of disorderly persons driving the country people 
away and overturning the provisions they brought. I had not 
then left the Hall, where I had been with the Mayor, etc., at the 
usual court, and with him, Sir T. Churchman, Harcourt, and one 
of our sheriffs, who happened to be there, went immediately 
amongst them to appease them and prevent further mischief, 
but in vain. We were obliged for safety to retreat to the Hall. 
We sent to others to come there to us, and immediately drew up, 
printed and dispersed the enclosed. This had not the effect we 
wished ; mob increased; great threats. We had the proclamation 
read in seven different places. The mills here (called the New 
Mills) which supply us with flour were soon after attacked by the 
mob. Bags and sacks of flour were cut and thrown into the 
river, the buildings unroofed and greatly damaged. Most of the 
bakers in town visited by the mob, their windows broke and 
persons threatened. We have no military assistance. About 5 
an express sent to Lord Barrington, Secretary at War, requesting 
immediate assistance, as we know not where this will end, or 
how it may cause disorderly people from the country to join the 
mob here, who threaten the neighbourhood in the country. I 














271 


remained in the Hall with the Mayor, etc., and many of the 
prineipal inhabitants till near 1 this morning, where we planted 
& guard to preserve the Militia fire-arms lodged there. All our 
constables charged, and a double watch in the night, and the 
best precautions in our power used in this confusion. There 
has been no mischief in the night, but hear of many parties of 
mob in different places. Am just now going to the Hall to meet 
the Mayor, etc., and consider what best to do for the present. 
Mr. Addey holds his feast to-morrow. Could wish your Lordship 
might come, which may have good effect, his time of dineing 
apprehend to be between 2 and 8. 

' (Endorsed: Oct. 1766.) 


Lorp BARRINGTON to the Karu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1766, Oct. 2. Cavendish Square.—I return you a thousand 
thanks for the early and good news you send me. Norwich has 
the singular honour of reducing a mob without military aid, an 
example which I hope other places will endeavour to imitate. 
Though you ascribe all to the Mayor, forgive me if I suspect your 
spirit and good sense to have contributed the most to this event. 

I go to Beckett next Saturday, but any commands of yours 
will be obeyed by Mr. D’Oyly, my deputy. I shall not go before 
a plan is begun which I think will soon put an end to these riots. 
They prevail in my neighbourhood and I intend to play the 
magistrate there. 


Tug SAME to THE SAME. 


1766, Oct. 4. Cavendish Square.—I congratulate you most 
sincerely on the compleat victory obtained under fair auspices 
against the mob without military assistance. I carry’d the 
Mayor’s letter to Court and shewed it to the King, who was 
much pleased with it and commended you. The hanging com- 
mittee, as it is called, were in the ante-chamber, where J 
communicated the same letter to them all. They unanimously 
applauded what has been done, and I have at their desire 
furnished the Gazette with an article tending, I hope, to make 
others follow your example. Lord Mansfield was particularly 
your panegyrist. I think a plan has been found which will soon 
put an end to these riots in the counties of Wilts, Gloucester, 
Dorset and Somerset, where they have been most troublesome. 
Pray hang as many of your prisoners as possible. 

P.S. The Duke of Northumberland stipulates to expect no 
place. 


The EanL or SHELBURNE to THE SAME. 


Hill Street, Saturday morning.—Desiring to see him. His 
motive “ full of respect and regard." ‘‘ I wish I may be able to 
give as good an account of the mobs in my part of the country 
as I hear your Lordship is of those in yours.”’ 

Endorsed: Spanish Embassy Office. Oct. 4. 1766. 


272 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the Earn or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1766, Oct. 12. Wotton.—I do not at all wonder that the present 
Ministry should desire your concurrence and assistance, or that 
they should offer to you the Embassy at Madrid in the critical 
state of affairs in Spain; but I am surprised, considering the 
great importance of the object, after they had given the option 
of it to Mr. Stanley, as he informed me, so long ago as the month 
of July, that they should delay the making that offer to you till 
now. Your honorable conduct has convinced them of the 
falsehood of that opinion which has been so industriously 
propagated of late, that everybody is willing to treat with them, 
which is but a copy of the famous expression of Sir Robert 
Walpole’s, that ‘He knew every man’s price.’ They knew in 
many instances that this is not true, but if it were, the present 
patriot Minister has sufficiently manifested that he is ready to 
pay it. Your behaviour in stopping Lord Shelburne when he 
was entering into a dissertation upon the situation of the affairs 
in Spain is at once a proof of your own firmness and determina- 
tion, and of your candour and fairness towards them. I reserve 
myself to talk to you more at large on this and many other 
subjects which are not proper for the post when I have the 
pleasure of meeting you in London, where I hope to find you a 
week before the Parliament assembles, as I propose to go to town 
the very beginning of next month. In the meantime I will only 
assure you that what you tell me upon that occasion can but 
confirm me in those opinions which I have long entertained of 
you and in those sentiments of the sincerest regard and friendship 
with which I am ever etc. 

P.S. (Reports on Mrs. Grenville’s health). . . . I take it 
for granted that your late address from Norwich to the King 
takes notice of the disorders which have happened there and 
which I fear are but too likely to continue all over the kingdom, 
as I do not see how provisions can be low whilest taxes are 80 
high, or how they can buy dear and sell cheap. 


Tug SAME to THE SAME. 


1766, Nov. 22. Bolton Street.—Though I take it for granted 
that you must have heard something of what has passed in the 
House of Commons since you left London, yet, as it is possible 
that you may not have been informed of it correctly, I send you 
the inclosed copy of what stands upon our Journals in conse- 
quence of my having directed some words of Mr. Alderman 
Beckford’s to be taken down by the Clerk in order to their being 
censured if he did not retract them immediately. The second 
set of words contain his first explanation, and are, as I am told, 
exactly conformable to the doctrines laid down by those enlight- 
ened Whig Ministers, the Earls of Northington and Chatham, 
and Lord Chancellor Camden in the House of Peers the first day 
of the Session. To these words I likewise objected, and directed 
them also to be taken down as being, if possible, more criminal 
than the former. Many arguments were used to palliate, but 














278 


not once to justify, these arbitrary and dangerous opinions, but 
as l insisted that the words being taken down, and I ready to 
make good my charge, the House was obliged either to censure 
or approve them, and that if the latter was the case I should 
think every man dishonoured who should ever set his foot 
in that House after it unless it were to rescind it, and no one 
venturing to stake his credit by supporting directly such odious 
doctrines, Mr. A. Beckford, after three or four hours’ debate, 
thought it safer to give way, and to retract his opinion, and that 
of his friends in the House of Peers, which you will see done by 
his last explanation, with which as it contained my sense and 
nearly my words, I acquiesced. We had not above 100 members 
in the House, and my friends were all gone except two or three, 
80 that this great point was carried against the present minister 
by those who act with the Court. Sir G. Elliot, Mr. Dyson and 
that set of gentlemen spoke strongly against the legality and 
the doctrine of a power in the King to dispense with 
it, so did Mr. Burke, Lord Rockingham's late secretary, and 
Mr. Dowdeswell, and for the necessity of a Bill of Indemnity 
to rindicate the Constitution. What a disgrace is this at 
the outset of an Administration calling themselves friends 
to liberty, and what a triumph to you and the rest of our friends 
in the House of Peers, particularly to Lord Mansfield, who feels 
it to the utmost extent! Our Bill of Indemnity is to be presented 
on Monday next, and it is said that the preamble is to admit the 
illegâlity of the measure, and therefore the Act is to indemnify 
all persons concerned in it, but I think we shall differ materially 
with them in the Bill in the Committee. We hear that the 
three Lords are extremely angry, and indeed I do not see how 
they will get back with any tolerable degree of credit and of 
honor when the Bill is brought to your House. There is in 
general an air of great ferment and uneasyness, which was 
augmented the same day that this event happened, by the 
dismission of Lord Edgecumbe for Mr. J. Shelley. This 
has produced a meeting of Lord Rockingham and his friends 
where ’tis said that resignations were determined on and to take 
effect on Monday, but, however positively they are asserted, I 
always doubt of resignations till I see them. All I can say 
therefore is that things appear to be in a critical and uncertain 
situation in all quarters, the particulars of which it is not in my 
power to explain in this manner and this distance, as they really 
change from day to day. Whatever may be the event I would 
not omit to apprize you of what has passed as far as I can, and 
then to leave it to your own consideration and judgement. Lord 
Temple proposes to be in town in five or six days, and so I am 
told does Lord Suffolk, though I have not yet heard from him. 
I flatter myself that Lady Buckinghamshire continues perfectly 
well, and that you are now free from alarms of all sorts. I have 
but barely room to add the assurances of that affectionate regard, 
with which I am ever, etc. 


17118 8 


274 


Enclosure. Extract of Commons Journal of Nov. 18, 1766 
(relating to Mr. Alderman Beckford’s words ‘that whenever the 
public is in danger the King has a dispensing power.’ Also his 
explanation of these words). 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the Earn or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1766, Nov. 27. Bolton Street.—I have received your two letters 
of the 24th and 25th of this month, and in obedience to your 
directions write these few lines to inform you that the Indemnity 
Bill is to be read a second time in our House on Monday next. 
It cannot therefore be sent up to the House of Lords sooner than 
the Thursday or Fryday following, being the 4th or 5th of next 
month, and may probably be considered then at the second 
reading on the 8th, 9th, or 10th. I suppose the Commission at 
Norwieh will be closed before the end of next week, and I know 
of no busyness likely to come on in the House of Lords before 
that time; as you therefore insist on my naming a day, I should 
imagine about Saturday the 6th of next month would answer all 
purposes. The Duke of Portland, Lord Searborough, Lord 
Besborough, and Lord Monson have resigned to-day and more 
resignations are talked of to-morrow. The rest is all speculation, 
in a state of uncertainty as great as ever was known. 

P.S. Lord Temple came to town on Monday last, and Lord 
Suffolk comes on Wednesday next. 


e 


JOHN ParrESON, Mayor of Norwich, to THE SAME. 


1766, December 8. Norwich.—(Thanks for continual attention 
to the concerns of this city) I have communicated Lord 
Buckinghamshire's application to the Secretary at War to some 
of my brethren, who all join with me in opinion that some 
additional troops would be very proper and very serviceable at 
this juncture, and particularly to have them here before the 
time of execution of the unhappy convicts. 

We are at present perfectly quiet and much less murmuring 
than could be expected, which is to be attributed entirely to the 
exceeding great candour shewn by Sir Hen: Gould. 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to THE SAME. 


1767, Jan. 27. Bolton Street.—I know not how it happened 
that your kind letter of the 19th of this month did not come to 
my hands till yesterday, a week after the date of it. I rejoice 
extremely to find by it that you and Lady Buckinghamshire are 
got back safe and well to Blickling, after an attempt, which I 
I should indeed have been very sorry (and notwithstanding my 
great partiality to everything you do, I must have thought you 
much to blame) if you had insisted in any longer. Lady 
Buckinghamshire’s safety and your future happyness is of too 
much consequence to all those who love you for you to risk 
them upon any account, much less for an object so uncertain 
and contemptible as the political state has been, is and seems 








275 


likely to continue for some time. I should imagine that notwith- 
standing that submission which at all other times you will do 
very right to pay, yet just now you are not bound to obey any 
decisions of my lady to send you to London one moment before 
she is perfectly safe and you perfectly easy and happy. You will 
I think, find nothing here worth your coming for, except the 
affection of your friends, who at this moment only can wish to 
be without you. Now for one word of politicks, according to your 
desire. The Earl of Chatham is still at Bath, and consequently 
the King's Administration has got the gout and hobbles 
terribly. Mr. C. Townshend indeed seems to wish to move 
a little more nimbly and to try to walk a little without 
crutches. We have had some general talk in the House about 
East India matters, in which Mr. Townshend has ventured to 
express his difference of opinion with Lord Chatham and his 
deputy Alderman Beckford. The committee for enquiring into 
that busyness is put off till next Fryday fortnight, in the mean- 
while Mr. Townshend hopes to gain the E. India Company by 
kissing them, after the other great personage has kicked them. 
This negotiation has been on foot some time, and it is said by 
some will succeed, though others pretend to know that nothing 
can be done in it, as Lord Chatham is still absent and still 
in the elouds. Yesterday and to-day we have had some debates in 
the House of Commons on the estimates for the American troops, 
and the enormous expense attending them, amounting in the 
whole to above £400,000, or near a shilling in the pound on the 
land. This I proposed should be all defrayd by America and the 
West Indies, after having reduced it near one half by striking off 
the unnecessary articles. Mr. Townshend in answer to this, 
though he refused to consent to it, yet held a very strong 
language that America ought to pay that expense, and disclaimed 
in very strong terms almost every word of Lord Chatham's 
language on this subject, treating his Lordship's distinction 
between Internal and External Taxes with the same contempt as 
I did, and calling it absurd, nonsensical and ridiculous to the 
highest degree, determined, as he said, to assert his own opinions 
with regard to it, etc., etc. Nor did Mr. Conway, though he 
spoke on the same subject, say one word in support or vindication 
of Lord Chatham’s sentiments or measures, nor any other person, 
though they were strongly censured by your humble servant, 
and though the division upon the question yesterday was 126 to 
85, and to-day on the report 75 to 19. Very empty Houses, as 
you must perceive, on so interesting an occasion. This conduct 
furnishes many speculations, of which I own I am s0 weary 
that I wish myself out of the reach of them. I would not how- 
ever omitt complying with your request, and, having done 80, 
shall think myself well paid if this long account instead of a 
succinct one, gives you any amusement or satisfaction. As for 
Portugal, I know nothing but the daily lye of the newspapers. 
Mrs. Grenville continues perfectly well and is gone to the opera 
to-night. She joins with me in our best respects and sincere 
good wishes to Lady Buckinghamshire. 





276 


Mr. Jon RoGers to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1767, Feb. 5. Blackford.—I am requested to be a Petitioner 
to your Lordship in this most extraordinary time of dearness 
and scarcity of corn and other provisions on behalf of the poor of 
the Town of Plymouth, that you would be so good as to extend a 
part of Hele's Charity, which is at your disposal to the relief of 
the poor of said place. The Guardians of the Poor House have 
ordered & hundred pounds to be sunk out of their fund, to be 
laid out in the purchase of corn, etc., in order to be distributed 
at such a low rate as may be thought the Poor may very well 
afford from the fruits of their labour to give for the supply of 
their families. (Appeals to his well-known humane and innate 
disposition to compassionate the Distressed.) 


The Rev. Marrugw Wooprorp to THE SAME. 


1767, Feb. 8. Southampton.—Resigned the Rectory of Blick- 
ling on the 2nd inst. Proposes the terms of money arrangement 
to be made with his successor, that he should pay Mr. Gordon, 
who has served the cure since the 16th of November last, etc. 


Srr Horace Mann to THE SAME. 


1767, June 6. Florence.—(As to a Commission Lord Bucking- 
hamshire has entrusted him with.) 

I have found a young fellow who I hope will in every respect 
answer your Lordship's expectations. My first chief point was to 
be assured of his abilities, for which purpose, not trusting totally 
to my judgement, I desired Lord Cowper to let him play at his 
house where the best performers of this place often meet, and 
they have assured me he is a very good and ready player in 
concert, that he understands music well, if they may judge by the 
composition which he produced, though he owned that they had 
to be retouched by his master, and that the only defect he has 
which is common to all young men, that of attempting in solos 
too much and what is more difficult than pleasing. His name is 
Luigi Fanti, a native of Imola, of about 24 years of age, a scholar 
of Paolo Alberghi, a noted player there who was a scholar of 
Tartini® and is a good figure. Before I had heard of him, I had 
proposed the commission to two or three Florentines of much 
less abilities than he has, but they rejected the conditions as 
being much too low, whereas this young man hardly enquired 
into them, his sole ambition being to get into the world. I 
could indeed have wished to have had the power of making some 
addition to those conditions, particularly in regard to cloaths, as 
it is usual here, not only to young fellows of this sort, but to all 
upper servants, to give them two suits of cloaths & year besides 
their wages, but I have stuck literally to the conditions which 
your Lordship preseribed, assuring him only in general terms 
that he would meet with encouragement from you according to 














* Guiseppe Tartini (1692-1770). - m 








277 — 

his abilities and good behaviour. He wished much to have the 
liberty of playing at the theaters, but this too I told him must 
entirely depend upon your Lordship. He is as impatient to set 
out as you can be to have him, and contrary to most of his 
profession who raise difficulties about everything he has con- 
sented to go by sea which will not cost one-third of what must 
have been allowed him for the journey by land. I will therefore 
write tomorrow to Leghorne to dispose everything for his 
departure, and I enelose to your Lordship the paper that he has 
signed, of which he has a copy . . . Besides the violin, he 
plays on the base, and french horn, and is in every respect very 
decent and well-behaved. 

I am much obliged to the Prince of Brunswick for his kind 
interpretation of the marks of respect which I endeavoured to 
show him; he was adored by everybody and if any opportunity 
should offer, pray mention how grateful] I am for the honour 
he condescended to do me here. . . . . . . . 


Sir Horace Mann to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1767, June 80. Florence.—As to the arrangements he has 
made for the journey of Luigi Fanti to London. 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to THE SAME. 


1767, July 14. Wotton.—You will certainly have heard before 
this can reach you of the negotiation opened with Lord 
Rockingham by a message delivered to him from the King by the 
Duke of Grafton on Tuesday last, and that Lord Rockingham 
communicated this to the Duke of Bedford and his friends at 
Woburn, who refused to give any answer till they had apprized 
me of it, for which purpose Mr. Rigby came here oif Friday last 
and Lord Temple, and I saw him again at Stowe on Sunday. 
The particulars of what has passed cannot easily be comprized 
in a letter. I have therefore desired Mr. Charles Lloyd, who you 
know was my private secretary when I was in the Treasury and 
who was with Lord Temple and me when Mr. Rigby came to us, 
to relate them to you more fully than I cando by letter. I 
understand from some of my friends that you was in town, and I 
have directed him to take the earliest opportunity of waiting 
upon you that you may not be ignorant of anything I know or of 
my sentiments upon that subject. You will not be surprized at 
my having insisted with Mr. Rigby that my name should not be 
mentioned for any office whatsoever, notwithstanding which, if 
the measures—and particularly that of asserting and establishing 
the sovereignty of Great Britain over the Colonies, are such as I 
can approve, no pretensions of mine shall be a bar to any 
arrangement for the public benefit in which my friends may be 
honorably placed. On the contrary I shall rejoice extremely at 
it and support it in that case out of all office more chearfully than 
I could in office, and shall be happy if by waving everything of 
that sort for myself, I may be justified in throwing whatever 


278 

weight I may have into the scale of my friends. Every motive 
has determined mein this resolution in the present circumstances. 
I have often told you that I would not be forced upon the King 
by anybody whatever, and that even if I were called into his 
service, I must judge for myself whether I could engage in it. 
As I mean to refer to Mr. Lloyd to explain to you the whole of 
this situation I will only add that my brother Lord Temple agrees 
most perfectly with me in every part of it, and that I have every 
reason to be satisfied with the Duke of Bedford and his friends on 
this oecasion, as they have given me the strongest assurances of 
their regard and good opinion. Everything is in a state of the 
greatest uncertainty, nor does it seem clear to me to what degree 
the King means to authorize Lord Rockingham. A week has 
already elapsed, and not only nothing is done but he has not even 
seen the King which, if it is intended to succeed, is surely very 
extraordinary. I wil make no more comments, but wait the 
event, which must soon be determined. 


CHARLES LLoyp to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1767, July. York Buildings, Wednesday night, 9 o'clock.—I 
arrived about an hour ago from Wotton, where I received a 
letter of introduction to your Lordship from Mr. Grenville, 
together with his commands to wait upon you and give you an 
account of the late very extraordinary scene of politicks, which I 
was the more enabled to do, as I received from him and Lord 
Temple at Stowe an accurate information of the several particu- 
lars. Upon calling at your door all that I could learn with any 
degree of certainty, was that your Lordship is at Blickling. I 
trouble you, my Lord, with this one word, to acquaint you that, 
in conformity to Mr. Grenville's desire, I shall inclose in a 
packet directed for your Lordship, by the Norwich Post Coach 
which will set out to-morrow evening, the best narrative I can 
give, and shall order the parcel to be left till called for at the 
King's Head in Norwich. I was particularly charged not to 
trust either any narrative of the late transactions, or even the 
letter of introduction (which contains some general outlines), to 
the post. I have recourse to the above method as the only one 
I know, pressed in time as I am, that can acquaint you both 
speedily and seeurely of what Mr. Grenville was extremely 
desirous should be communicated to you. As soon, therefore, as 
your Lordship receives this letter you may send for the parcel, 
as I take it for granted it will be left at the King's Head in 
Norwich on Friday evening next. 

1767, July 16.  Enclosure.—On Tuesday, the seventh of this 
month, & negotiation was opened with Lord Rockingham by a 
message from the King through the Duke of Grafton which was 
delivered at a meeting held at General Conway's house. After some 
previous compliments the Duke of Grafton told Lord Rockingham 
that the King wished that Lord Rockingham and his friends might 
form his Administration, and that he intended his Lordship should 
resume the office of First Lord of the Treasury. Lord Rockingham 


279 


having asked whether he was at liberty to communicate this to 
others besides his own friends was answered that the question 
had been foreseen, and that he might communicate it, but it 
seemed intended that this was meant to the Duke of Bedford and 
his friends only. The Duke of Grafton made an offer of himself 
to serve under Lord Rockingham, and expressed some hopes that 
the remains of Lord Chatham's friends might be treated with 
some indulgence. Upon being desired to explain himself he 
mentioned the Chancellor. Lord Rockingham in the account of 
this conference which he gave by letter to Lord Albemarle, 
speaking of this intimation concerning the Chancellor, says: 
* But your Lordship knows my sentiments so well upon this point, 
that my determination is taken though I did not then enter into 
the detail of it." Lord Albemarle, who was then at Woburn, 
shewed Lord Rockingham's letter (by his Lordship's desire) to 
the Duke of Bedford, in the conclusion of which was a proposition 
from Lord Rockingham to come to Woburn if the Duke of 
Bedford and his friends were disposed to act with them in 
Administration. The answer given was that the Duke of Bedford 
and Mr. Grenville were one, and that he would not proceed with- 
out consulting Mr. Grenville. The intended visit was therefore 
postponed til that was done, and Mr. Rigby (who, as well as 
Lord Gower, was then at Woburn) proposed to go to London 
to enquire whether Mr. Grenville was returned from the 
west, and to give Lord Rockingham the meeting that evening, 
which he did accordingly, and repeated to him their resolution 
not to do anything without consulting Mr. Grenville and that 
they were determined not to be separated. In consequence of 
this Mr. Rigby went to Wotton on Friday the 10th, and assured 
Mr. Grenville in the strongest terms of the Duke of Bedford's 
regard and union with him both in system and in principles, 
and his own determination to cultivate it to the utmost. He said 
he had told Lord Rockingham that neither the Duke of Bedford 
himself, nor he as an individual, would ever depart from the 
ground taken to assert and establish the entire Sovereignty of 
Great Britain over her Colonies. That he was told in answer, 
that he, Lord Rockingham, hoped that might be settled to their 
satisfaction. Mr. Rigby added that Lord Rockingham declared 
for a wide and comprehensive system, but it is not known that 
anything, either with regard to measures or men, has been talked 
of in detail, nor is it certain to what degree Lord Rockingham is 
authorized. Mr. Grenville, after acknowledging the sense which 
he had of the behaviour of the Duke of Bedford and his friends 
towards him, answered, that as to measures his opinions were 
well known, especially with regard to the capital one of asserting 
and establishing the Sovereignity of Great Britain over America, 
in which he was happy to find that the Duke of Bedford and his 
friends so perfectly agreed with him, that as to arrangement of 
offices, as no message was sent to him, so he had no answer to 
give, nor if there had would he have given one without Lord 
Temple. That he entirely approved of a wide and comprehensive 
plan for an administration as the likeliest to produce vigor and 


280 


permanency, without which no system for the public good could 
be pursued. That upon these principles he should be 
extremely glad to see his friends honorably placed in the 
King's Government and would chearfally support an adminis- 
tration formed upon them, but that he would support it 
out of office, and Mr. Grenville insisted that his name should 
not be mentioned for any office whatever, as it had 
long been his determination not to be obtruded upon the King. 
Mr. Rigby went on Saturday the 11th to meet Lord Rockingham 
at Woburn, Mr. Grenville went the same day to Stowe, on 
Sunday the 12th Mr. Rigby came over to Stowe and told Mr. 
Grenville that the Duke of Bedford and Lord Gower were 
extremely satisfied with his answer, to which Lord Temple agreed 
in every particular; and Mr. Grenville and Lord Temple both 
assured Mr. Rigby that no factious or interested views of theirs 
should stand in the way of any publie settlement, which if 
possible they sincerely wished to see made upon those principles 
in which Mr. Rigby assured them that they all concurred. 
Mr. Rigby's language in both visits was as open and as amieable 
as could be. Mr. Grenville’s real wish on this occasion is that 
his friends could be honourably placed in the King's Government 
upon principles, which he can neither depart from himself or 
advise others to leave, and will be happy if, by waving any 
pretensions of his to office, he might contribute to that great 
purpose instead of getting an office for himself, which might give 
jealousy and must lessen his claims for provisions for his 
friends. 

It must be observed that neither Lord Temple nor Mr. Grenville 
bound or pledged themselves to anything. They spoke their 
opinions upon the two propositions as stated by Lord Rockingham 
to the Duke of Bedford—the one of a broad, wide bottom of 
government, the other of adopting proper measures, and 
particularly respecting America. 


THomas WHATELEY to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1767, July 28. Parliament Street,—I have this moment 
received a letter by a private hand from Mr. Grenville, in which 
he desires me to acquaint your Lordship with the particulars of 
the late transactions in town, the account of which he had but 
just received at Wotton, and had not then time to transmit to 
his friends. That which I therefore send to your Lordship will 
not I hope differ materially from his, as I have been told it by 
the same person as has wrote to him, and whose relation to me 
is, that the Duke of Bedford, Lord Sandwich, Lord Weymouth, 
and Mr. Rigby met the Dukes of Portland and Richmond, Lord 
Rockingham and Mr. Dowdeswell, by appointment, at the Duke 
of Neweastle's, on Monday evening. In the beginning of the 
conference Mr. Rigby read a letter from Mr. Grenville to him, 
in which he states, as he has always stated, his and Lord 
Temple's concurrence in the intended comprehensive plan, to be 
founded on the eondition that the measures to be adopted, and 





281 


particularly the capital measure of asserting and establishing 
the Sovereignty of Great Britain over the Colonies should be 
such as they could approve of. This occasioned some diffieulty 
and altercation in the outset, but the discussion of the subject 
was at last postponed for the present; and they were proceeding 
in the business on which they had met when Mr. Conway, being 
named for an office of nomination, was objected to by the Duke 
of Bedford, who said he understood that Mr. Conway himself 
professed the military line ; and that continuing him in a 
civil employment was contrary to the general idea upon which 
the new arrangement was founded. The conversation ended 
here that night; and Lord Rockingham desiring the next day 
to have a second meeting less numerous than the former, it 
consisted only of his Lordship, the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. 
Dowdeswell, the Duke of Bedford and Mr. Rigby. Then Lord 
Rockingham mentioned Mr. Conway to be Secretary of State 
and Minister in the House of Commons. The same objections 
were renewed and urged more strongly ; his Grace besides com- 
plaining that so material a part of the arrangement had never 
been hinted before, and absolutely refusing on every consideration 
to consent to the placing Mr. Conway in such a situation. Lord 
Rockingham has positively insisted upon it, and therefore, 
without going any further, it was found necessary to put an end 
to the negotiation, each party declaring the other as free from all 
engagements whatever, as if nothing had passed between them. 
The Duke of Bedford and Mr. Rigby carried on the conference 
with the utmost temper and firmness, and acted throughout with 
the highest spirit, and yet the greatest moderation. Since this 
conclusion of the affair Lord Rockingham has had a short 
audience, of the particulars of which your Lordship knows I am 
not confidentially informed; but, to judge by appearances, the 
whole affair seems now to be at &n end, and speculations upon 
what is to follow are again as uncertain as ever. 


C. Luoyp to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1767, July 28. York Buildings, Thursday.—I was extremely 
concerned to find by your Lordship's letter which came to my 
hands yesterday that I had omitted inserting Mr. Grenville's 
letter in the packet sent to Norwich. Lord Lyttelton, to whom it 
was enclosed by mistake, is moving about at present from place 
to place. I have wrote to him at Bristol, where he is expected 
the latter end of this week, and in the meantime take the liberty 
of sending you & copy; as your Lordship will already have seen 
the contents of it in the narrative, I am in hopes that delay will 
not be of much consequence, especially as you are well satisfied 
of Mr. Grenvilles intention that the earliest communications 
should be made to you of the late transactions. As your Lordship 
will have undoubtedly authentic information from other quarters, 
I will only mention in the general that yesterday Lord Rocking- 
ham aequainted the King that he could not undertake to form an 
Administration. This was the result of two conferences held at 


282 


Newcastle House on Monday and Tuesday last, where, after a 
discussion of the American question, which Lord Rockingham 
and his friends seemed inclined to leave to the Duke of Bedford's 
arbitration, they differed on the nomination of the person who 
was to take the lead in the House of Commons; Lord Rocking- 
ham insisted it should be Mr. Conway, whereas the Duke of 
Bedford contended that he ought to return to his military line. 
The idea of yesterday was that General Conway would resign 
immediately. The persons distinguished at the levée were Lord 
Rockingham, Mr. Conway and Lord Hertford. 

Lord Bute's people are in high spirits. Nobody pretends to 
guess at the event. 

Persons present at the First Conference. Duke of Bedford, 
Mr. Rigby, Lord Sandwich, Duke of Newcastle, Lord Weymouth, 
Mr. Dowdeswell, Lord Rockingham, Duke of Richmond. 

At the Second. Duke of Richmond, Lord Sandwich, Lord 
Weymouth were not present. 


Prince of CourLanD® (P1ERRE §. H.) to the 
EaRL oF BucKINGHAMSHIRE. 


Mittau, ce 30 Juillet, 1767.—Expressions of gratitude for the 
dogs sent him by the Earl. 
(In French.) 


Baron KLOPMANN to THE SAME. 


1767, July 80. Mittau.—For fear of troubling your Lordship 
too often with mine, I waited till the staghounds were arrived, 
which I hope will make an apology for not having sooner 
acknowledged your most obliging favour. 

The hounds are very fine, and a great present to the Duke and 
the Prince, who both return their best thanks to your Lordship, 
desiring only to find opportunitys of their acknowledgment for it. 

Since the departure of our most aimable Princess, who went 
to Pirmont about three weeks ago, in order to make use of the 
waters, our Court seems to be very dull and tedious. We are 
chiefly in the country, and to repair the hopes of the best 
company, enjoie the pleasures of the season. 

The Polish news will become soon more interesting. The 
5th of October the diet of pacification 1s to begin. In the mean- 
time things are justin such an order, and so far settled, that 
nothing 1s to fear any more. The persuasive measures Prussia 
has taken to explain the disputes of the dissidents to the holy 
order of the bishops and their party, have had the best effect. 
The King is in high spirits, more so than he was last winter. 

Prince Razivill makes now a quite different figure. He has 
money, sense and spirits to be at the head of the Confederation, 
while he had none two years ago. In short he’ll enter in all the 
Schemes of the Court, not to forget himself. 











E Peter, elected in 1766, Prince of Courland, during the lifetime of his father, 
John Ernest de Biren, Duke of Courland and Semigalle. 


288 


Her Impl. Majesty this most gracious Princess, the wonder 
and admiration of her age, is come back from her journey. She 
resides 16 werst from Moscov, called Columna, and according the 
last advises is gone for a few days to Troitzka, 60 werst from 
thence. 

Now I am at an end of all my politicks. Pray when do you 
think Mr. Hans Stanly will travell away ? or who is to be 
nominated in his.place, for I should be extremely glad to know 
beforehand something about his coming this way, as well as be 
much pleased to shew him all possible services and politeness in 
my power. 

Supposing Sir George? being returned by this time, I must beg 
as a most particular favour of your Lordship to assure him of my 
duty and regard, wishing to be soon favoured with his. 

Fearing now to tire too long your Lordship's patience, I beg 
leave to assure you of my most humble regard and sinceer 
attachment, and desire not to forget, 

Your Lordship's, etc. 


CmíAnLES Luoyp to the Haru or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1767, August 18. York Buildings, Tuesday.—Your Lordship's 
letter of the 28th of last month was sent after me to Derby, 
whither I was gone upon an excursion into the north, and from 
whence I am just returned. Mr. Grenville, I find, received 
information on Saturday last that the Duke of Bedford had that 
day told the Duke of Marlborough at Blenheim that the Duke 
of Neweastle had very lately informed him that the present 
Parliament would certainly be dissolved, and that the time fixed 
for declaring it was at the next prorogation on the 81st of this 
month. The Duke of NeweaBtle was certainly not unlikely to 
have early intelligence of such a measure if intended, and yet I 
do not find this report current here; I heard it indeed to- day 
from & person to whom Lord Vere mentioned it, quoting Lord 
Charles Spencer for his authority, which your Lordship Bees i8 
derived from the source of intelligence already mentioned. As 
you desired to know what passed, I thought it not improper to 
state to you the degree of information received, and you will 
from hence give it its proper weight. Ishallgo to Mr. Grenville's 
on Sunday, if in the mean time any thing material comes to my 
knowledge, I shall not fail to transmit an account of it to your 
Lordship. 

P.S. Lord Frederick Campbell is certainly to go to Ireland 
as first Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant.t 


THomas WHATELEY tO THE SAME. 


1767, August 18. Parliament Street.—Your Lordship’s com- 
mands to me upon a former occasion to send you any news which 


* Sir George Maoartney, British Ambassador to St. Petersburg, 1765-1768, in 
succession to the Earl of Buckinghamshire. 
1 George, Lord Viscount Townshend, appointed August 12, 1767. 


284 


was material, is the reason of my troubling you now with a piece 
of intelligence which may be important if it should prove true, 
and of the credibility of which your Lordship will judge when I 
have informed you of the authority on which I repeat it. It is 
a letter from the Duke of Newcastle to the Duke of Bedford, 
informing him that the Parliament will certainly be dissolved, 
and that the dissolution will probably be notified at the next 
Prorogation, which must be before the 81st of this month. It is 
probable that such a measure should be adopted ; it will certainly 
be kept as secret as it can be; the Duke of Newcastle may very 
possibly have early notice of it; he is & good judge of the authen- 
ticity of his information, and he is absolutely positive; but'on 
the other hand, I can learn no trace of it from any other quarter. 
It rests therefore solely on that authority, but that is generally 
in these affairs so good, that I would not defer apprizing your 
Lordship of the intelligence such as it is by theonly opportunity 
I shall have, as I am just now going out of town, and it will not 
be in my power by another post either to confirm or contradict 
the news. 

P.S. It is the more singular that nobody has yet heard of 
this news, as the Duke’s letter was written so long ago as last 
Wednesday. 


THomas WHATELEY to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1767, August 21. Nonsuch Park.—As I have very accidentally 
had an opportunity, tho' in the country, to learn the grounds 
upon which the Duke of Newcastle gave that intelligence to the 
Duke of Bedford, which I took the liberty to communicate to your 
Lordship by last Tuesday's post, I think it incumbent upon me 
to trouble you with & few lines to inform you that his Grace did 
not write that letter upon any information which he had received, 
but merely upon speculation. That speculation, however, seems 
80 well founded to some, for whose judgment I have the highest 
deference, that they are firmly persuaded the measure will be 
adopted, but as yet no positive facts are known upon which to 
support this opinion. The reasons they alledge incline me to 
expect it, but as I had given your Lordship a more positive 
information, I thought it necessary to apprize you that the noble 
Duke in his assertion intended only to convey an opinion not to 
affirm a fact! 


C. Lioyp to THE SAME. 


1767, Sep. 10. Yorkbuildings. Thursday.—Lord North came 
to town yesterday, saw the D. of Grafton and was at the King's 
Levée. It is generally said that he has refused the Chancellor- 
ship of the Exchequer and as generally known that he will 
accept, if compelled by the alternative of taking that office or 
of having none at all. Lord Guilford is in a dangerous state of 
health, this may possibly operate on Lord North's present con- 
duet. Lord Mansfield was in the Closet yesterday an hour and 





285 ^ 


an half. The King did not set out till seven this evening for 
Richmond, the Princess of Wales was with him till the instant 
of his leaving the Queen's house. Lord Bute itis said is come to 
Town so ill as to be attended by three physicians. The Duke 
of Bedford and Mr. Rigby dined at Clermont on Monday last. 
I left Mr. Grenville very well at Wotton on Saturday, he 18 now 
at Lord Lyttelton's. 


Paizrr Lzoyp, Dean of Norwich, to the EarL or 
BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1767, Oct. 17. Deanery, Norwich.—Will have pleasure in 
doing all that depends on him to serve Mr. Tilson, whom Lord 
Buckinghamshire recommends, when the vacancy of Hempstead 
happens. 


The Earz or HUNTINGDON to THE SAME. 
(Endorsed by the latter Letter of Dismission.) 


1767, Nov. 5.—The King has commanded me to acquaint your 
Lordship that he appointed the Duke of Roxburgh to be one 
of the Gentlemen of the Bedchamber in your Lordship's Room. 
I flatter myself your Lordship will forgive me the disagreeable 
necessity of executing the duty of my office. 


The Ear. or BuCKINGHAMSHIRE to the EarL or HUNTINGDON. 


1767, Nov. 8.—I have receiv'd your Lordship's favor of the 5th 
of this month and should think very ill of myself if I was not 
prepared upon all occasions and in every situation to submit 
becomingly to his Majesty's pleasure. 

It is incumbent upon me to express a proper sense of the 
obliging manner in which you have made the communication, 
and to assure you, ete. (Draft.) 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1767, Nov. 14. Wotton.—I have writ to Sir Richard 
Bampfylde according to your desire informing him of your 
intentions that Mr. Hobart should offer himself as a candidate 
for the City of Exeter at the next General Election in case of 
Mr. Tuckfield's death or of his declining to stand again on 
account of the bad state of his health. I have apply'd to Sir 
Richard Bampfylde for his interest in favor of Mr. Hobart, and 
bave explain'd to him that it is not your intentions to make any 
opposition to the two present members. I am told that Sir 
Richard Bampfylde is to be attack’d in the county of Devon, if so, 
I suppose that your Lordship is well dispos'd towards him, as 
there cannot otherwise be any reasonable prospect of success in 
the present application to him. I heartily wish it may succeed but 
whether it does or no, I shall at least have had the pleasure 
of complying with your request, and of showing my regard for 
Mr. Hobart, in return for that which he has frequently expressed 


286 


towards me. I was very sorry to find by your letter that His 
Majesty had been prevail'd upon to appoint another gentleman of 
the Bed Chamber in your place. Has any expression or cause of 
his displeasure been ever signifyd to you, or is it to be holden 
forth as a mark of the displeasure of his Ministers and avowd 
upon that principle? When I have the pleasure of seeing you 
in Town, you will perhaps be better able to answer these questions 
ihan you are by letter. Mrs. Grenville and I propose to be in 
London on Saturday the 21st of this month. She is upon the 
whole considerably better this year that the last, and has had no 
return of her former pains for some months. 


Hans STANLEY to the Karu or BUCKINGHAMSHTRE. 


1768, Oct. 29. Paultons.— Warm expressions of friendship and 
of his hope to visit Blickling. The occupations in which he 
passes his time described. 


RicHARD OWEN CAMBRIDGE to THE SAME. 


1766, July —. —Having been all the morning in London, itis 
now so near the going out of the post that I have not time to put 
in all our thanks to your Lsp. and Lady Buckingham, nor to 
mention Lady Suffolk, nor Mme. Perrier’s being brought to bed of 
a boy, nor anything but the very little which is known for certain. 
All that is, that the D. of Grafton has the Treasury, and Mr. 
Townshend is Chanc. Exchequer. In his room to be two pay- 
masters. Ld. Shelbourne, Secretary of State with Conway. So 
far I am sure is settled and they kiss hands on Wednesday. The 
. talk isthat Lord Camden is to be Chancellor, Northing{ton] Pres: 
Councill. The D. of Rutland to be laid on a bed of roses (that 
is —’s expression) that Ld. Bristol may have his place. Ill 
write no more hearsay. Hume has Salisbury and Litchfield the 
Deanery of St. Paul’s. 


EanL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to GEORGE GRENVILLE. 


1769, July.—I hope Mrs. Grenville and the young gentleman 
are now so well recovered that you can with pleasure give an 
answer to the inquisitive sollicitude of a distant friend. Thus 
far is the object of my letter, but as my pen is in hand I will 
send you some little account of our Norfolk Politicks. 

The Norwich Assizes is usually a very general Meeting of the 
County and upon our arrival there we found all the Townshend 
and Walpole Party drawn up ready to resist a petition in conse- 
quence of an alarm given in the news-papers, by what authority 
as yet has not been traced. 

The foresight of the High Sheriff had secured them a 
majority upon the Grand Jury, and the Foreman, tho’ our friend, 
has unfortunately one of those undeciding characters who are 
very often greatly emburassing to a party and scarcely ever 
essentially useful. 





287 


Mr. Mills, Mr. Harbord, Sir Wm. Wiseman, my brother and 
many other gentlemen of distinction were absent, and tho' 
several of our zealous patriots were even angrily urgent, it was 
judged more eligible not to make the attempt than to risque the 
incurring à disgrace. lam sorry this conduct was advisable as 
the Petition would probably not have been in the wild diffuse 
stile but confin’d simply to the merits of the Middlesex Election, 
at least such were the idea’s of Sr Edward Astley, Mr. Coke and 
Sir Wm. Harbord and of several others. Tho’ the Court 
influences many persons of distinction in this Country, the 
majority of the freeholders are greatly dissatisfy d with the 
present Government, some to a very intemperate degree; and 
there is great reason to believe that they will try at the 
Michaelmas Sessions to have a Petition. 

The worthy Bishop of Norwich® has left us, insensibly 
attracted into the vortex of Cambridge. He was initiated into 
the disinterested mystery’s of that pious body and adores with 
them their new Apis. 

Notwithstanding the frequent reports of his Grace’s wishes and 
intentions to retire from publick business, I cannot think he will 
quit the Closet till he is thrust out, yet were he wise, surely he 
would wrap himself up in poor Lord Winchelsea’s Blue Ribbond, 
nor venture the meeting of a Parliament, who if they are in any 
degree influenc’d by the temper of the Nation will make his 
situation as disagreeable to him as hitherto it has been disgrace- 
full. 


Sm Wu. Harsonp to the Duke or NEWCASTLE. 


[1769], Sep. 80. Norwich.—(Copy.) Explanatory of his 
conduct in relation to the Petition referred to in the preceding 
letter. 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1769, Augst. 16. Wotton.—I should have answered your 
kind enquiry after us as soon as I received it, if I had not been 
prevented by having so much company in the house as not to 
allow me one moment's leisure. We are now almost alone 
except the Count and Countess de Welderen, the former of whom 
has been confin’d to his bed here for this fortnight by a very 
bad bilious fever. He has been attended by two Physicians 
from Oxford, one of whom is now in the house and tells me that 
he hopes the danger is over tho' he has still a return of fever and 
is extremely reduced. Mrs. Grenville has had some returns of 
her complaint but they have been much slighter, and I hope 
that upon the whole she is much better than she was. I am 
much obliged to you for the account of your Norfolk Politicks. 
If the body of the freeholders are dissatisfy'd and think that 
their rights and those of all the Electorsin England are violated 
by the late determination in the House of Commons they may 


* Philip Yonge, or Young, Bishop, 1761-1788. 


288 


certainly remonstrate against it in a proper manner, and I take 
it for granted will do so whatever means are employed to prevent 
it, because they always have it in their power. If they do, they 
will give weight to the resistance which has been made to that 
measure in the House of Commons and prevent the like measure 
for the future; if they do not, those who think of it as I have 
done must content themselves with having dorre their duty in the 
proper place by opposing a resolution which appeared to them to 
be a direct breach of the Constitution. You will have seen by the 
News-Papers and probably have heard I have met Lord and Lady 
Chatham at Howe, and that they have since come over to us at 
Wotton and stay'd with us two or three days. Every thing passed 
extremely well in all respects, and whatever effect it may have in 
the political world, where it may possibly occasion much specula- 
tion, I am persuaded that our friends will be glad of an event 
which will contribute so much to our domestic happyness by 
healing the wounds which have so long prevented the union and 
peace of our family. As to Politicks I hear nothing but what 
tends to render the state of them more and more uncertain. I 
heartily lament the situation of the King and Kingdom, but I think 
it cannot be cured, till both or at least till one of them shall be 
fully convinced of the danger. I agree with you that the D. of 
G. will not quit the Closet till he is forced to it whatever reports 
may be given out of his wishes and intentions, nor do I think his 
wishes or intentions will be any remedy to the evil either one way 
or the other. I havelong thought so, and my publie sentiments 
continue unaltered and so, I trust, will my private friendships 
particularly that which I have long had the pleasure to cultivate 
with you. 


GEORGE GRENVILLE to the Earu or BuckINGHAMSHIRE. 


1770, July 14. Charleton.—(Referring to Marble hill and 
trusts of Lady Suffolk’s will.) I should be very sorry to be depriv'd 
of the pleasure which I flatter’d myself with of meeting you 
here if I had not heard from Lord Suffolk that you was 
more agreeably and better employ’d in Staffordshire.? May 
that employment (the best in which you can be engag'd) 
turn out as much to your happyness as your own wishes 
or those of your warmest friends can desire. Nothing my dear 
Lord, could give me a more cordial satisfaction than to be a 
witness of it, but I am engag'd in the Autumn to make another 
excursion to Packington and Hagley, and afterwards to receive 
some company at home, which I fear will make it impossible, 
but my desire to do it is so sincere that if I can I certainly 
would come to you at Blickling. I shall stay here till Fryday 
next, the 19th of this month, when I shall return to Wotton. I 
am obliged to you for the news which you send to me about the 
Colonies. I hear that there is much talk about them, but I am 


*The Earl of Buokinghamshire was marri»d for the second time on the 24th 
September, 1770, to Miss Caroline Conolly, of Stratton in Staffordshire, a grand. 
daughter of the Earl of Strafford. 





289 - 


still persuaded that there will be nothing done, which I &m sure 
in the present crisis cannot be right. Every fool can find fault, 
but it requires wisdom and ability to act with firmness and 
diseretion after a series of the greatest folly and weakness which 
ever disgraced a country. Lord Suffolk joins with me in our 
kindest wishes and best compliments to you. 


A PackET or Papers endorsed:—''PRocEkEDINGS IN CovuNcIL 
delivered by the Earu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE :—Papers from 
the Couneil Office, 1770." 


No. 1. (Copy.) Minutes of the Lords of the Committee of 
Council for plantation affairs, upon considering the state of dis- 
order, confusion and  misgovernment in the province of 
Massachusetts Bay. Dated 26 June, 1770. 

No. 2. (Copy. Minutes ofthe Lords of the Committee of 
Council. Dated 27 June, 1770. 

No. 8. (Copy. Minutes of the Lords of the Committee of 
Council. Dated 4 July, 1770. 

No. 4. (Copy. Report of the Lords of the Committee of 
Council. Dated 4 July, 1770. 

No. 5. (Copy. Order of His Majesty in Council. 6 July, 


No. 6. (Copy. Order of His Majesty in Council. 6 July, 
1770. 
A list of the above Papers. 


J. Snow to the EanL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1771, May 1 (by the Almanack, by the weather Xmas Day). 
The Chantry.—The embanking the Tavy and Tamar I shou'd realy 
think very practicable and would answer very well. Mr. Heywood 
is going to experiment this summer in his marshes, and I think 
your Lordship might advantageous make a trial under Gnatam, 
where are many acres of shallow muddy grounds hardly cover'd 
but in spring tides and which lay much skreen'd both from strong 
tides and currents. Heywood mention'd the very thing to me as 
he pass'd lately thro' here and he will give your Lordship full 
accounts both of the charges and manner of doing of it by the 
same undertaker as Parker employs and Eliot has successfully 
employ'd. Hang politicks, I detest them! K., Lds. and the 
Commons are the only Government I know. If they are all in 
the wrong, I hope they will mend without recourse to swords, 
pistols and levelling republican principles. I can’t help very 
sincerely condoling with your late disappointment in family hopes, 
but let not, my dearest Lord, your noble courage be cast down. 
I hope and trust your pious endeavours will succeed better next 
time. T'u ne cede malis, at contra audentius ito. 

I quite approve and congratulate you of preferring private 
social happiness to noisy dependent concernment in publick 
affairs, at present in such confusion. . . I remember a french 


17118 T 


290 


Harlequin once giving a description of our Countrey said, ‘“ Pour 
l'Angleterre, c’est une grande bête, dont le cul est devenu la 
téte," which I realy think was a just as well as drole Harle- 
quinade. 

Adieu, my dear Lord, I have rubb'd through this long winter 
pretty well and hope when I hear of two or three swallows flying 
about, to crawl out of my long imprisonment in my old 
residentiary Castle. My wife and family join in every grateful 
wish to you and yours with your ever faithfull and obliged, etc. 


Lorp CRAcGs CLARE® to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1771, June 1. Kensington.— Warm expressions of gratitude 
to Lord and Lady Buckinghamshire for having undertaken the 
trust in relation to his daughter. Can now fill up with heart- 
felt joy à blank in his Will, which without their assistance he 
wou'd never have been able to do with any comfort or satisfaction. 


THE SAME to THE SAME. 


1778, Feb. 19. Bath.—If ever I coud have had a moment's 
doubt of the tender attention which my daughter woud 
experience from your friendly and good heart, the earnest 
whieh you have given me in the last letter with which 
your Lordship honoured me, wou'd convince me that my 
death wou'd only produce a change of one loving father 
for another, as willing and more able to protect and serve her. 
In my impatience to be in London at a time when I considered 
absence as a crime in every publie man, I set out from hence on 
my way thither, after a confinement of seven weeks to my house, 
and at the end of seventeen miles stopt at Lord Shelburn's house, 
fatigued, but in other respects feeling rather better for my 
journey. There Irested next day, and in the following night had 
a return of fever worse than at my first seizure. When it had 
abated a little, I prefer'd returning to my Physician here rather 
than remain at so great a distance, where he coud afford me but 
few and short attendances. 


MINUTES OF CONVERSATION with Lorp DARTMOUTEH.t 


1774, March 2.—The first idea to have removed the Customs 
and Trade from Boston to some other Port in the Province, 
objected to by the Lawyers because the Captains of ships pro- 
ducing their clearance are legally entitled to require that a 
Custom House officer should attend them to any particular port. 

Second. To have prosecuted the leaders at the Town Meeting 
viz. Williams, Hancock, Molineux, for High Treason for the 
opinions they gave at that meeting, and the guard plac’d upon 
the ships in consequence. The Solicitor-General coincided with 
this, but the Attorney-General objected as Hancock assigned as a 





* Created Earl Nugent in 1776. 
t Apparontly between Lord Dartmouth and the Earl of Buckinghamshire. 





291 


reason for placing the guard that it was only to prevent others 
from destroying the Tea who might do it with an idea of after- 
wards throwing the odium upon their party. 

À Bill to be brought into Parliament to enact the removal of the 
Custom House, Assembly, etc., from Boston; to makeit a high 
crime and misdemeanour at any Public Meeting to dispute the 
Sovereign Legislative authority of Great Britain ; and to enforce 
the payment of an indemnification to the East India Company 
for the Tea destroyed; also to regulate the Justices of the Peace 
whose general remissness has encouraged these Riots. (Obs. 
Not the Province or the Town, but the Leaders at the Meeting 
previous to the Riot.) 

I proposed that the persons of whose active part at the Town 
Meeting the Council have evidence upon oath, should be declared 
incapable of holding any post of trust, honour or profit in the 
Province. 


COMMENCEMENT OF THE AMERICAN REBELLION.? 


It is evident that our present situation with the Colonys is so 
critical that no effectual middle term can be found ; we must either 
insist upon their submission to the authority of the Legislature 
or give them up intirely to their own indiscretion. The first 
seems the lesser evil but it is by no means easy to determine the 
measures necessary for carrying it into execution and yet the 
decision upon those measures must be immediate. It would have 
become the wisdom of the Nation from the very infancy of the 
Colonys to have attended to the growth of them and to have 
introdue'd new regulations as the increase of cultivation, com- 
merce, opulenee and population made new regulations necessary. 
But above all this fatal spirit of independency should have been 
cheek'd in its very first appearence which on the contrary has 
been foster'd and cherish'd by measures which it were vain to 
dwell upon, tho' the painfull recollection cannot but be suggested 
by their consequences. This necessary policy too long defer'd ~ 
will now admit of no delay, it is the duty of a good citizen 
strenuously to attempt that which, if difficult now, will in a very ' 
short space be impracticable. 

Tho' the other Colonys are but too deeply engag'd in this 
business, yet as that of the Massachusets Bay has taken the lead, 
it were better perhaps to suppose that they acted from the 
instigations and example of the disaffected there, and consider 
the town of Boston as the immediate object of the resentment of 
this country. I have been inform'd that there is evidence upon 
oath against several of the leaders at the Meeting previous to the 
destruction of the tea. They should be declar'd incapable of hold- 
ing any office of trust, honor or profit in the Province, and if their 
effects can answer the damage sustained by the East India 
Company they should be condemn'd to make it good. Itappears 
to me that for the future no person should be admitted into the 


— * This is in Lord Buckinghamshire s handwriting, but is unsigned. But see p. 296, 
Lord Hardwicke's letter of Deo. 26. 


292 


assembly or council or suffer’d to act as a justice of peace who 
do's not acknowledge a supreme power of Legislation in the Parlt. 
of England. This was, however, thought of before and great 
objections made to it. The removal of the Custom House from 
Boston and in consequence carrying the trade of the Province to 
another Port might also be expedient, and some regulations are 
necessary for preventing fraudulent bankruptcy and facilitating 
for recovering the just debts of our merchants. The determinations 
of Government should be sent with five or six Frigates with orders 
if there did not appear a disposition to submit to intercept their 
trade. This will be called Making War upon your Colonys but 
is it not evident that in their present temper nothing but an 
appearance of this Country’s being resolved to support its 
authority at all events can prevent their throwing off even the 
appearence of allegiance? It would perhaps be advisable 
immediately to withdraw all the troops from the interior of the 
Country and to bring them to the Sea Ports. The Canadians 
also should be attended to who, if they already are not, might 
easily be made, the best subjects of the Crown in North America, 
their disposition is military and the idea of the force which might 
be brought from there would not a little contribute to keep the 
disaffected within bounds. From such accounts as have reach'd 
me it may be presum'd that there is no real love or true spirit in 
these people, and that they will submit to the superiority of this 
Country if they think it will be exerted. But even supposing 
they should successfully resist, they would only obtain that situa- 
tion where a very few years longer of the languor and inattention 
of Great Britain would place them. When they hare submitted 
for the present no further taxation should be thought of, but the 
Act of Navigation should be kept up in the utmost strictness, 
every step taken to discourage their manufactures and above all 
things some method thought of to stop the migration of the 
inhabitants of England and Ireland as far as possible and to 
prevent the further population of the inland parts of America. 


Earz or Hanpwickk to the Earu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, March 17. St. James's Square.—After thanking you for 
the good company you placed me in last night at the Opera, I 
take the liberty to transcribe for your amusement what my 
brother® writes of the situation of affairs in the North. ‘‘ The 
"Situation of Europe does not clear up. On one side it is 
* universally supposed that Peace will not be concluded between 
"the Turcks and Russians; on the other, that there is more 
"reason to apprehend a rupture in the North than to expect 
‘tranquillity. Certain it is, that in Russia, Sweden and Denmark 
** preparations are making by sea and land, and the French give 
‘out that they will send all their German regiments from Dantzick 
‘to Sweden, whilst a report is propagated from St. Petersburg 
** that the Porte has promised a large subsidy to Sweden, a sum of 





— —À——————M—— — —— — — 


* Sir J oseph Yorke, Minister at th: Hague, created Lord Dover, 1788 











293 


* which is already committed ; if these two last articles (which I 
‘* give as uncertain) should be verified, I think his Swedish Majesty? 
‘may be tempted to try his fortune, for the leaven of Aristozracy 
** in the old Government which smoulders under the ashes might 
" break out if a popular object. in that Country (such as a war 
‘with Russia) was not started to give another turn to the national 
" gpirit. I believe I have said before that I have not the least 
** idea of the part Austria would take in the T'urckish quarrel, but 
‘it is positively said she has declared to France that she will be 
'* neuter in any Swedish quarrel. We can but lament over the fate 
"of Poland in general and of Dantzick in particular, which City 
** will probably be sacrificed to the momentary interests of Russia 
‘‘ against her essential and fundamental duty. The Empress of 
‘* Russia feels that the K. of Prussia is in the wrong, but he is in 
‘“the possession of directing her Councils," etc. 

I am afraid I have tired your lordship with my diplomatick 
prose, but then I have quoted a better authority in those matters 
than my ‘‘ Ipse dizit" would be. 

It looks to me that we here only wait for events and have taken 
no decisive party. 

Tres-assurément nous ne faisons pas grande figure. 


J. M. Hrywoop to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1774, June 21. Manston.—(As to ‘‘ Pike’s tenement’ in Beer, 
‘‘ one of the prettiest estates in the parish and worth about £40 
a year.” 

A resident steward is necessary on Lord Buckinghamshire’s 
estate in these parishes.) 

You may depend upon my getting the best intelligence I can 
of your Rector’s conduct respecting what you mention'd to me, 
but have no reason as yet to think he has done anything 
oppressive. I think your L?Àship said you would write to him 
about the wood which you imagined had not been disposed of to 
the greatest advantage to yourself, etc., etc. 


RoaER KERRISON to THE SAME. 


1775, Jan. 17. Norwich.—Lord Buckinghamshire has so often 
(since he ceased to represent the City of Norwich in Parliament) 
distinguished himself not only as a benefactor to distressed 
Indigence but a liberal encourager of public Institutions that the 
Parishioners of St. Peter Mancroft are emboldened to sollicit 
his name to a subscription lately set on foot for having a Peal of 
Twelve Bells in that Tower. 

(Congratulations on the birth of an heir.) 


Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to RoGER KERRISON. 


No Date.—Promising ten guineas towards St. Peter's Bells. 
Draft. 


* Gustavus III, 1771-1762. 


294 


His having given lately £100 towards the Discharge of 
Debtors confined in the City and County Gaols, added to the 
expense of inclosing the Norfolk and Norwich Hospital from the 
road, amounting to near £400, will in some sort apologise for his 
not being a larger contributor. . “It will ever be the pride and 
glory of my family to merit the approbation and countenance of 
the Citizens of Norwich," etc. 

Draft. 


Baron CuEgnkasow to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1775, August 81. Moscow.—Acknowiedging the receipt of some 
engravings sent by the Earl to the Empress of Russia, he has 
been ordered by her to request his L 4ship to forward her the Act 
of Parliament called ** The Act declaring the rights and liberties 
of the subject and of establishing the succession to the Crown," 
W. and M. L., Session 2, Cap. 2. Asking also for a good French 
translation of the same. 


RoBERT FELLOWES to THE SAME. 


1775, Nov. 29. Shotesham.—Acknowledging a letter, enclosing 
a draft for two hundred and fifty pounds upon Messrs. Drum- 
mond, a mark of his “‘boundless liberality’ to the Hospital [the 
Norfolk and Norwich]. ‘I entirely agree with your Lordship 
that & close wall was a proper enclosure for the Hospital, and so 
I always thought, but the Majority were of a different opinion 
and gave directions accordingly.” 


Lonp NuGENT to THE SAME. 


1775, Nov.11. Stoke.—You have very naturally supposed that 
I coud not without much time and blotting answer the best 
written and most elegant letter I ever yet received; and have 
accounted for my long silence from this consideration. But, be 
not so vain! It has travel'd from Blickling to Bristol, from 
Bristol to London, from London to Bath, and from Bath to 
Bristol. Now, compute the distance and compare them with 
dates, you will find I coud not answer you a day sooner. After 
meeting Lady Dorothy on the road, I found at my arrival in 
London that my son was set out for Ireland, only to eut throats 
with a certaiu Col. Gabbet, who, he had been inform'd, misrepre- 
sented what he had said of Mrs. Bunbury to her husband when 
they met upon the same laudable business. 

I felt a little uneasy upon the subject as you will readily 
believe, and instead of proceeding to Bristol returned to Gosfield, 
where I was some time after released from my apprehension by 
my son's return from Ireland with a letter from the said Col. 
Gabbet which, with reason, thoro'ly satisfied him. 

I am now eating Turtle and drinking Punch. I shew’d your 
letter to George Grenville and his Lady; they wanted comfort 
and they had it. Poor woman! She is, I fear, in a desperate 
way; and they both set out this day for London without having 
receiv'd any benefit from Bath. 


295 


They desire their love to you, and feel, as they ought, what you 
say. You have used a device which has succeeded to keep Lady 
Buekingham's and your daughter's partiality for me a secret from 
my constituents. 

Such reflections upon Merchants! I fear your interest declines 
at Norwich. Iam sure I could ruin it by communicating your 
letter there. But I will keep your secret, provided you promise 
not to interrupt my happiness by any peevish fit of jealousy. 
You will by this bargain retain the love of thousands and I 
possess the goodwill of one whom I woud prefer to millions. 
God bless you all. 

Mr. Alderman Durbin waits. 

(Note at the head of this letter.) Woud to God you cou'd share 
the happiness I am enjoying by the cheerful society of a certain 
gentleman who shall be nameless. 

Affectionately yrs, Botetourt.9 


Earz or Harpwicke to the EaRrL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


[17]75, Dec. 26. St. James's Square.—I take the liberty to send 
you in confidence the last letter I received from my brother at 
the Hague, thinking it will amuse you, and put you a little au fait, 
not only of his negotiations but of the general state of Foreign 
Affairs. Your Lordship may repost it any time in the course of 
the morrow. We make here at present a great mystery of 
eommon things; how the Russian affair has slipped out of our 
fingers, I know not.t Sir Joseph] was not in that secret, I 
believe. 

Your Lordship made me not only happy but vain by approving 
my crude idea about America. I am sensible of the delicacy and 
difficulty of it, and till we can strike them by an Appareil de 
Force, it cannot be attempted with a prospect of success. 1 am 
very sure that the sooner we can end that business quo-cunque 
modo the better. When I say that, I do not exclude the idea of 
doing it with dignity and decorum, but I see difficultys in carrying 
it thro' à la rigueur which my poor conceptions cannot get over. 

I hope when I come to Town after the holy-days, if nothing 
else mend, we shall at least have better operas. 


GENERAL Howe to THE SAME. 


1776, July 8. Staten Island.—It was not without the deepest 
concern that I heard of the late calamitous state of your family,§ 
being sensible both your Lordship and Lady Buckingham must 








* Narbonne Berkeley. created Baron Botetourt April, 1764. a title which had been 
extinct since 1406. He died s.p. 1776. 

+ This probably refers to a negociation on the part of the Government to procure 
Russian Avxiliary troops in the American war. (See Recueil des Instructions 
données aux ambassadeurs et ministres de France. Vol. IL 829.) 

? Sir Joseph Yorke. 

$ The Ear! of Buckinghamshire lcst two infant sons in 1775 and 1776. 


296 


have suffered infinite pain. But as I have understood from 
Fanny her Ladyship bore her misfortunes with a calmness and 
resignation that was much admired, and which arising from the 
purest principles no doubt it must have softened the affliction. 

The Halifax Armament got into Sandy Hook on the 29th last 
past, and the army is now cantoned in this island with every 
necessary refreshment to be wisht, and what is not frequently 
seen, to the great joy of the inhabitants who have been long 
oppressed by the Rebels for their unremitting attachment to 
H. M’s Government. . 

It is reported that the Canada army is upon Lake Champlain, 
and a rebel Newspaper mentions an army being before Charles- 
town which had been summoned to surrender and rejected without 
any further particulars; and in the same paper the Congress has 
formally declared the Colonies to be free States. 

We impatiently look for the Hessian reenforcements which we 
have reason to expect hourly from advice being had that they 
sailed from Portsmouth six weeks past and I hope Lord Howe 
will not be long after them. 

The Enemy is numerous, and strongly entrenched upon York 
and Long Islands, with a respectable artillery both for the field 
and defences of the harbours. 

But many of the inhabitants of this neighbourhood have 
declared their resolution of joining us, and taking up arms against 
Rebellion, and the measure of independency is by no means 
popular. 


Srp Horace Mann to the EaRL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1776, Oct. 19. Florence.—Every mark of Your Lordship's 
kind remembrance gives me the greatest satisfaction and recalls 
to mine the great goodness you formerly honoured me with. I 
seize therefore this first opportunity to express my acknowledge- 
ments for your letter by Mr. Giles, who delivered it to me a few 
days ago. I endeavoured to convince him by every attention in 
my power of the respect I shall always shew to your Lordship’s 
recommendations and how happy your commands of this or of 
any other nature will always make me. 


Q Q J Q o Q Q 


The Lady who so long ago attracted your attention here is in 
perfect good health and seemed much obliged by your Lord- 
ship’s remembrance of her. She is a widow, a ‘ Dama di Corte,’ 
and has where withall to live comfortably though with frugality, 
mi ha incaricato con molta premura di presentarle i suoi ptu 
teneri saluti e di dirle che ella conserva encora perlei la piu cara e 
sincera rimembranza. Had she have been as tender when your 
Lordship was here as those expressions denote you would not now 
complain of her past severity, though you must give me leave to 
s&y that neither I nor many others here then thought her so 
insensible £o your addresses. 


297 


Epuunp SEexrEN PERY® to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1776, Nov. 30. Dublin.—Cóngratulations on his appointment 
to the Govt. of Ireland. It will be his duty as well as his 
inclination to assist him to the utmost. 


GENERAL [James] Jonwsrow to THE Same. 


1776, Dec. 5. Dublin, Henrietta Street. —I[I have found it 
necessary to agree with Lord Harcourt for the two setts of horses, 
they wou'd have been sold for more money in separates and the 
servants alldispers'd. You had better have the Chariot and the 
Berlin, and if you tell me you will leave this extent of business 
to me, I will take care of it all. If you can be at some expense 
to enlarge St. Woolston's, that and another house for your young 
family may hold you. 

By all means direct for the yacht to wait for you at Holly 
Head. You may otherwise be detain'd at Parkgate frequently a 
fortnight and have a long and dangerous passage afterwards. . . 

I can gett all manner of men servants here for you except 
cooks. Lord Harcourt had four. In short the fewer horses and 
servants you are at the expense of transporting the better. 
Two or three very fine black light leg’d stone horses with long 
tails and no whites will finish this business. . . . . | 


Joën Hezy Hurcuinson,t [Provost,] to THE SAME. 


1776, Dec. 5. Trinity College, Dublin.—Congratulations on 
Lord Buckinghamshire's appointment and offers of support. 


Davip GaRRICK to THE SAME. 


[1776 ?] Dec.12. Adelphi.—Tho’ I have for near forty years 
fac'd the most formidable criticks yet I could not till this moment 
have resolution enough to write and send this letter to your 
Lordship. Nothing indeed ought to distress a man of sensi- 
bility more than giving trouble without the least right or 
pretence for it. Thus, my Lord, having no excuse for my 
presumption, I must necessarily appeal to your goodness for my 
pardon. I have a nephew, my namesake, whose dangerous state 
of health oblig’d him some time ago to sell out of Lord Pembroke's 
Dragoons. We never expected that he would have got the better 
of his disorder. He is now quite recover'd, is a young man with 
a tolerablé person and his character a good one. Lord Pembroke 
and the officers of the Regiment speak of him with great 
partiality. His situation at present is very disagreeable to him, 
and if your Lordship would take pity on him and honour him 
with your commands to attend your suite in any capacity you 
should think proper, he would think himself most particularly 
happy, and I, my Lord, should never forget the obligation. I 





* Speaker to the Irish House of Commons. See for Edmund Perys Corre- 
spondence, 14th Report Hist. MSS. Commission. 1895, p. 155 et seq. 
t See p. 159 of the same Report. 


298 


might have procur’d a more powerful interest for this solicitation, 
but I was resolv'd to owe any fayour I might receive to Lord 
Buckingham alone, so that he might have no difficulty in refusing 
His Lordship's most humble, etc., 
D. Garrick. 


GENERAL [James] JouwsroN to the EanL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 
1776, Dec. 24. Dublin.—As to the arrangements for Lord 
Buckinghamshire's arrival in Ireland. 
THE SAME to THE SAME. 


1776, Christmas Day.—The same, with estimates of carriages 
taken of Ld. Harcourt. 


£ 
The Harness for eight - 105 
The Berlin - - 185 


The Chasse Marine - 
The Chariot (probably) 


80 
- 330 (first cost) 
ete. 


THE SAME to THE SAME. 


1776, Dec. 28.—Estimates a new chasse marine at £60. The 
State Horses are exercised in it. 


EannL or HILLSBOROUGH to THE SAME. 


1777, Jan. 20.— . . . Perhaps if I had met you we might 
have had some conversation concerning your kingdóm,? but I 
know of nothing partieular to trouble you with. I certainly 
should not have omitted to mention the Primate to you as one of 
the best men living. He isa man of very sound judgement and 
what is better of a very sound heart, a true friend to the dignity 
and interest of Government, and has effected more for the 
civilization and improvement of Ireland than any ten men for 
these hundred years. He hates and despises a job, and whatever 
information he gives you I will venture to say you may depend 
upon. It has surprized me that his Grace, who is at the head of 
the first linnen county in Ireland, and of the province in which 
it flourishes, should not be à member of the Linnen Board. It 
was my intention to have offered him the first vacancy, had I 
been Lord Lieutenant, as his predecessors have always had a seat 
at that Board. I mention all this to your Lordship by way of 
just tribute to most distinguished and remarkable merits. As to 
myself, none of your humble servants will be less troublesome 
to you, or more sincerely attached to the support of your 
Administration than I shall be. I hope you will not think the 
prayer of the humble petition enelosed of very grave and serious 


* The Earl of Buckinghamshire arrived in Dublin as Viceroy of Ireland, 25 Jan., 
1771 





299 


consequence, and that you will grant the petitioner's request. I 
heartily wish you a safe and pleasant journey and voyage, and 
that you will be as well satisfied and pleased with your people as 
I am sure they ought to be with you. 


Sir JOHN IRWINE” to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, Feb.—He has received a letter from Ld. George Germain, 
of a private nature, telling him that the King desires to see him. 
He therefore asks leave of the Ld. Lieutenant to go to England, 
etc. . 


M. Le Marques DE NoarnnLes, French Ambassador in 
London, to THE SAME. 


1777, Mars 8. Londres.—Requesting his good offices in the 
forwarding of a box which Mr. Dickson, an apothecary in Dublin, 
wishes to convey to the Ambassador for M. de Sartine, Minister, 
of the Marine in France. It contains a remedy said to be very 
efficacious against a species of ant, from which the French colony 
of Martinique has suffered much. 

(French.) 


Hans STANLEY to THE SAME. 


1777, March 20. Privy Garden.—I am very sure you must 
be sensible that if you have not before heard from me my silence 
has not certainly arisen from inattention or indifference. I have 
indeed restrained my own inclination from an idea that one ought 
noi without an absolute necessity to break into the first hours of 
people that are arriving to new situations and important affairs. 
Í conceive, that wanting neither method nor diligence, you are 
at present able to command that leisure which is the fruit of 
them, and that I therefore may now and then remind you of my 
very faithful and affectionate attachment without being too 
troublesome. My own inclination must render these sentiments 
a very principal part of my correspondence, with regard to other 
articles of it your Lordship may depend upon my obeying any 
commands I receive from you, and endeavouring to inform you 
of what perhaps you are lesslikely to learn from other letters. 
I should possibly have broke thro' the rule I set out with if the 
House of Commons had afforded me an exeuse, but that assembly 
has been very near annihilated ever since you left England, and 
Lord North's illness has for very near a month past prevented 
any propositions of business coming before it. The attack has 

n & very serious one, and his recovery for some time but slow. 
He went, however, on Sunday last, to Bushy Park; and C. 
Townshend, whom I saw yesterday just arriving from him, 
assures me that he is now able to take the air, and that he mends 
apace. We suppose, in consequence, that the Civil List and 





* Created May, 1775, Commander-in-Chief of all Land Forces in Ireland, 
Governor of Londonderry and Culmore Fort, and a little later, a Member of the 
Privy Council, 


300 


other subsidiary points will be moved soon after the Easter 
Holy days. My knowledge of these latter transactions must be 
very imperfect. I am, however, from report afraid that they do 
not go on either as to numbers or as to terms so well as we wish ; 
this assistance is, however, extreamly wanted, for success has 
always depended much upon opinion, and by all accounts the 
late unhappy defeat of the Hessians has extremely revived the 
spirit of the Rebels. It has appeared to me that tho' some 
loeal resistance might still remain in parts, the business would 
have been accomplished from the time that they had no subsist- 
ing army to oppose to you, and I verily think, that without this 
unfortunate accident, the time of the men already listed being 
then expiring, Mr. Washington would have been left without any 
military force. What increases my regret is that the blow might 
have been avoided as far as appears from circumstances as they 
are stated, if that Corps had not been too far advanced, or if they 
would have retreated about eight miles, or if in short they had not 
left a strong post they were in possession of, to come into the 
open field, and even then if they had acted with more vigor. 
General Robinson arrived here yesterday evening from N. 
York, and I happen'd afterwards to see Ld. G. Germaine, who 
has received no material intelligence. Robinson sailed the 18th 
of February, on which day Sir Wm. Howe was setting out upon 
an expedition to the Jerseys. There has been some small 
skirmishes, in all which we had the superiority. The plan of the 
Americans has been to beat up and straighten our winter quarters, 
judging that our loss is much more difficult to repair than their 
own. Earlier letters from that country had said that Washington 
was declar'd Protector, the title is not such; he is named by the 
Congress Dictator of America for six months ; and they certainly 
have by this step adopted a form of Government much more 
adequate to the conjuncture. The alteration is said to have arisen 
from the complaints of the General as to bad choice of officers, 
delays, &c., &c. Three French Officers are coming over prisoners 
here. How ought you to treat them? As their own Sovereign has 
not aeknowledged the Colonies for a State, neutrals cannot 
serve with them as volunteers, and therefore I fancy that Grotius 
and Puffendorf would consider them as no better than Praedones. 
You will undoubtedly know better than I can all the 
probabilities for and against a French war; our continuance here 
was so short that I could hardly impart to you my own crude 
remarks and conclusions made in the last summer. I in general 
thought their Ministry not dispos'd to the measure, but the crisis 
is so delicate that both nations may probably be involved in it 
without much premeditation by some act of petulance. Their 
conduct in receiving the American Privateers and their prizes 
may be overlooked. I understand that these latter were never 
condemned, but the purchaser took the title along with the effects 
such as it was; but if it be true that they have refused to restore 
the Lisbon Packett claimed as a vessel belonging to the King, the 
affront is certainly of the grossest kind. What is at the same 
time very extraordinary, I am told from tolerable good authority 





801 


that letters from Dr. Franklin to the Congress have been inter- 
cepted, saying that he despairs of engaging that Court in 
hostilities against us. 

I doubt all this is but an unchearful sort of correspondence, we 
go on, however, feasting, dancing, marrying, and giving in 
marriage like our ante-diluvian predecessors ; as to which 
partieulars I refer you to Lady Buckingham, adding what I know 
must be to you the best consolation, when publie prospects are 
gloomy, that I have never seen her Ladyship enjoy a better share 
of health and beauty. 

I set out in about a week for my anniversary at Paultons, which 
will be very full this year of your friends, and where you are 
most certain of being often remember'd. If there remains a 
liber commeatus I shall go soon after the Birthday, if not before, 
to Paris, and from thence to Spa, being determin'd to return 
again to those waters from which I received last year so great 
and so permanent a benefit. I flatter myself that a third journey 
thither will be unnecessary, and that I shall be able next summer 
to execute what I have so much at heart as the paying my 
respects to your Excellency at Dublin, for tho' I think nothing 
can have been 80 proper and so judicious for you as the accept- 
ance of your present commission, I am as an individual a very 
principal sufferer by your absence; you know with how much 
sincerity I express myself in saying that I have met with very few 
men in my life with whom I have liked to pass it so well as with 
yourself, and at the present period of it, tho’ I enjoy very good 
health, three or four years is a great defalcation. I must 
however comfort myself that your services will probably be the 
cause of your finding yourself for the future, whenever you 
return, in the situation I have long wished you, and that I mean- 
while have the satisfaction of hearing from all hands that you 
are gaining respect and approbation of which indeed I had no 
doubt, having as you know formerly had the means of studying 
you in one of those predicaments, quae indicant virum. 

Having thus, my dear Lord, renew'd, I hope, not too inoppor- 
tunely my correspondence with your Excellency, I have nothing 
to add but that I desire it may on your part be carried on only 
when it entirely suits your leisure and convenience; for if any- 
thing occurs that I think you will wish to be apprized of, I need 
not say that I shall not wait the regular and formal return of an 
answer from you. I beg my best compliments to Sir John Irwin. 


Lorp FrrZwiLLIAM to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, April 10. Mount Merrion.—Is unable to let Mount- 
merrion to the Earl of Buckinghamshire as he had hoped. 


STATEMENT ON InisH TRADE By S[Acxvizze] H[amiton.®] 


1777, April 17.—It may be thought improper to propose at this 
juncture any alteration in the system of American trade, and it 


me ee 


* See 14th Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission, p. 165. Sackyille Hamilton 
Cas in this year Ohief Becretary for the Inland Department of the Commissioners of 
nstom. 


802 


may be in vain to suggest it untill that country be settled. But 
if we should be at the eve of such an event, this may possibly be 
a proper time to take up the matter ; to unite with the settlement 
of that country the consideration of enlarging our trade with the 
islands in order to extend the manufacture and commerce of 
Ireland, a country which from its situation and the connections 
and disposition of the people can never create a jealousy or be 
guspected of wishing for any interests separate from England. 

It is not amiss in the first place to state the progress of the 
laws respecting the Plantation trade in order to show the 
foundation of this observation. That the Irish trade with 
America stood formerly upon the same footing as the English. 
That the restrictions laid on it were prejudicial to the interests of 
the Empire and that by & partial restoration of the trade we 
have recovered what little wealth or industry we can boast of. If 
these good effects have followed without any prejudice to the 
trade of Great Britain the argument and we hope the indulgence 
may be extended. 

he Act of Navigation (the bulwark of British Commerce) 
considers England and Ireland as one country, and lays 
no restraint on the Irish trade with the Plantations. (12 
Chas. 2nd, Eng.) 

The Wool Act of the same year (12 Chas. 2nd, Eng.), and that 
which passed two years after (14 Chas. 2nd, Eng.), affect Ireland 
only as they affect England. 

In the first Irish Parliament which was called after the 
Restoration, the several Acts granting an hereditary revenue to 
the Crown were passed; among others the Act of Tonnage and 
Poundage, whereby a revenue of 5 per cent. was granted on 
the exports of Ireland, and the duties of custom on the pro- 
duce of the Plantations were rated at only one half when the 
commodities should be imported from England. (14 and 15 
Chas. 2nd, Irish, see the proviso at the latter end of the Statute.) 
This was immediately followed by an English Act (15 Chas. 
2nd, Eng.) prohibiting any exportation from Ireland to the 
Plantations but of servants, horses and victual. 

Several laws were afterwards enacted in England to limit the 
Plantation trade, but as the limitations and restrictions (so far 
as they concerned this Kingdom) were binding only in the 
Plantations, some trade was still carried on directly to Ireland. 
But in the year 1695 an English Act (7 and 8 Wm. 8rd, Eng.) 
prohibited the importation of any goods to Ireland from the 
Plantations on any pretence, so that even stranded goods cannot 
be disposed of here. Thus the Plantation trade both of export 
and import was totally taken away and remained so for some 

ears. . 

y This discouragement to settlers threw the Protestant interest 
into decline. (See the Preamble of 8 and 4 Anne, Eng.) 
Something was necessary to be done for its support. Our linen 
was permitted to America, and in some years it was allowed to 
go duty free (8 Geo. 1st, Eng.), to continue so long as British 
linens should be imported free into Ireland. Industry now began 





808 


to shew some signs of life. In the succeeding reign it wasdiscovered 
that the entire restriction of our imports from the Plantations 
was & prejudice to the navigation and trade of Great Britain and 
of the Colonies. (See the Preamble to 4 Geo. 2nd, Eng.) We 
were then permitted to import goods of the Plantations, except 
sugar, tobacco, cotton-wool, indico, ginger, speclewood, dying 
woods, rice, melasses, furs, copper ore, piteh, tar, turpentine, 
masts, yards and bowsprits. Confined as these benefits were, 
they were nevertheless of infinite importance to a country 80 
confined in trade. And the wealth of Ireland increased with its 
population insomuch that during the last war she supplied these 
kingdoms with near an hundred thousand men for their fleets 
and armies, and maintained forty regiments in pay. Ireland is 
as yet far below that state to which encouragement would raise 
her. The whole kingdom does not fit out so many merchant 
ships as belóng to any one of the considerable ports of England 
or America. Industry does but crawl through the land. In 
many parts of the south and west the country is open, waste and 
uninhabited. Even within a small distance of the Metropolis the 
want of improvement is too obvious. Should the system of 
commercial politicks in England admit of further attention to 
this country ; should the opinion be avowed that as the riches 
and inhabitants of Ireland inerease, the amount of Irish estates 
spent in England and of English luxuries consumed in Ireland 
wil find a proportional increase, and should this truth be 
acknowledged that the wealth of Ireland, however acquired, must 
ultimately center and accumulate in England, that wealth may 
be in some measure increased by admitting a direct importation 
from the American Islands of sugar, cotton-wool, dying stuffs 
and dying woods. 

Sugar.—At present it is difficult to make up a cargo for Ireland 
without this article, and as it must first be landed in England, 
that circumstance increases the freight, insurance, delay and 
hazard, and gives a double opportunity of smuggling upon the 
coasts. 

Cotton Wool.—Quantities are spun in Ireland for the use of 
the English manufactures. Such as is of American growth 
must be sent from England, which enhances the cost to the 
English factor. A direct importation would in this article be of 
importance to England as well as Ireland. 

Dying Stuffs and Woods.—The injury to our manufactures by 
any difficulty or needless expense in the importation of these 
articles does not require any comment. 

Our exports to the Plantations are restrained in every 
article of the manufacture or produce of Ireland except plain 
linen, victual, horses and human creatures. An indulgence to 
export thither the following goods, or any of them, would be 
highly acceptable :—Broad, narrow, fine or coarse cloths, serges, 
poplins, camleta, ratteens, frizes, flannels, blankets, stockings, 
shoes, boots, saddles, painted or stained linens, bottles containing 
wine or beer, subject no doubt to the like duties or regulations as 
the same articles are subject to upon exportation from Great 


804 


Britain. If we quit the Plantation trade to consider of improve- 
ments for the trade of Ireland, to which no objection will arise 
in Great Britain, our difficulties increase. The produce and 
manufactures of both countries are so much alike that if 
encouragement be proposed for any particular article in Ireland 
some town in England will immediately complain, and the 
representatives will be instructed to oppose it. So long as local 
regards prevail every such project will be defeated. But 
considering the mutual advantage of both countries nationally, 
see whether any objection lies to the general plan. Put the 
intercourse of commerce between the two countries upon an equal 
footing, so far as is consistent with the public revenue of each, 
and open the importation of every produce and manufacture of 
Ireland into England. The effect of this must be that Ireland 
will become as one great factory to England. The profits of 
every manufacture will equally circulate through London, the 
supply of foreign marketts will be increased and at a cheaper rate 
by the price of labor being reduced, or provisions being cheaper 
to the manufacturer. | 

But if so general a plan be not proper to launch into, and it 
must be confined to one article, let it be the woolen trade, continue 
the prohibitory laws as to foreign countries, but open the export 
free to England. It may be the means of recovering that trade 
which France has of late years taken into her hands. If this 
be too much, open it at least for coarse cloths and frizes. 

Contrary to sound policy, a part of the hereditary revenue has 
been placed upon our exports, continue it as to foreign countries, 
but let it be given up on the exports to Britain. Let the law be 
in force from two years to two years to keep pace with the Money 
Bills, and let Parliament make it good in the Biennial Supplies. 
In order to prevent fraud by exportation to other countries under 
colour of an export to Britain it may be done by way of draw- 
back upon a certificate of the landing in Britain. 


EarRu OF ScanBonovaGH to the EaRL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, April 17. London.—As to help which he hopes for 
(apparently pecuniary) in the “ winning ofa colliery, which would 
be of infinite advantage" to himself and his successors. 


M. ve Marquis nE Noaruues to THE SAME. 


1777, April 25. Londres.—Asking for his good offices with 
respect to a memorial which he encloses, addressed to him by the 
administrators of the General Hospital at Paris. (The memorial 
not here.) ‘Il y est question d’une créance qui est devenue le 
patrimoine des Vaurzes.” 


Earz or ScrronLk to the Lorp LIEUTENANT or IRELAND. 


1777, May 14. Duke St., Westminster.—Has conveyed Ld. 
Buckinghamshire's thanks to his Majesty for his late act of grace 
and goodness to his family. 


806 


** The last accounts from America are tolerably good. I make 
no doubt the next will be still better ; and trust in God that we 
are in a fair way to subdue the Rebellion notwithstanding all the 
difficulties and embarrassments attending it." 


Lorp GEORGE GERMAIN to the Lorp LIEUTENANT or IRELAND. 


1777, June 9. Pall Mall.—You will hear by this post that 
Lord Percy is arrived from Rhode Island, an event I endeavoured 
to prevent. He will not be in town till Saturday. The packet 
in which he came brought letters from Sir Wm. Howe. They 
seldom contain anything but the facts that may have happened 
since he last wrote. He gives an account of a success gained by 
Lord Cornwallis in surprising a post of the Rebels within six or 
seven miles of Brunswick, in which he killed about 80 and took 
several prisoners, with three pieces of brass cannon. Private 
letters state this advantage in a stronger light, but you know 
there is a little affectation of modesty in all the accounts he sends. 
He tells us likewise of an expedition sent into Connecticut under 
Tryon’s command consisting of 1,000 men and six pieces of 
cannon. Sir Wm. Erskine and Brigadier-General Agnew were 
likewise employed, and the object was to destroy a large 
magazine at Danbury, about twenty miles from the coast. At 
the same time we learn from Lord Howe (but not a word from 
the General) that three frigates and 12 transports with soldiers 
sail’d up the North River, their object was likewise to attack 
magazines, and by the enclosed extract of a letter from Sir Peter 
Parker you will see that both attacks met with success. Several 
prizes have been lately made, as we learn by the New York 
Gazette, and by the same authority I suspect that the Amphitrite, 
which carried officers and stores from France, was blown up in 
an action at the entrance of the Delawar. The article says that 
Captain Hammond had engaged a French ship with 27 guns, 
loaded with military stores from France, and that after a short 
attack the French ship blew up and everyone on board was lost. 
General Howe says the camp equipage was not then arrived, 
April 27th, which I suppose means to convey that he cannot 
begin his campaign till he receives them. I hope he will not be 
long detained on that account, as the ship sailed on the 27th of 
March from Spithead. I thought these particulars might be 
satisfactory to your Lordship, that you might be informed how 
far the many reports you will hear upon the arrival of this 
packet may be depended upon. Thank God, our session ends 
to-morrow. We continue to receive the most friendly assurances 
from France. I cannot say their actions correspond with their 
professions, which may make it prudent to say nothing about 
them in the Speech. 


SACEVILLE HawrLTON to the Earz or BuckINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, June 21. Custom House, Dublin.—Upon examining the 
books I do not find any entry of the exportation of Cotton Yarn 


17118 U 


806 


from hence to England, and in the English Book of Rates the 
reason appears: a duty of about threepence a pound on the 
importation in Great Britain. 

I humbly submit to your Excellency’s consideration whether a 
free importation there of Cotton Yarn from hence may not be of 
advantage to the weavers at Manchester, &c., while the 
unembarrassed exportation from hence joined to the direct 
importation of the Cotton Wool from the Plantations would be 
an acceptable grace to this kingdom. 

I propose to take the advantage of your Excellency’s 
indulgence to go to the county of Down, from whence I hope to 
return on Thursday to receive any commands your Excellency 
may be pleased to honor me with, than which few things can 
gratify me more. 


Lorp CADOGAN to THE EARL oF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, July 2.—Hoping to pay his duty as “ one of Lord 
Buckinghamshire’s Irish subjects" in November. Has great 
pleasure in hearing *' that Irish affairs carry so good an appear- 
ance under his administration." 


9The Exports from Ireland to the Plantations are confin'd to 
vietuals! and to white and brown linen cloth, the manufacture 
of Ireland. 

Chequered, striped, printed, painted, stained or dyed linens are 
excluded from those markets, as they are from the British markets 
by two subsequent Acts,$ in violation of a solemn compact 
between the Parliaments of England and Ireland! in consequence 
of which compact the Parliament of Ireland laid an additional 
duty of 4s. on every 20s. value of broadeloth exported out of 
Ireland, and 2s. on every 20s. value of other woolen manufacture, 
which are in effect a prohibition. Altho' white and brown 
linens may be sent directly from Ireland to the West Indies, yet 
very few are so sent, as there is little consumption there of fine - 
linens, and as coarse, white and brown linens of the manufacture 
of Great Britain and Ireland, exported from Great Britain and 
being the property of some persons residing in Great Britain or 
in some of the British Colonies of America, receive a bounty in 
Britain from which the resident in Ireland is excluded, those 
linens are all exported from hence. 


* This MS. is unsigned. 

1 3 and 4 Queen Anne, chap. 8. 

t 6 Geo. II, chap. 13. s. 4, 18. 

& 9, 10 11, 12 Queen Anne. 

|| Vide Journals of the H. of Commons of England, Jovis 80 Die Junii, 1698. 
Address to the King: ‘“ That you will make it your Royal care and enjoin all those 
you employ in Ireland to make it their care and usetheir utmost diligenee to hinder 
the exportation of wool from Ireland except to be imported hither and for 
discouraging the woolen manufacture and encouraging the 4inen manufacture in 
Ireland, to which we shall always be ready to gire our utmost assistance.” 





807 


While Ireland is thus confined in her exports to the Plantations, 
her imports from the West Indies are restrained by law to Rum.® 
Every other West India produce must be first unloaded in some 
British port; by which Britain gains no revenue, as there is a 
drawback of the duties upon re-exportation, while the cargoes 
intended for the Irish market are exposed to more hazards in 
their passage from England to Ireland than in a voyage from 
the West Indies to Europe, beside the inerease of expense by 
demurrage to the Irish. 

These hazards and expenses are often doubled, as it often 
happens that vessels loaded with West India cargoes for the 
Irish market touch first at some fresh port to unload their rum, 
or being driven on the Irish coast proceed after to a British port 
to unload and reload for the ultimate place of their destination. 
As & cargoe of rum is but nearly equal in value to a 
cargoe of victuals, and as more victuals are consumed in the 
West Indies than rum in Ireland, the Irish ships confined 
to barter for one article only, exceeding in quantity the 
demand of the lrish market and which may be raised in 
the West Indies to an unmarketable price by those who take 
advantage of their necessity, must be obliged to return to 
Ireland loaded only in part or dead freighted, or take other 
produce to & British port to be after exported in the whole or in 
part to Ireland, with all the risk and expence already mentioned, 
or if the whole of the cargo be to remain in Britain, the Irish 
vessel must trust to the precarious chance of being freighted 
with other merchandize for Ireland at the port where it arrives. 
All these grievances imposed upon Ireland affect the West India 
planters in the price of vietuals with which they might be 
supplied from Ireland at a cheaper rate, and of chequered, 
striped, painted, printed, stained or dyed linens, which their 
sailors, negroes, and the low ranks of their people wear, and with 
which they are now intirely supplied by foreign linens exported 
with a drawback from England, which operates as a bounty 
deny'd to British and Irish linens. 

They also supply the Colonies of other nations to which the 
Irish would extend that manufacture if they were allowed to 
export it to the West Indies, and if the same allowance were 
granted to Irish duck sail cloth :and cordage, Holland would no 
longer engross that trade as it now does in a great degree already 
from St. Eustatia. 

If the West Indies are not to be taxed in aid of the revenue of 
Gt. Britain, it is absurd and inconsistent that they should 
be deprived of the liberty of sending their produce directly to 
Ireland, by an exclusion which, bringing no increase of revenue 
to Gt. Britian, is virtually a tax upon their imports from Ireland, 
as that exclusion inhances their price. By opening the market 
of the West Indies directly to Ireland more of their produce 
would be consumed there, and by consequence more would be 
produced, for quantity increases with demand. 





* 6 George II. chap. xiii, s, 4, 19. 12 George II. chap. 30, s. 5, 16, 31. 
31 George II, chap 35,8. 1. 





808 


There are still great tracts of land uncultivated in Jamaica and 
very little of the ceded Islands is as yet cleared. 

Opening the Irish market would therefore be & premium upon 
West India cultivation, and by the increase of produce in the 
West Indies, altho' Ireland should have a share of that increase, 
England would have incomparably a greater, as Ireland could 
receive no more than the value of its confined exports to the West 
Indies. 

Under the present restraint upon Irish export a cargo of 
provisions is not equal to a third of sugars, and if by a relaxation 
of that restraint Ireland should be enabled to purchase the whole 
. of a cargo, it is clear from experience in other instances such as 
glass® and woolen goods,t the materials of which are all produced 
in Ireland, that where manufacture is permitted but exportation 
is prohibited, as would be the case of sugar there,f Ireland would 
not be able to supply a quantity equal to her own consumption. 

The remainder must therefore be had from England, that great 
market of the staple commodities of Ireland, which possesses 
four fifths of her trade and is the centre of exchange for the 
remaining fifth. 

The decrease of export from Great Britain to Ireland of West 
India produce would by an increase of produce in the West 
Indies in a considerable degree be compensated by an increase of 
export to foreign markets of those articles which by law can be 
exported ; and every such increase would diminish the French 
exports to the same markets, giving to Great Britain an advantage 
over our rivals in trade. 

Every gain to Ireland by lowering the price of West India 
produce for home consumption would enable the inhabitants to 
purchase more of manufactures importable by law only from 
Britain, such as woollen goods and many others which are 
composed of British materials and employ incomparably a greater 
number of hands in their production and manufacture, not above 
80 men being employed in a large sugar house, and by con- 
sequence an increase in the consumption of such manufactures 
would be of greater advantage to the community in general and to 
the landed interest of Britain in particular, than the consumption 
of manufactures whose materials are imported. It is evident from 
the Custom House accounts compared with the Statutes relating to 
Irish Trade that every advantage given to the trade of Ireland has 
increased the quantity of British manufactures exported thither, 
and of the materials of manufactures imported here from thence. 

Experience also proves that the number of Irish spending 
their fortunes in England has increased in a still greater 
proportion. 

The sugars should be cheaper in Ireland than in Great Britain, 
they cannot interfere with us in foreign markets as their expor- 
tation is prohibited. But if it were not, tho’ the duties upon 
importation there are lower than here, yet as there is a drawback 








* 19 George 1I., chap. 12, s 24-25. 
+ 3 and 4, Anne, chap. 8, s. 2-3. 
+ 5 George I., chap. 21, s. 1, . 





809 


upon the duties here upon exportation, the situation of Great 
Britain with respect to Holland, Germany, the East Countries 
and Russia, to which alone sugars are exported in Europe, 
rendering the passage from Britain nearer and less subject to 
risk, would make it impossible for Ireland to meet us at those 
. markets, even if she had a capital in trade equal to the purchase 
of more than she wants for her own consumption. If it be 
objected that sugars imported under a high duty into Ireland 
may be smuggled into Great Britain, it is clear from experience 
that they cannot; as there are few or no complaints of such 
practices with relation to French sugars, which are cheaper than 
British or to sugars imported from hence to foreign markets with 
a drawback of the duty without any security by certificates or 
otherwise of their being delivered at the ports for which they 
are cleared out. 

The security will be still greater with respect to Irish sugars, 
as they must be smuggled with the Irish duty upon them. 

It is a bad policy to impoverish our best customer, and the 
quantities of British manufactures consumed in Ireland and the 
quickness of returns to England render Ireland the best customer 
that England deals with. A capital of one thousand pounds 
upon which returns are made once a year is of more advantage 
in trade than a capital of 8,000/. upon which returns are made 
only once in three years; as the profits of each year becomes an 
additional eapital, whieh is precisely the case of the trade to 
Ireland, compared with that to America. 

It is said that Ireland is not taxt for the benefit of Great 
Britain, but the fact is clearly otherwise. 

It is tax't for a Peace Establishment of 15,000 men, 3,000 of 
whom are at all times employed out of Ireland for the service 
of Great Britain. 

It is tax't for pensions given to Brittons, an improper applica- 
tion of which does not lessen the burden upon Ireland, and it 
is taxt for Irish place men and military officers residing in 
Britain. ) 

It pays a grievous tho’ a voluntary tax of above £500,000 
per annum to other absentees possessing fortunes in Ireland. 
But the heaviest of its burdens is composed of exorbitant 
taxes in Customs and Excise upon foreign necessary imports 
and native exports and productions to which it is necessitated by 
exempting British imports from all additional duties, an exemp- 
tion which operates as & premium upon the trade of Great 
Britain to Ireland. To supply this exemption, beef amongst 
innumerable other articles is taxed upon exportation, and the 
duties of excise upon home-made beer are so high that English 
porter is drunk as cheap in Ireland, to the utter ruin of the 
brewery there. . 

Ireland from its proximity can never become independent of 
Britain in any possible state of prosperity while emigrations 
from thence occasioned by oppression, and which can only be 


* In war that establishment becomes muoh higher. 


310 


prevented by indulgences, have enabled America to aspire to 
independence and may exalt her to an empire formidable to 
Britain, 

If a direct exportation should be allowed from the West Indies 
to Ireland, the same law® which prevents the produce of foreign 
islands from being smuggled into Great Britain must no doubt 
be extended to Ireland, where the Board of Revenue 1s absolutely 
under the control of an English Lord Lieutenant and every 
officer of Customs and Excise is appointed by him. 

The Commissioners of that Board and the Under Com- 
missioners of Excise, who have now a power of proceeding in a 
summary way and of giving judgment and laying penalties and 
forfeitures in all cases of Excise, may have the same authority! 
in the execution of this Act for prohibiting the importation of all 
foreign glass, which is effectually prevented. 

The West India planter will therefore be as secure in Ireland 
as in Great Britian against smuggling in foreign sugars. But 
it 18 not improbable that some planters who before the war with 
America repined at our conquest of the French Islands as 
the acquisition of the ceded Islands obstructed the means of 
their improvements, and complained of the low price of British 
sugars for home consumption and exportation, should under 
various pretences object to a plan conferring a general benefit 
upon Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, but which at the 
same time would destroy a monopoly affording greater gains to a 
few from a stinted improvement of the Islands and & more 
limited importation of produce into Great Britian and Ireland. 

If the local interest of a few, whether in Britain or the West 
Indies, or a combination of those interests prejudicial to both 
Countries, continue to defeat every proposition for the advantage 
of Ireland, no time will be ever thought favourable for the relief 
of that opprest Country, and no future period can ever be so 
proper as the present, when Ireland in common with the West 
Indies has been ruined by a war (in the causes of which they had 
no share) merely because they belonged to Great Britain. The 
Americans mourned over Ireland while they captured her 
miserable trade, and took those to their bosoms who would join 
in their cause as fellow sufferers under one common oppressor. 


Lt.-Cou. P. THos. pe Bunen to RicHARD CUMBERLAND. 


1777 (?) June 25. Mount Street, Friday.—The improb- 
ability of finding you at home induces me to trouble you 
thus. The determination to accept of some offers to raise 
regiments here, may possibly soon be extended to Ireland. From 
your situation as well as intimacy with Sir. R. Heron, I conclude 
any such resolution must soon reach your knowledge. 1 am 
going to-morrow into Hampshire for about a month, and if any 


* 4 George III. chap. 15. s. 20. 
+ As has been given to them by a British Act of Parliament, 19 George II., chap. 
12 and 25, 





811 


occasion should offer to make a renewal of my former proposals 
on that subject proper, you will oblige me extremely by giving 
me intimation of it. I have breathed the air of St. James's too 
long not to be convinced how little is to be obtained for once 
asking, but on the other hand wish to avoid giving myself as 
well as others unnecessary trouble where success does not 
appear probable. 


Rosert GonpoN [Commissioner of Provisions] to the 
Risur HonouRABLE RICHARD HERON.® 


1777, July 7. Cork.—I have this moment received the 
following account from New York by letters dated 10th June, 
and from Brunswick the 7th June last, that Washington had 
decamped with his army about ten thousand men, and retreated 
towards the Delawar; that our people had followed and that 
General Sir William Howe had left New York with most of the 
troops in and about it on the tenth June, in the evening, for 
Ambay; that four thousand troops, Germans and British, had 
arrived a few days before and had joined the army. All which 
was then in motion after Washington. 


The Earz or Harpwicke to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, July 19. London.—When I look at the date of your 
last letter (June the 7th) I am ashamed at not having answered 
it sooner—when I consider the insignificance of my correspond- 
ence, I flatter myself you will hold me excused. 

Your Excellency seems to intend the turning over a new lea 
in Ireland, by getting rid of King James' Robes; if you had not 
told me so, I should have had no notion that any chief Governor 
would have worn them after the battle of the Boyne. I wish all 
rags in church and state as well disposed of; I shall be happy 
to hear when your Parliament meets that the Lord-Lieutenant 
novo splendore resurgit. 

As to our publie notions, we are waiting for decisive aecounts 
from America; the army must be now in activity, Howe or Lord 
Cornwallis on the Jersey side—Burgoyne on that of the Lakes ; 
an expedition is intended by sea against Philadelphia which 
Lord Howe commands, and I suppose his brother aecompanys it 
as events arise in the Jerseys. Lord Howe has a great fleet and 
several frigates, &c., which we should be glad of just now against 
the privateers. Washington's Army (Militia included) is said to 
be all 11,000 men ; there is a force at Philadelphia under Lord 
Stirling. Gates commands at Ticonderoga and there is a strong 
post at Mount Independence between Canada and New Hamp- 
shire which it is thought Burgoyne will make his post if he 
sueceeds at Ticonderoga. Washington is said to be dissatisfied 
with the Northern Colonys, for not sending him greater 
reinforcements. 

* Chief Seoretary to the Earl of Buckinghamshire, Member for Lisburn and a 
Privy Councillor in Ireland. See 14th Report Hist. MSS. Commission, p. 157. He 
was oreated a Baronet in 1778. 


812 


Sir Joseph © expects that Silas Deane will make them a visit 
in Holland. He has prepared the Regent there for it and will 
obey any orders he receives about him. It is certain that many 
foreign adventurers have gone into the American Service and 
some who have asked commissions in the French, under leave of 
absence for two years. I am told, however, from good authority, 
that Cunningham is embargoed at Dunkirk, and that circular 
orders have been sent to the French Ports not to permit any 
American Privateers or their prizes to remain there above 
24 hours. Ican only wish that this last order may be observed. 
It is a problem with me whether very good success in America 
will make the French take a more open part or not. I lay on 
the side of success. I mean that very great on our side would 
discourage them, but if the ballance hangs even, or our advan- 
tages are inconsiderable, one cannot answer for what they may 

0. 

I thank your Excy. for the verses, I am sure I much approve 
and subscribe to the first and last. I really believe that the 
Emperor had no other idea in his French excursion but to amuse 
himself; he has visited every body, seen every thing, and 
committed himself in nothing. 

My physician sends me to Brighthelmstone for sea bathing. 
When I am tired of this country and my connections fall off, you 
-will allow me to hope for a hospitable reception in Dublin Castle. 

P.S. Shall I beg my best compts. to Sr. Jn. Irwin? 


J. Gay to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, July 80.  Norwich.—I have in obedience to your 
Excellency’s commands, enquired of the present state of the 
Norwich Manufactory, and the present comparative price of the 
English and Irish yarn. 

Those from whom I have infornfation are Mesers. Ives’s, 
Harvey, Addey, Maltby, Thurlow, Gurney and Partridge. 

They nearly agree in giving me account :— 

‘That now and for some time past the trade and business 
here in their Manufactory is brisk, their orders large, and full 
employment for the journeymen.” 

And the inclosed+ is a comparative view of prices between the 
Irish Bay yarn and the English oiled or half scoured yarn from 
1771 to 1777. 


EarL or HILLSBOROUGH to THE SAME. 


1777, August 8. Hillsborough.—When I Jeft London I was 
fully resolved to go soon after my arrival at this place, to Dublin 
to wait upon your Excellency; but found my little village 
erowded with all the gentlemen of the county at our races, 
which prevented me from having that honour and pleasure, and 
now I find our Assizes, which I must attend, come on 80 soon as 

* Yorke. 
+ Enclosure lost. 





818 


to put it out of my power to leave the country, I therefore take 
the liberty to trouble your Excellency with a line to express how 
highly honoured I shall think myself if you should intend to 
take a view of this part of the Island, that you will be pleased 
to destine & few days to my cottage; the contrast between it and 
the palaces of Norfolk may perhaps amuse you, at all events the 
landlord will endeavour to make it agreeable. If I should be 
disappointed in my wish of seeing your Excellency, I will 
trouble you with a line or two upon public affairs. 


EanL or HinLrsBoRoucH to the Earn or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, August 9. Hillsborough.—I return you my best thanks 
for the polite and partial sentiments your Excellency expresses 
of my poor endeavours to be of some service to this part of the 
country. I have great expectations of the benefits it will derive 
from your Administration. The dignity, decency and propriety of 
your setting out, very sufficiently warrant those expectations, and 
clearly evinced to me (and I have the pleasure to add, to all I 
converse with) that your real objects are the honour and support 
of the Crown, and the true interests of the country, objects so 
entirely connected and so mutually dependent on each other that 
they cannot be separated. You do me too much honour in suppos- 
ing that I can offer any thoughts that can be of use to the general 
system of government, but in a little time I will venture a line or 
two for your Excellency's consideration, in regard to certain 
interior regulations ; but not 'till I lose the hope of waiting upon 
you, which is not yet absolutely my case. 

At the same time that I received the honour of your Excellency's 
letter, I got one from the present Lord Inchiquin, who knowing 
that I am happy in your acquaintance, desires me to mention to 
you the Lieutenancy of the County Clare, vacant by the death of 
his uncle the late Lord; I can presume to say no more to your 
Excellency upon that subject than I shall say to him in my 
answer to his letter, that it is probable his attachment to 
Government, his antient family and nobility, and his large 
property in that County, may induce your Excellency to think 
him the most proper person to succeed his uncle, which should 
it be the case, will ensure the succession to him. I have a small 
favour to ask of you, my dear Lord, and par parenthese, will say 
that no person in this country that pretends to the least conse- 
quence shall trouble you less with applications than I will, tho' 
no one wil be more steadily attached to the support of your 
administration. When you left London Lady Hillsborough and I 
applied to your Excellency in favour of a Mr. Boyd in case the 
Collector of Donaghadee should be promoted. Poor Boyd isdying 
if not dead, heis surveyor of Donaghadee, £70 per annum or there- 
abouts, not more; the favour I would request is that Mr. William 
Hull, now a Revenue Officer in a lower employment may succeed 
him; I should consider this as a particular mark of kindness to 
me. Your Excelleney knows by your Norfolk and Norwich 
affairs how usefull and indeed necessary to one's importance in 


814 


one's country the favour and countenance of Government are ; 
I should therefore hope that in what relates to the County of 
Downe you will permitt me from time to time to lay my wishes 
before you, and to receive them with as much indulgence as 
circumstances and engagements may allow. 


Earz or HinLsBoRovaH to the EaAnRL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, August 15. Hillsborough.— Warm expressions of friend- 
ship and promises of support. 
Thanks for his kind provision for Mr. William Hull. 


SAME to THE SAME. 


1777, Aug. 26. Hillsborough.—As to an affidavit enclosed for 
his consideration (not preserved) whether a proclamation should 
not be issued upon it. ‘The atrociousness and barbarity of the 
crime are abominable.”’ 


J Baru or BELVEDERE to THE SAME. 


1777, Aug. 31. Spa.—Hoping that his acceptance of £800 a 
year pension, instead of the Muster office, which had been so 
solemnly promised him in succession ; as well as his late offer to 
the King to raise a regiment of 500 men, together with his steady 
and constant support of government for nineteen years without 
any personal reward, will stand in the way of his being super- 
seded (on account of his enforced absence) by those who have 
been a thorn in the sides of Government, while his family have 
been spending their lives and fortunes in support of it. 

Etc., etc. 


Sin JOHN IRWINE to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, Sept. 23. Jermyn Street.—I have not heard from my 
Lord Suffolk to-day; but it comes into my head to mention to 
your Excellency my wish, that 1f Mr. Boscawen’s relations agree 
with Capt. Vyse for his troop, that your Excy. would please to 
recommend Lieut. Vereeker of the 5th Dragoons (who has been 
18 years a Lieutenant, and is the eldest of that rank in the 
Regiment) to be Captain Lieutenant to the 1st Horse (supposing 
Captain Cummin to be dead); the officer commanding the 1st 
Horse having determined not to recommend the eldest Lieutenant. 
Then the 5th Dragoons can have no reason to complain as the 
Lieutenants will get a step notwithstanding Mr. Boscawen 
purchases into the Regiment. I should then humbly desire your 
Excy. to recommend Cornet Marilla of the Carabineers to be 
Lieutenant of Dragoons in the room ef Lt. Vereeker. He is the 
eldest cornet of the Carabineers, and was put by on the last pro- 
motion in that Regiment ; by which means your Excy. will have 
the giving of a Cornetcy of horse to the young gentleman you 
were pleased to mention to me, and seemed so interested about. 


815 


I trouble your Excy. with these lines merely for you to turn 
this arrangement in your thoughts, and as soon as I hear from 
Lord Suffolk about Vyse's business, shall take the liberty to send 
you a state of the succession in the manner I used to do when I 
had the happiness to be near you, which will point it out 
clearer. 

Not a word yet from Sir Wm. Howe, the wind is fair, 80 we 
expeet to hear every moment. General Haldiman is set out for 
his Government of Canada. I hear no news, when I do I shall 
trouble your Excy. with a letter. 


Str JOHN InwiNE to the Lonp LIEUTENANT. 


1777, Sept. 25. Jermyn Street.—I have seen General 
Burgoyne's dispateh to Lord George Germain which came in 
this day, dated 80th July, near Fort Edward on the Hudson's 
river. He says after a most disagreeable march, attended with 
many difficulties, he is arrived there, that the rebels, who 
abandoned every post, cut down trees and threw every obstruc- 
tion in his way ; that they kept continually firing upon him, but 
without killing a single man; that they had not even touched a 
man of the King’s troops, but had wounded some irregulars and 
some Indians. He adds that the troops are in perfect health 
and excellent spirits. The rebel army is retired to Saratoga, 
where it is said they mean to make a stand. By other accounts 
I find Genl. Schuyler has quitted the army intended to oppose 
Mr. Burgoyne, that Arnold has joined it with 12 pieces of brass 
cannon, and has taken the command, declaring he will defend 
Suratoga. I forgot to mention that Burgoyne says, on his march 
he killed and took 800 of the rebels. In a postscript to the 
letter to the Admiralty from Capt. Pearson, who commands the 
naval force with Burgoyne, he says it was resolved to march on 
the 5th August to attack the rebels at Saratoga. 

I think this is the substance of the letters; and as no gazette 
will be published till Saturday, I would not omit giving your 
Excellency the earliest intelligence of what I knew. It is a good 
thing to have secured a post on the Hudson’s river. 

No news from Sir Wm. Howe. 

Lord Suffolk still continues ill. Hecannot write and I cannot 
see him. 


GENERAL R. PEIRSON to SIR J. IRWINE.® 


1777, Sept. 27. Troushill Lodge.—Has just received a letter 
from his regiment informing him that Capt. Chester, of the 
36th Regt., in direct violation of the King’s regulations, has 
agreed with Lt. Molyneux, of the 12th Dragoons, to sell him his 
Company for 1,800 guineas. The shortness of Lt. Molyneux’s 
service, compared with that of some of the heutenants of the 
86th Regt., who are as old as most in H.M.'s service, and the 














* Enclosed in the following letter. 


816 


sum offered, so much beyond H.M.'s regulations, makes the 
transaction & most unsuitable one, which he hopes will not be 
authorized by Sir J. Irwine. . . . 


Srr JOHN ÎIRWINE to the Karu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, Sept. 80. Jermyn Street.—I am this moment come 
from Kew. Letters are come from Quebec, from merchants and 
gentlemen of the council there, dated the 9th August mentioning 
that they had heard from the Army on the 4th of that month. 
That Genl. Burgoyne was preparing his cannon, &c., to attack 
the rebels at Saratoga, but that they had fallen back to Half 
Moon, a post where the Mohawk river runs into the Hudson's 
river ; where they now profess to make their stand. Genl. 
Burgoyne will ng let time slip away, and the troops are in good 
health and spirit8. 

I spent two days with Lérd Suffolk at Blackheath. He asked 
a thousand questions, and desired a thousand compliments to 
your Excellency. He is much better, and I hope in a few days 
will be able to go about as usual. He is most exceedingly 
grateful to your Excelleney for your kindness to Mr. Boscawen. 
He has wrote into Monmouthshire to him to write without loss 
of time to Capt. Vyse and settle matters with him. 

I have received this day the letter I take the liberty to inclose, 
that I may take up less of your time. I have wrote to Genl. 
Peirson, and have told him that it is very true Sir Capel 
Molyneux did sollicite your Excy. that his son might have 
leave to purchase a company, but that I did not understand that 
you had given him any hopes that it was a thing to be done 
soon, and certainly not to the prejudice of senior officers of 
service; and from what I know of your way of proceeding I did 
not believe it would take place, you had such care of the service 
of officers; that it was also true Sir Capel had spoke to me, but 
I had not given him any encouragement; so that he might see 
the apprehensions of his officers was without foundation. How- 
ever if your Excellency would do me the honour to write me 
three or four words of comfort which I might either read or 
repeat to the general when I see him, with great submission, I 
think it would be adviseable. 

Not a word from Sir Wm. Howe. I need not add that our 
impatience is great. Iam afraid a Jamaica packet is taken. 

P.S. The King is impatient for the review reports of the 
general officers. Perhaps your Excy. will think proper to quicken 
their being sent over. 


To Lorp Viscount WEevwourH from the Ear. or 
BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, Oct. 80. Dublin Castle.—I had the honor of trans- 
mitting to your Lordship, the latter end of last June a Petition 
from the Merchants and Traders of the City of Cork, representing 


317 


that altho' the season was then so far advanced, several thousand 
barrels of beef and pork remained upon hand, over and above 
the supplies wanted for the use of His Majesty's Army and Navy 
and of the several settlements, garrisons and forts abroad, as 
well as for the East India Company, and that being restrained 
by the then subsisting embargo from exporting the said pro- 
visions which are of & perishable nature to foreign markets, and 
being apprehensive, not only of the immediate loss, but of 
exposing this principal branch of trade to the danger of being 
diverted into other hands; they prayed for a removal or suspen- 
sion of the said embargo. Your Lordship immediately returned 
for answer, that my letter with the petition inclosed had been 
sent to my Lord President, to be laid before His Majesty in Council. 
I also transmitted to your Lordship in July last, a petition from the 
Merchants of this City upon the same subject. But not having been 
informed of His Maje:ty's determination upon these petitions, I 
concluded that the circumstances of public affairs would not then 
admit either of the removal or the suspension of the embargo. 
I have lately been informed by different persons, that not only 
the Merchants and Traders but the Landholders and gentlemen 
of the country have expressed the strongest apprehensions, that by 
this restraint from exportation, so large a quantity of provisions, 
and especially of that inferior kind, which has usually been taken 
by the French, is continued upon hand, that there is danger of 
its being lost; and that the landholders will scarcely be able to 
get for their cattle the prices they paid for them when laid in to 
fatten. And tho' the present difficulty may have been in part 
occasioned by combinations amongst the graziers, and by their 
giving extravagant prices for their stock in the prospect of much 
greater exports than there was any reason to expect; yet it has 
been very particularly represented to me of late, that at fairs 
where great numbers of fat cattle used to be sold, the sales this 
year have been so inconsiderable, proceeding from the causes 
already mentioned, that the country gentlemen find great 
difficulty in obtain?ng their rents. 

There has been a further meeting of the Merchants and Traders 
of the City of Cork who have sent up to their representatives in 
Parliament & petition addressed to the House of Commons, stating 
the general distress, as they term it, arising from the embargo, 
and praying the interposition of the House therein. And I 
understand a similar petition is preparing from the Merchants 
of the City of Dublin, and will perhaps be followed from other 

laces. | 
d It was proposed that the Cork petition should have been 
laid before the House yesterday, but as I should wish 
that the matter in question might first be submitted to his 
Majesty's consideration, hoping that there may be such alteration 
in public affairs, as will now admit of some relaxation of the 
embargo, either that it might be wholly taken off or for a 
certain limited time, so as to give an opportunity of exposing the 
stock on hand which it is stated will otherwise perish, or that 
the embargo might be confined to the provisions of a certain 





818 


quality, so that the inferior kind, which is not taken by our 
contractors but sold to the French, as is represented for the use 
of their negroes and other such purposes, might be exported. I 
have prevailed upon the gentlemen who were to have introduced 
the petition (of which I inclose a copy) to defer the presenting it 
for the present. It appears to me that as the rents in many 
parts of this Kingdom are made up and paid from the export 
trade, if some relaxation of the embargo could be allowed it 
would tend greatly to quiet the minds of the people in general, 
and would be a very gracious measure to this Country. 

I hope therefore I may express my wishes, that it may be 
consistent with his Majesty's measures at this time, to give them 
some relief; but if reasons of state do not admit of it, I shall use 
my utmost endeavours to prevent any resolution upon the 
subject which may be disagreeable to his Majesty. 

P.S. Since writing the above Mr. Daly, member for Galway 
gave notice that he should on Saturday next, move to take into 
eonsideration the subject of the present embargo. His Majesty's 
servants will endeavour to put off this motion til I shall be 
honoured with his Majesty's commands upon the subject, which 
I would therefore humbly request to receive as soon as may be 
convenient. 

(Copy.) 


Lorp Barrinaton to the Earu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, Nov. 1. Cavendish Square.—We are full of anxious 
expectation of news from Howe and Burgoyne . . . ... 


EanRL or HILLSBOROUGH to THE SAME. 


1777, November 1. Hillsborough.—Your Excellency’s obliging 
indulgence to my intrusions engages me to continue them, and I 
am particularly led at present to give you this trouble by having 
received the letter I had the honour to mention to you. I now 
take the liberty to enclose to you an extract from that letter, it 
comes from a gentleman of very good understanding, and contains 
very just information and sound sense tho’ cloathed:in plain 
language. I have conversed with several judicious persons upon 
his proposal of making every distiller contract for the whole duty 
which his still ought to pay if constantly worked, and they are 
unanimously of opinion that nothing could tend more to the 
encrease of the revenue and to the stopping of those abominable 
frauds that are committed every where, both by the corrupt 
connivance of gaugers and surveyers, and sometimes of 
higher officers, and by the fraudulent small stills. In 
England I understand imported spirits pay 5s. per gallon, 
in Ireland only 2s. 64. I humbly think the English duty ought 
to be adopted here, and a proportional encrease upon the 
distilling at home. I know the objection, that an encrease upon 
the importation would prove a bounty upon running; true, but 
not any way adequate to the encrease of the revenue, and the 
advantage that would arise to the public from enhancing the 


319 


price of spirits. And if the licences were raised to 6/., and put 
under the direction of the magistrate, I am confident that end 
which your Excellency does me the honour to concur with me 
in wishing might be in great measure attained; if the 
contracting as in the enclosed should be adopted. As to what I 
took the liberty to mention to your Excellency concerning the 
Absentee-tax paid by members of the British Parliament, I think 
it unjust and impolitic ; but not proper that any alteration in it 
should move from your Excellency. I must now take the 
liberty to mention to you the pier at Donaghadee. In my Lord 
Harcourt’s Lieutenancy I prevailed to obtain 1,000/. towards that 
necessary work, which has been carefully and judiciously 
laid out; and I take leave to assure your Excellency that this 
work is of very great importance to both kingdoms. I understand 
that to complete this work, which Mr. Heron viewed as he passed, 
it will upon estimate take near £1,700 more than they have 
already laid out. I pray you, my dear Lord, to favour this work, 
as I assure you it is not a job, and so soon as I know your 
resolution concerning it, the gentleman who has the conduct of 
it will go to Dublin to pass his accounts before the House of 
Commons, and to get a petition preferred if your Excellency 
approves of it. 

I cannot help (tho’ not desired) laying another matter of this 
kind before your Excellency. Some years ago, Mr. Hall, who 
was then member for this County, procured from Parliament 
part of a sum towards building a pier at Warren’s Point, of great 
consequence to the preservation of vessels trading to Newry, and 
entering into the Bay of Carlingford. The work is in great 
forwardness, and the gentleman (Mr. Hall) would contract and 
give security for the completion of it for £500, tho’ it would cost 
him two or three hundred additional ; but as it would advantage 
his estate, he would willingly do it. This I also assure your 
Excellency is no job, but a truly public work, and I should hope 
your Excellency will approve of it; there is, I think, somewhat 
of disgrace attending works unfinished, especially when so small 
a sum as £500 will complete them. I feel quite ashamed at 
taking up so much of your time. 


JOHN THOMLINSON to the Earu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, Nov. 6. Holkem.°—So long a silence is a very ill 
requital to that compliment you were pleased to pay to a late 
effort of my pen, but having no public county news worth your 
perusal, I was willing to wait till I could at least speak agreeably 
upon your Lordship’s private affairs which have for some time 
worn rather a gloomy aspect on account of poor Copeman’s 
inability to dispose of your sheep. However it was a very 
general case, and I dare say the disappointment has not affected 
you so much asit has done your steward. But it gave me great 
pleasure last week to find that at Harlston Fair he had luckily 


. * Holkham in Norfolk, 


820 


ridded such a part of the refuse as to bring the best within the 
possibility of a wintering, on which account he had just scouted 
a Jew butcher's offer of 5s. 9d. per head for his lambs, upon the 
expectation that the present high priee of Scots might extort the 
other 8d., which is the height of his hopes. To give your Lord- 
ship some idea of the cheapness at Cawston, very tolerable lambs 
were sold for 8s. 64., so that upon the whole you have escap'd 
well, and when you receive the account of the present crop of 
eorn, I have not the least doubt of the year's turning out well 
upon the farming line. 

Copeman would not let me be satisfied with his narrative 
(whieh was not less diffuse than usual), he insisted upon my being 
an eye witness of your riches. In the barns I found wheat and 
barley up to the roofs, which were prognosticated to be made too 
large by some late alterations and two stacks of barley and one of 
prodigious fine beans in the yards besides, and such a crop of 
wheat upon the Aylsham Lawne as will fill them all again next 
harvest, so that tho' you have received à check in your sheep, 
it is likely to be repaid in your crops. 

I made this excursion from Heydon whist-party, which was 
enlivened by Tom Bell's coming over to offer his attendance in 
the Lease Grounds to Mr. Bulwer and me, which he of course 
accepted, and begs leave to thank your Lordship for a good days 
diversion; in which two brace of pheasants fell by my twigg 
and one by his Wuship’s. A brace of woodcocks we attacked, 
but in vain ; they were left, I believe, untouch'd. Pheasants are 
extremely scarce except in such repositorys as Blickling, which 
indue'd me to transgress the usual stint of & brace, and may 
probably be the reason why these gallants with great apparatus 
of dogs and servants have travell'd to most of them in this 
country. They even attacked your Lordship's nursery by the ice 
house and shot very often before Tom Bell cou'd get up with 
them. However, tho' he drove them off, they threatened to come 
again next day, which they accordingly did, but Tom was ready 
to receive them with his gun and spaniels, and swore they 
should not enter the premises till some of them died upon the 
spot, which vigorous measure drove them off, but they have 
visited Gunton and Holt, and were coming here, but luckily have 
chang'd their road. 

They travel without horses, and no person as yet has made 
them out. 

The News Papers give us a happy presage of your Excellency's 
reign, which we pray may end as auspiciously as it has begun. 
Among your courtiers you will find à Mr. Roper, a son of the 
late Mr. Duttons, and brother to Mrs. Coke, who has changed 
his name for a large estate, and also a Colonel Roberts, uncle 
to Mr. Coke. You will also soon hear of a young divine of the 
name of Roberts, who is at present Chaplain to this family, but 
intends to visit the said Colonel, his father, upon the family's 
removal to town next week, when I hope their expectations will 
be blessed by Mrs. Coke's bringing a son, in which great work 
she advances rapidly. 





821 


I have had the honour of spending much of my time this 
summer in this house, and can justly say that though it has been 
eonstantly crowded, the honours never could have been better 
done. Mr. Coke still pursues his plan of ornamenting this place 
in the highest manner, and seems in no danger of erring upon 
the rock of too strict an economy like the person you mention. 

By the death of his mother Sir Harbord seems determin'd to 
push the building of his house next summer which Dick 
Gardiner's compassion for Lady Harbord seems inclin'd to 
permit him to accomplish—for on that account it seems he did 
not challenge him at Swaffham Races, tho' fully determin'd then 
to take up the matter afresh—however Mr. Coke has got fairly 
quit of him, and I hope he is better advis'd than to proceed to 
further hostilities. 

As I premis'd in my last your Lordship has nothing to regret 
on the score of sporting—in both pheasants and partridges it has 
been a lamentable year; nor have the woodcocks as yet made us 
any amends. I hope that amusement has been more compleat 
in Ireland, and that your gun has perform'd its usual feats. 

The neighbourhood of Aylsham are much alarmed with a report 
that Lord Hobart was in à very ill state of health, which your 
Lordship's last letter to Copeman happily contradicted—you seem 
to have received as erroneous an account of Mr. Gay's health, 
who seems to be much better than usual— Mr. Coke has given 
him the (Wighton ?) Courts, tho' much pressed to give them to 
Jones. It seems at last settled that all matters with Mr. Caudwell 
are to be amicably adjusted, he retaining his £400 per ann., 
but relinquishing all trust and interference—the contracts for 
the leases under value I hear will be quietly given up by all the 
tenants except Mallet, who vows he will stand a law suit. 

I have already encrouch'd too much on your Lordship's 
patience—ne in publica commoda. peccem, I must eonelude with 
my best wishes for your political and private happiness and with 
my respects to Lady Buckingham, Lady Harriet, Henry, and 
Mr. and Mrs. Herne. 

I go to town next week. 


Earz or HrinnsBonovaH to the EaARL or BUCKINGHAMBHIRE. 


1777, November 10. Hillsborough.—I set out to-morrow for 
London, and give your Excellency the trouble of a line only to 
BAy that if you should have any commands on the other side of 
the water, which I can execute, I shall be happy to receive and 
obey them. I can not omitt at the same time, renewing my 
earnest applieation to obtain some remedy against the inordinate 
use of spirits among common people. I have allready troubled 
your Excellency with much upon the subject. I beg leave to 
add that it would be a good regulation to make the gauger pay 
half of the fine, upon conviction by any one else. I am confi- 
dent most frauds are committed in conjunction with those 
gentlemen. | 


17118 X 





822 


R. Marsa to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, Nov. 12. Stratton.—Favors from great men, like those 

from fine ladys are augumented and doubled, when they are con- 
 fer'd at a time, when the granter has good reason to withold them 
entirely. Such I esteem the honour of your Excellency’s very 
obliging and entertaining letter, just after the meeting of your 
. Parliament ; when beside that important and great business, you 
must be weary'd with abundance of avocations and attentions. 
My Lord I was very impatient to see your Excelleney's speech to 
your Parliament; which fully answer'd my raised expectation, 
and to prove I do not flatter, I will venture to say, I wish one 
article had been omitted: viz.: you say the King might have 
found many more able Ministers. I will not make an apology 
for disagreeing with your Excelleney in this: for I believe my- 
self right, and the Lord Lieutenant mistaken. Your Excellency 
sees I find faults from principle and conscience. I wish the 
opposition both in your Excellency's and the British Parlt. could 
say as much for themselves. But as I hate to differ with your 
Excellency, I will drop the subject, as I cannot give up my judge- 
ment. I am very glad things go on smoothly in Dublin, and 
hope they will continue in the same tract, that your Excellency 
may enjoy without allay a tour round a country abounding with 
natural beauties, which I shall enjoy again from your Lordship's 
pen. 
When I have the honour of writing to your Excellency, I wish 
for some provincial news. But I know of none; only that Twiss 
of Norwich dy'd last week; and report says has left his large 
fortune equally divided amongst his children. So the traveller 
that made so conspicuous a figure in so many kingdoms of 
Europe is now reduc’d to the size of a plump Norwich weaver. 
News, however, may be without reaching my ears, as I am rooted 
down here like my trees: with this difference only, that the 
spring gives no new life to me. I have been removing some of 
the dead trees by the road side, between Blickling and Norwich, 
and when you return, *to join the dignity of life with ease," I 
hope growing plants will show themselves. My Lord it is not 
confin'd to Ireland that trees grow too thick. I never yet knew 
any man that planted the grove, that could thin it enough. I 
feel it for my self, and see it in all others. I remember a very 
large and fine wood in the High-land of Scotland (I think Lord 
Kinnoul's) so thick as to deprive them of heads, and the Duke of 
Portland's (according to the new Evelyn) must be all spoiled. 

As your Lordship did not mention the contrary, I hope Lady 
Buckingham and all your young family are well, and the Black 
Rod also. I forgot whether 'tis since I wrote that I feasted on 
your Excellency's venison, or whether I sent my thanks which I 
certainly ought to have done. My wife and son desire their 
best respects. 

An odd circumstance attended your Excellency’s Letter to me. 
The Dublin post-mark was the same as the date, viz., 27 Oct. 
the London post-mark was 8 Nov.: and wrote thus by the 

















828 


Norwich Post-Master. ‘This Letter was dropt into the Norwich 
Box this 8th of Nov., 77, at 10 o’clock in the forenoon.’ It did 
not appear to have been open'd. The Label under the Arms is 
smooth without the Motto. The Seal is the Arms of Hobart 
single. 


R. MansHaAM to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


(Fragment undated.)—I know trees ought to be removed as 
soon as they whip each other with a moderate gale: but I love 
them as my children, and I cannot act with my own judgement. 
So I have taken a method of my own. Ifa tree is 50 feet high, 
I take off 6,8, 10, or 12 feet: and then leave the uppermost 
branches a foot from the stem: the next floor of branches I leave 
half à yard or 2 feet long, and so downwards, leaving ihem 
longer. By this means I léave the headed tree in its natural 
shape, and inable it to receive the same advantage from the rains 
and dews as it had before. This prevents its whipping its neigh- 
bours which should be the better tree: and I flatter myself, the 
headed oaks may stand till they are worth 2 guineas & tree, with 
very little harm to the grove. They also threw out thick heads, 
which I hope will prevent the best trees from throwing out à great 
many lateral shoots, the common consequence of thinning too 
much at once by letting in too much air amongst them. Let me 
recommend this method to your Excelleney. The only reason I 
know against it is, the headed trees will not increase so much in 
the stem as those untouch'd. But I had one that gained an inch 
this summer, and I hope every year they will suffer less than the 
first, and if they may stand till they are worth 2 guineas, instead 
of 5s., and the grove appear much thicker at a distance, I am 
a great gainer. But ’tis at present such a favourite hobby horse 
that I believe the headed trees will become in time both as good 
and handsom as if they were left to nature. My wife and son 
join in most respectful compliments to your Excellency. 

P.S. My Lord, an oak I planted in 1720 is this autumn 
88 feet and 3 of timber in the body : measuring bark as timber. 
I believe very few under 70 years old can say so much; but I 
wish your Excellency may say it in time. 


SIR JOHN IRWINE to THE SAME. 


1777, Dec. 1. Jermyn Street.—This moment Major Keyler 
is arrived from Sir Wm. Howe, he left him on the 28th Octr. and 
Sir William's letters are dated the 26th October. The accounts 
formerly receivéd are confirmed of the several aetions between 
Sir William and the rebels. He got possession of Philadelphia 
on the 26th Sept’ since which there has been another action, 
the rebels were drove sixteen miles: our troops have behaved 
remarkably well in all these affairs. We have lost Brigr. Agnew 
and Lt.-Col. Bird, both very good men. I have not learned any 
other names yet, and write in great hurry, but as I know that 
fhere cannot be a gazette to-night I was resolved to give your 


824 


Excellency this confused account as better than none. The bad 
part of the news is, that Washington has still a Corps d' Armée 
en force, it is true that Sir W. Howe is within four miles of him, 
and was to attack him the first moment he could. In trying to 
take a fort which commands the river Delawarr, the Augusta 
man of war of 64 guns was run aground and could not be got off, 
80 that our people took everything out of her and blew her up. 
Our grenadiers took a 82 gun frigate of therebels. On the other 
hand Sir Hen. Clinton has opened the communication of the 
Hudson's river by taking two Forts, in whieh the bravery and 
coolness of the troops was most extraordinary. They had a 
march of 12 miles, at the end of which they stormed the two 
forts, having four hundred yards of abattis to go through 
defended by 40 pieces of canon loaded with grape; they never 
fired a shot till they got within the works. There we lost Lt.- 
Col. Campbell of the 52nd, and Major Sill of the 68rd. 

There are bad reports, however they are but reports, about 
Genl. Burgoyne. Ifind Howe knows nothing more of him than 
we do. 


Lorp BannrNGTON to the EARL or ÁNTRIM. 


1777, Dec. 18. Cavendish Square.—The present situation of 
our affairs having induced the Ministers to think of raising some 
new corps, I took the earliest opportunity of communicating to 
them for consideration your Lordship’s proposal for that purpose 
contained in a letter with which you honoured me last March. 
Augmenting the forces is purely a matter of State, and the 
functions of the War Office do not begin till both the measure and 
the manner of executing it, have been settled in the Cabinet. 


Sin JOHN IRWINE to the EíARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, Dec. 20. Jermyn Street.—. . . We have several 
reports here from France that are favourable to our arms, but 
they are as yet only reports. In the mean time the spirit of the 
people seems to be raised, and we hear of offers from different 
places for new levies; what will most surprise you is, that there 
is a reason to expect an offer of that sort from London. It is 
certainly true (perhaps for the first time in the history of 
England) that the present ministers are popular. Genl. 
Burgoyne's letter does him harm in the publick. His charge 
against ministers with regard to his orders, is thought unfair; 
and those who are in the secret of them say it is unjust; how- 
ever the ministers are determined to let the blame lie at their 
doors till his return, before they expose his orders to the publick 
view. You will I presume be astonished to know that Genl. 
Burgoyne sent a duplicate of his letter to Lord George to Lord 
Derby, and that his Lordship was actually reading to the company 
at Almaek's that letter, much about the time Lord George sent 
the original to the King at the Queen's house. This makes 
much conversation, . 





825 


At the desire of Lord Pembroke I trouble your Excellency with 
the inclosed. Itis in favour of his near relation Mr. Evans, 
whose case is a hard one. I understand Lord North will also 
write to your Excy. on the subject. By what I hear, the poor 
man, his wife and children are actually starving. 


Earz or HinLLsBoRoucH to the Earn or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1777, Dec. 21. Hanover Square.— . . . . I need not tell 
you what has been said on this side concerning your speech, and 
a certain committee; I fear a degree of dissatisfaction took place 
every where but I am glad to observe that it subsides; and I 
assure your Excellency that I have not been idle in endeavouring 
to soften and to justifie. Lord Carmarthen is Chamberlain to 
the Queen, Winchelsea and Aylesford Lords of the Bedchamber, 
the other vacancy being made by the dismission of Jersey. 
Young West is Equerry. This intelligence may be as early as 
from anybody. Onslow Comptroller, Palmerston, Treasury, 
Mulgrave Admiralty, and Worsley, in place of Hopkins dismissed, 
Greencloth, is no news. You have something else to do than to 
read my small talk, I shall therefore once more entreat you to 
think about correcting the intolerable drunkenness of the north. 


Lorp BARRINGTON to THE SAME. 


1777, Dec. (?)—The error in payment of Regiments lent by 
Ireland, and found by Mr. Barry Barry, has been rectify’d in the 
Committee of Supplies. I cannot write or talk about the dreadful 
catastrophe of Burgoyne’s army,? and I wish I could think of any 
other thing. 


SIR JOHN IRWINE to THE SAME. 


1777, Dec. 81. Jermyn Street.—The King was perfectly aware 
of your Excy.’s wish to gratifie the Duke of Leinster, but his 
Majesty seems determined that the post of Quarter Master 
General shall be filled by one conversant in, and bred up to, that 
particular branch of the service, which H.M. says Col. Sandford 
has not been. H.M. was pleased to say that a sensible officer 
might make out routes and a distribution of quarters, but that it 
required another sort of education to mark camps, take up posts, 
&c., which might perhaps unfortunately become necessary for us in 
Ireland, and it was therefore of the greatest consequence that the 
person to execute that office should by no means be new in the 
business. I think the King had also some idea that Col. 
Sandford's health, he being sometimes afflicted with the gout, 
might render him less active than might be necessary for such 
an officer as the Quarter Master General in the time of actual 
service. 


* His surrender had taken place on the 18th October. 


826 


CoLONEL LELAND® to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, Jan. 2.—(As to his not having obtained the appointment of 
Deputy Quarter Master General for Ireland, although recom- 
mended for it by Lord Buckinghamshire. Among other reasons 
his situation as an officer in the Guards would not admit of his 
residence in Ireland.) For they give out that in ease of a war 
in Europe, your Excellency’s kingdom is to be the seat of it and 
you are to be saved from destruction by your Quarter Master 
General. That I am mortify'd is very true, and not the less so 
that your recommendation should not take the place of every 
other predilection though it is the fashion to say that the (King) 
in military matters will be his own minister; but consequences 
ought to be looked to, particularly in this case, for it should not 
reach to Ireland. 

As to American affairs, they are it is believed in a most 
deplorable state; Clinton very judiciously dispatch'd his Aide-de- 
Camp, Drummond, to make good his ground here in case of any 
disaster happening at New York, which is even now said to be 
taken, tho' not believed. He meant likewise to prepare the 
way for his own coming, not wishing to remain in America, 
things being now, there, in a state of the greatest confusion. 
The force he has with him does not exceed five thousand men, 
half of which are provincials, very few British, and the rest 
foreignors. He has communieated his plan of defence should he 
be attack’d, and the world are of our opinion—“ that Clinton 
* will make them pay dear for the attempt—that the most 
* brilliant enterprize of the whole war was effected by him, and 
** that it was to Clinton Burgoyne was indebted for the favourable 
* terms granted him by Gates, who did not know how soon he 
* might be at Albany." Notwithstanding Mr. Burgoyne says he 
dictated to Mr. Gates, he by no means aspires to the command 
of the Army, forseeing it might probably devolve upon him, from 
the impossibility of matters continuing in their present channel. 
The aboveis pretty much the sum total of Drummond's mission. 

Much is conjectured about the future command in America, 
and many are named; but nothing I should imagine will be 
determin'd upon, till further accounts are receiv'd from thence. 


The Scotch Corps are all fix'd, some of which it is thought will 
be raised, others not; the whole meant to be rais'd will be raw 
undisciplin'd men, and not fit for service the ensuing campaign. 


I saw Lord G[eorge] G[ermaine] this morning, who seems 
quite serene and in good spirits, he told me that the late defection 
in your House of Commons has proved the strength of your 
Government, as you were so strong without them; and has given 
your Excelleney the best and fairest ground here with all the 
Ministers. Whenever anything reaches my knowledge worth 
communicating to you, I shall not omitt giving you the earliest 
intelligence. 


* John Leland, Lieut.-Col. of the Foot Guards, 1773, and in 1781 Deputy Governor 
of Cork Fort, 


327 


Lorp CHANCELLOR (LirrogpD9) to the EARL or BuckINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, March 12.—This day the Dowager Lady Viscountess 
How surrender'd before me her pension of seven hundred and fifty 
pounds per annum upon this establishment, which she held 
under a grant by letters patent under the great seal of this king- 
dom for her life. . . . . The deed of surrender, etc., remains 
with the Deputy Keeper of the Rolls here. 


RosERT Murray KEITH to THE SAME. 


1778, March 20. Vienna.—I embrace with great pleasure 
the opportunity of obeying your Lordship’s commands and of 
expressing my gratitude for the very obliging proofs of kind 
remembrance with which your Lordship honour’d me in your 
letter of the 18th February. 

I have for many months past offer'd my best services to the sons 
of Lord Fingal. Your Lordship's recommendation makes me 
doubly zealous in my endeavours to be useful to these young 
gentlemen. I shall present them at Court as soon as Lent is 
over, and if the youngest, who I am told is desirous of entering 
into the Austrian Service, obtains the King’s leave for that 
purpose, he may be assured of any little assistance I can give 
him in his advancement. I have desired the Abbé who is their 
governour to convey the same assurances to Lord and Lady 
Fingal, together with my best compliments. 

I am here in the midst of the most extensive and formidable 
warlike preparations that can be conceived, tho’ the moment of 
explosion may still be at some distance. 

The Bourbon Treaty with the Rebel Colonies which the French 
Ambassador has just now made public here, will before this 
letter reaches your Lordship, have given to Great Britain the 
fairest opportunity of exerting her national strength, and her 
indignant spirit in the best and most meritorious of all causes 
I ean have no doubt of her success, nor of that share in the 
honour of it which will justly fall to your Lordship in fulfilling 
the important duties of the high employment his Majesty has 
entrusted to your approved zeal and distinguished abilities. No 
man living can be more interested than I am im every 
circumstance of this decisive crisis. 


JAMES FonTrEsCUE! to THE SAME. 


1778, April 1. Dundalk Grand Jury Room.—(Introducing to 
him the Rev. Mr. Woolsey, who has been requested by the 
principal Roman Catholies of this county to deliver their address 
to his Excellency.) | 

They have done it in the most ready and cordial manner, and 
as I know personally many of the subscribers I do believe they 


* James Hewitt, Ld. Chancellor of Ireland, created Ld. Lifford, 1767. 
+ The Rt. Hon. James Fortesoue, M.P. for Louth and a Privy Councillor for 
Treland. 


958 


are sincere. Anyhow we ought to believe them, and as a real 
friend to Govt. I wish the same was done in every county in 
Ireland. I should think it right to have it published in all the 
papers as an example to the other parts of Ireland. Such an 
event will alter the opinions of the French, etc., etc., on the 
continent and we should make the most of it. . 


Lorp BrgAvucHAMP to the EagL or BuckINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, April 9. London.—(Takes the liberty of recommending 
to Lord Buckinghamshire’s notice the resolutions which the House 
of Commons has come unto in favour of the Trade of Ireland.) 

Though the House seemed almost unanimous in the first 
stage of the business, I forsee some symptons of opposition from 
Lancashire and a part of Scotland, which makes me vastly 
anxious that before the House meets again after the Easter 
Recess your Excellency should (if the subject strikes you in the 
same light) assist our endeavours in the House of Commons by 

our representation of the necessity of gratifying the people of 
reland at this critical moment, to which they seem particularly 
entitled from their late very generous and handsome conduct. 


I think your Excellency's interposition in the present instance 
essentially necessary to turn the scale in favour of Ireland against 
the combination which I see forming against the propositions 
which Lord Nugent and I have brought forward. 


The Earz or HinnssoRovauH to THE SAME. 


1778, April 18.—I take the liberty to enclose to your Excellency 
& letter I have received from a Councellor Maffet. You will see 
that it relates to a convict at Downpatrick. The man condemned 
is & young fellow of Hillsborough and hitherto has borne, as I 
hear, a good character. In his present case it does not appear 
to me that anything can be said in his favour, but that the act 
was committed in a riot. Whether that circumstance may induce 
your Excelleney to respite him till you ean have the Judge's 
Report I can not tell, but I hope he will meet the fate he deserves, 
and the Judge is the fittest person to determine what that may 
be. This unhappy accident is one among many others, produced 
by the cursed drinking of spirits; I believe the rioters, on both 
sides, were intoxicated almost to madness with them. I have 
not troubled your Excellency with my remarks upon the report 
you was pleased to send me. It appears to me not to be 
of consequence at present, but I will not omitt it all together, for I 
think it is easy to shew that both reasoning and facts are ill 
founded. 

I understand the convict is to suffer next Saturday. 


+ Rt. Hon. Fransis Seymour Conway Viscount Beauchamp, M.P. for Antrim Co., 


and for Oxford in England. A member also both of the English and Irish Privy 
ouncil, 











829 


Hues Marrerr to the Earz or HiILLSBOROUGE: 


1778, April 10. Carrickfergus. On circuit, in Dublin, 
Bolton Street.—My business 1s of an urgent nature and I cannot 
waste time in apology—my application is to save the life of a 
fellow creature, who was yesterday condemned to die. Francis 
Bulger is the name of this unfortunate man, and the crime of 
which he has been convicted, was the murder of one Gray, upon 
your Lordship’s course of Hillsborough, about seven months ago. 
The attorney employed for the convict was young in business, 
rash, and ignorant—had he made due preparation for the trial 
the verdict must I think, have been manslaughter, but he was 
every way unqualified for managing the defence, and his miser- 
able client stands now upon the verge of life. I was one of the 
counsel and I will tell your Lordship what we proved. The 
people of Broomhedge and Trumney were noted as rioters, and 
from this latter place came Gray. They had conceived malice 
against the inhabitants of Hillsborough and publickly denounced 
vengeance, on which account the alarmed people resolved to be 
upon their guard. On the day of the bloodshed, when both 
parties seenied to menace deadly mischief Counsr. Smith and a 
Mr. Lethun addressed the people of Hillsborough and prevailed 
on them to disperse. They even promised they would not strike 
unless they should be first assaulted, but this provocation was 
not a moment withheld. Lethun declared that immediately on 
their dispersal, the Broomhedge and Trumney mob came on, 
hurraing, hooting, at the people of Hillsborough and cursing 
them as cowards, and by another witness we showed that they 
first came to blows. We showed further, by the witnesses 
produced on the side of the prosecution, that the deceased had 
been very active in the riot, and that he had knocked down, at 
least, eight men with his own hand. In the progress of the 
unhappy difference he was beat, however, from the field, and 
pursued by Bulger, who seized him as he was mounting a ditch, 
and stabbed him in the kidneys, with a bayonet, which had been 
fastened on a pole, of which wound he shortly died. It did 
appear indeed that Bulger had boasted, on the moment, that he 
had thrust the weapon six inches into the body of Gray, who had 
only a cudgel in his hand, but still this expression was clearly 
used in heat of blood, and we accounted for the bayonet by 
showing, satisfactorily, that Mr. Gawen Hamilton, late governor 
of the Corporation, had ordered a number of those weapons into 
the hands of the Hillsborough people, to awe disorder, and 
terrify the unruly into peace. In a word, my Lord, it seems 
undoubtedly a Jury Case of Manslaughter, and since the 
character of the unhappy prisoner is such as must recommend 
him, I do most earnestly beseech your Lordship to interfere with 
government in his behalf. His execution is fixed for this day 
fortnight at Down, so that, if your compassion can be interested, 
a minute must not be lost. My abrupt manner will be accounted 
for from the particularity of the occasion, and your noble mind 
will excuse me for any violation of decorum. 





980 


I ought to have mentioned to your Lordship that Counsr. 
Smith did not attend to give his testimony, nor had he been 
summoned for that purpose. We therefore moved to put off the 
trial but our motion was refused. His testimony would have 
changed the complexion of this affair. 


Earz or Sanpwics to the Karu or BuckINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, May 4th.  Private.—Upon the notice we received of a 
rebel privateer being in St. George's Channel we sent the Stag 
frigate of 28 guns in pursuit of her, and she sailed on that 
service from Spithead the 22nd of last month, the Thetis of 
32 guns is sailed from the Clyde on the same errand, and the 
Heart of Oak armed vessel of 20 guns and the Boston of 28 
are also in pursuit of her. Your Excellency may be assured 
that every possible attention will be paid by the Admiralty to 
the security of the eoasting trade of Ireland, and it is not want 
of inclination but want of means of doing it that prevents our 
having a larger number of ships stationed for that purpose; but 
till we have a larger supply of frigates from abroad, or can 
proeure men enough for the ships we have ready to receive them 
all our exertions will come far short of our wishes. 

If the towns upon the coast of Ireland could be prevailed on 
to furnish us & number of good seamen we should be much 
better enabled to give them proper protection; this has been 
done with good effect in many parts of England, and I hope 
that the example will be followed on your side of the water; but 
at the same time it is necessary for me to add that ships alone 
cannot protect any coast entirely without there are troops and 
batteries on shore. 


The Earz or HiILLSBOROUGH to THE SAME. 


1778, May 11. Hanover Square.—I am much obliged to 
your Excellency for the favour of the letter I have this moment 
received. I think you quite right in not shewing mercy to the 
unfortunate convict, as there was no foundation for it. Such 
mercy is eruelty to the public. 

The Irish Bills are now before the House of Commons here, 
but to say the truth, I think the success doubtful. If they fail, 
possibly your Session will not conclude so happily as is to be 
wished. The best way is to forward business as much as you 
can, so as to hasten the Prorogation. 

I should be glad to know how you stand with regard to Ensigns’ 
commissions, raising men, perhaps I would recommend one or 
two. 


The Duke or ATHOLL to THE SAME. 


1778, May 15. Greenock.—Recommending to his notice the 
officers of the Atholl Highlanders, especially the commanding 
officer, Major Dalrymple. By the King’s permission the Duke 





831 


has kept the Lieut.-Colonelcy and two of the Companies open 
for the present. The Corps has been raised but a short time, 
and unfortunately are at present without colours and caps. 


Epwarp Bacon to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, June 4. Bruton Street.— . . . I hope the Exporta- 
tion Act for Ireland will give satisfaction there. 

I am sorry that the advocates for that and the other Bills gave 
an expectation to the Irish of many things, that were impossible 
for England to grant. 

The over zeal of some gentlemen was very injudicious, as you 
very wisely observe, on the outset, in the first resolutions of the 
committee, and rais'd such & storm as augur'd very bad conse- 
quences on this side of the water. 

However wisdom prevail’d, and only one of the resolutions 
passed with great amendments into an Áct of Parliament. But I 
cannot help observing a little on the shape in which it was 
brought in. The title was for exportation of certain goods from 
Ireland, and the enacting clause, all goods. Wool and woollen 
goods only are excepted. In the preamble, the Act of the 12th 
of C. IL, entitled ** An Act for the encouragement of Trade," &c., 
is inserted, which was a gross mistake, for the relief desir'd was 
from the Act of the 15th C. II. Your Lordship, I am sure, have 
the Bill as it was brought in and the Act as it now stands, to 
which I refer you for the truth of my observation. In the two 
divisions in the course of this business I voted in the favour of it. 
In the debates there was a great deal said about the compact 
between the two kingdoms in King William's time that England 
ghould have the woollen manufactures and Ireland sho'd have the 
linen. 

Earl Nugent has given notice that in the beginning of the 
next Session of Parliamt. he will move for a Bill to allow the 
exportation from Ireland of a certain kind of woollen manufac- 
tures, and if he should persist in it I apprehend that all the 
different parts of G* Britain any ways concerned in the produce 
of wool or woollen manufactures wil warmly oppose and join 
the cotton manufacturers who are very much hurt with what has 
already been done for Ireland. 

My constituents wrote very earnestly to me that it was 
absolutely necessary to prohibit the sending the woollen manufac- 
tures of G*- Britain out of Ireland for if that was to be permitted 
the Irish wou'd have an opportunity of exporting large quantities 
of their own woollen manufactures along with and under colour 
or denomination of being British. This was what was their 
opinion after mature deliberation. 

I am extreamly concerned at the distress of both Kingdoms, 
but will not trouble your Lordship with the particulars as you 
certainly know from your high situation the state of one, and the 





. M.P. for Norwioh, 1756-1784, one of the Cominissioners of the Board of Trade 
in 1760. 


882 


other from the accounts you must receive of the scarcity of 
money, the low price of the funds, and that no merchants can 
get any bankers to discount bills either foreign or domestic. 

I shall go into Norfolk in a few days, where I intend to stay 
till next winter, and if I can be of any service to your Lordship 
I shall with pleasure receive your commands. 

The Norfolk Militia I hear are to go into Warwickshire. 


W. W. Buzwer to the EanL or BuckINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, July 2. Heydon.—Is happy in the thoughts of his son 
being under his Lordship’s protection. . . . . . 


Sin Francis Drake to THE SAME. 


1778, July 18. Nutwell— . . . You were pleased last 
year to grant me a reversionary lease of the moiety of the Fishery 
of the River Tavy in the parish of Beer Ferris. In May last I 
was informed by my servants that Mr. Short had let a fishery. 
of the River Tavy in Beer Ferris to some men of that parish. In 
a few days after I saw Mr. Gullet your steward here and repre- 
sented to him what had been done by Mr. Short and that though 
it was a temporary injury to me, as your tenant, it was more 
materially injurious to your Lordship, who had & permanent 
interest. I likewise particularly stated to him the manner in 
which Mr. Snow acted on a similar occasion. . 

(These representations having been ineffectual, Sir Francis 
Drake applies directly to Lord Buckinghamshire, at the same 
time enclosing a letter from his late steward, Mr. John Edge- 
combe, which throws a further light on the question.) 

(Enclosure.) 


JOHN EpGEcoMBE to Sir Francis DRAKE. 


1752, June 5.—Mr. Snow has been with me. He said the 
information you have had of his authorizing any person to fish 
this season is false. He owns that he fished last year too far in 
your right, not knowing then the extent of the lease, on sight of 
which he is now satisfied you have all Lord Buckingham’s right 
to the fishery, but he saith that the liberty. of landing fish on that 
Lord’s land is not exclusive of the like liberty granted or which 
may be given to others. Mr. Snow saith he pays yearly to the 
Prince of Wales (as Mr. Hurrel did) 1s. for the liberty of fishing 
in the River Tavy, that the Corporation of Saltash claim the like 
right, but that he has prevented their having any benefits of such 
right by forbidding them to land on Beer-side, and prevailing on 
Mr. Heywood to deny any landing on his side. In this he thinks 
he is not your enemy, but rather may be esteemed a friend. 
After all he will do nothing to affront you, but he hopes you will 
excuse him in preserving the right of his parsonage by exerting 
his right of fishing under the Prince, which he will make no other 
use of than for diversion. 








"- 


833 


Rev. Mr. Snorr to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


N.D.—(Begging for the rest of his Donation (100/.) to the 
Exmouth Chapel, which has already been built) and ‘‘ finished as 
handsomely as the money subscribed would permit, and indeed 
if your Lordship had not given so generously it never would 
have been built, by which you have much obliged the inhabitants 
of Exmouth, and it is to be hoped will greatly promote the cause 
of Religion." 


Sia Joun IRWINE to THE SAME. 


1778, July 27. Head Quarters, Clonmel Camp.—I have the 
honour to acquaint your Excellency that I found the camp here 
in good order and more regular than I could have expected 
(eonsidering the number of young men and officers) owing to 
the great care of Lt.-General Cuningham's and the attention of 
the Major Generals. The weather being extremely bad, I am in 
great pain for the health of the troops, and for the horses of the 
cavalry. All possible care has been, and will be, taken to 
prevent as far as can be the bad effects of it. 

I must entreat that your Excellency will be pleased to send 
me Lt.-Colonel Vallancy's map of the South of this country. I 
find it will be impossible for me to carry on the service without 
it. If your Excellency would order it to be sent to me to the 
Camp at Kinsale, whither I am going immediately, it will be of 
great use. 


THe SAME to THE SAME. 


1778, Àug. l. Innishannon.—Early this morning I received 
the map, for which I return your Excellency my humble thanks. 
Great care shall be taken of it. 

I have found this camp in tolerable order, the troops are 
straightened in room, but they are healthy, have had good 
dry weather, and I hear of no complaints as to provisions or 
behaviour. 

There being no field officer with the 18th Regt. of Dragoons 
(Col. Lyon being sick in quarters), is not only very improper, but 
very inconvenient, and the eldest captain of that Regiment 
(Walmsley) being major of Brigade, adds to the inconveniency. 
I should therefore hope your Excellency would think it right to 
order Major Vyse to join his regiment during the encampment. 
I mention it also for his sake, lest the King should be displeased 

"with him; and though his Majesty should say nothing about it 
at present, yet when the time came to do Major Vyse some good, 
an objection might then be made to him on this account. The 
post of major is so very essential, especially at this time, that if 
your Excellency could spare both him and Major Southwell,® for 
some little time, it would be both beneficial to the Service, and 
to the gentlemen concerned. 





334 


SIR JOHN IRWINE to the Ear. or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, Aug. 29. Head Quarters, Innishannon.—. . . I am 
exiremely sorry that your Excellency has thought fit to recommend 
the captain-lieutenant of the 80th regiment for the vacant 
company, it will be a distressing blow to a great many people; 
for the capt.-lieut. was so distressed that he could not shew his 
head and would have been thrown into jail, if your Excellency 
had not cousented to his selling his commission (which he 
bought) and after that consent was given, he would have been 
arrested, if the lieutenant who was to buy of him, had not 
advanced him the greatest part of the purchase money to stop 
the mouths of his creditors, and he had leave given him to leave 
the regiment; now how to recover that money so advanced to 
captain Gibbs, I cannot see, but I forsee many disagreeable 
circumstances which may arise from overturning the arrangement 
already made, both in point of rank and other circumstances. I 
should therefore most humbly suggest for your consideration, 
that your Excellency would let the purchase of the captain- 
lieutenantcy go on as originally proposed ; that you should be 
pleased to recommend captain-lieutenant Jacob of the 11th Regt. 
for the vacant company in the 80th Regt., and Mr. Hobart for 
the captain-lieutenantcy in the llth Regt. I mention Capt. 
Jacob because he is the eldest capt.-lieut. in the army here, 
except Capt. Haste of the 68th, but he is so old a captain that he 
prefers remaining in the 68th because whenever he gets a 
company in that Regt. he will take rank of half the captains. If 
your Excellency will adopt this proposal no harm will be done; 
a capt.-lieut. will be gratified, and I forsee no inconvenience that 
can happen, whereas I forsee many if you do not. I therefore 
most humbly recommend this matter to your Excellency. 

I propose leaving this camp for that at Clonmell to morrow. 
I hope to get there in two days (for it is slow travelling in this 
country) and there I must remain some days, having many 
things to arrange, and not having once been able to see the 
troops perform any one thing, from the incessant bad weather 
we had during the two days I was there; after which I shall 
pay my duty to your Excy. at Dublin. 

Something must be thought of to prevent the desertion, and 
some way fallen upon to try to fill up the augmentation, which 
I do not find as successful as I could wish. On both these 
matters I shall be glad to hear your Excellency’s sentiments, and 
receive your commands. 

Fresh disputes and complaints about the 18th Regt. of 
Dragoons, which make me repeat my wish that Major Vyse 
might be sent down during the encampment. 


The EarLz oF CLANBRASSIL tO THE SAME. 


1778, August 7.  Dundalk.—Was so persuaded of the 
expediency of the Popery Bill, that he had already sent his 
proxy to Lord Clermont before he received his Excellency’s 
letter. 


985 


Sm Jon IRWINE to the FEARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, August 10.  Clonmel.—I am honoured with your 
Excellency's letter of the 7th and own that I am not much 
pleased with the account of our fleet ; being persuaded that the 
French wil make out a very favourable story for themselves ; 
however I hope we may not hear more disagreeable accounts 
from sea. 

In the arrangement which I had humbly the honour to submit 
to your Excellency I protest I had nothing in view but to prevent 
confusion and trouble, both which must now inevitably happen. 
I know nothing of the parties, hardly by sight; butif your Excy. 
had pleased to let the purchase go on in the 80th Regiment, and 
have recommended your nephew for another captain-lieutenantcy 
totally distinct from that, there could have been no confusion, 
nor no one could have been dissatisfied ; whereas now, many will 
be dissatisfied in point of rank, and distressed in point of money, 
and I do not see how the money can be got back which has been 
advanced to Captain Gibbs. Col. Goold (the Commanding officer 
of the Regiment) tells me that the lieutenant and ensign who 
had advanced the money must sell their commissions, and he 
says they are both very deserving officers. 

I propose putting this corps in motion to-morrow as if they 
were going towards an enemy, to teach them what they must 
carry, and, as far as possible to prevent confusion if that event 
was to happen, to accustom them to being moved: I shall march 
in two columns towards a place called Fethard, where we can 
easily draw up: I hope this may be executed without hurry and 
the loss of any of our things. 


THE SAME to THE SAME. 


1778, August 15. Head Quarters, Clonmel.—I should be glad 
to know the sort of intelligence Lord Weymouth has sent your 
Excelleney with regard to the threats of the enemy against our 
coasts by their privateers, because perhaps it may be necessary 
io make some change in the disposition of our troops. Your 
Excellency does not say whether they are French or American 
privateers. 

I must entreat your Excellency to refuse sending two 
companies from the troops in Ireland to defend the Isle of Man. 
It is true that ever since that Island has been taken from the 
Puke of Atholl, while troops were wanted there, they were sent 
from hence; but it must be considered we did not want troops 
here at that time, and that there were few in England, now that 
we want troops, and that there are so many in England the case 
is far different. Added to what your Excellency was pleased to 
say to Lord Weymouth respecting numbers here, give me leave 
to say that besides what we want to complete, many of those we 
have are not fit to join their regiments, so that of our real 
fighting men our number is very low. 1f you take them from 





828 


are sincere. Anyhow we ought to believe them, and as a real 
friend to Govt. I wish the same was done in every county in 
Ireland. I should think it right to have it published in all the 
papers as an example to the other parts of Ireland. Such an 
event will alter the opinions of the French, etc., etc., on the 
continent and we should make the most of it. . 


Lorp BeaucHamp® to the Earn or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, April 9. London.—(Takes the liberty of recommending 
to Lord Buckinghamshire’s notice the resolutions which the House 
of Commons has come unto in favour of the Trade of Ireland.) 

Though the House seemed almost unanimous in the first 
stage of the business, I forsee some symptons of opposition from 
Lancashire and a part of Scotland, which makes me vastly 
anxious that before the House meets again after the Easter 
Recess your Excellency should (if the subject strikes you in the 
same light) assist our endeavours in the House of Commons by 

our representation of the necessity of gratifying the people of 
reland at this critical moment, to which they seem particularly 
entitled from their late very generous and handsome conduct. 


I think your Excellency’s interposition in the present instance 
essentially necessary to turn the scale in favour of Ireland against 
the combination which I see forming against the propositions 
which Lord Nugent and I have brought forward. 


The Earz or HiILLSBOROUGH to THE SAME. 


1778, April 18.—I take the liberty to enclose to your Excellency 
a letter I have received from a Councellor Maffet. You will see 
that it relates to a convict at Downpatrick. The man condemned 
is a young fellow of Hillsborough and hitherto has borne, as I 
hear, a good character. In his present case it does not appear 
to me that anything can be said in his favour, but that the act 
was committed in a riot. Whether that circumstance may induce 
your Excellency to respite him till you can have the Judge's 
Report I can not tell, but I hope he will meet the fate he deserves, 
and the Judge is the fittest person to determine what that may 
be. This unhappy accident is one among many others, produced 
by the cursed drinking of spirits; I believe the rioters, on both 
sides, were intoxicated almost to madness with them. I have 
not troubled your Excellency with my remarks upon the report 
you was pleased to send me. It appears to me not to be 
of consequence at present, but I will not omitt it all together, for I 
think it is easy to shew that both reasoning and facts are ill 
founded. 

I understand the convict is to suffer next Saturday. 





* Rt. Hon. Franois Seymour Conway Viscount Beauchamp, M.P. for Antrim Co., 
and for Oxford in England. A member also both of the English and Irish Privy 
ouncil, 











829 


Hvanu Marrerr to the Earz or HiILLSBoRoUG&: 


1778, April 10. Carrickfergus. On circuit, in Dublin, 
Bolton Street.— My business is of an urgent nature and I cannot 
waste time in apology—my applieation is to save the life of a 
fellow creature, who was yesterday condemned to die. Francis 
Bulger is the name of this unfortunate man, and the crime of 
which he has been convicted, was the murder of one Gray, upon 
your Lordship's course of Hillsborough, about seven months ago. 
The attorney employed for the convict was young in business, 
rash, and ignorant—had he made due preparation for the trial 
the verdiet must I think, have been manslaughter, but he was 
every way unqualified for managing the defence, and his miser- 
able client stands now upon the verge of life. I was one of the 
counsel and I will tell your Lordship what we proved. The 
people of Broomhedge and Trumney were noted as rioters, and 
from this latter place came Gray. They had conceived malice 
against the inhabitants of Hillsborough and publickly denounced 
vengeance, on which account the alarmed people resolved to be 
upon their guard. On the day of the bloodshed, when both 
parties seenied to menace deadly mischief Counsr. Smith and a 
Mr. Lethun addressed the people of Hillsborough and prevailed 
on them to disperse. They even promised they would not strike 
unless they should be first assaulted, but this provocation was 
not a moment withheld. Lethun declared that immediately on 
their dispersal, the Broomhedge and Trumney mob came on, 
hurraing, hooting, at the people of Hillsborough and cursing 
them as cowards, and by another witness we showed that they 
first came to blows. We showed further, by the witnesses 
produced on the side of the prosecution, that the deceased had 
been very active in the riot, and that he had knocked down, at 
least, eight men with his own hand. In the progress of the 
unhappy difference he was beat, however, from the field, and 
pursued by Bulger, who seized him as he was mounting a ditch, 
and stabbed him in the kidneys, with a bayonet, which had been 
fastened on a pole, of which wound he shortly died. It did 
appear indeed that Bulger had boasted, on the moment, that he 
had thrust the weapon six inches into the body of Gray, who had 
only a cudgel in his hand, but still this expression was clearly 
used in heat of blood, and we accounted for the bayonet by 
showing, satisfactorily, that Mr. Gawen Hamilton, late governor 
of the Corporation, had ordered a number of those weapons into 
the hands of the Hillsborough people, to awe disorder, and 
terrify the unruly into peace. In a word, my Lord, it seems 
undoubtedly a Jury Case of Manslaughter, and since the 
character of the unhappy prisoner is such as must recommend 
him, I do most earnestly beseech your Lordship to interfere with 
government in his behalf. His execution is fixed for this day 
fortnight at Down, so that, if your compassion can be interested, 
a minute must not be lost. My abrupt manner will be accounted 
for from the particularity of the occasion, and your noble mind 
will excuse me for any violation of decorum. 


380 


I ought to have mentioned to your Lordship that Counsr. 
Smith did not attend to give his testimony, nor had he been 
summoned for that purpose. We therefore moved to put off the 
trial but our motion was refused. His testimony would have 
changed the complexion of this affair. 


Earz or SaNpwicH to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMBSHIRE. 


1778, May 4th. Private.—Upon the notice we received of a 
rebel privateer being in St. George's Channel we sent the Stag 
frigate of 28 guns in pursuit of her, and she sailed on that 
service from Spithead the 22nd of last month, the Thetis of 
92 guns is sailed from the Clyde on the same errand, and the 
Heart of Oak armed vessel of 20 guns and the Boston of 28 
are also in pursuit of her. Your Excellency may be assured 
that every possible attention will be paid by the Admiralty to 
the security of the coasting trade of Ireland, and it is not want 
of inclination but want of means of doing it that prevents our 
having a larger number of ships stationed for that purpose; but 
till we have a larger supply of frigates from abroad, or can 
proeure men enough for the ships we have ready to receive them 
all our exertions will come far short of our wishes. 

If the towns upon the coast of Ireland could be prevailed on 
to furnish us a number of good seamen we should be much 
better enabled to give them proper protection; this has been 
done with good effect in many parts of England, and I hope 
that the example will be followed on your side of the water; but 
at the same time it is necessary for me to add that ships alone 
cannot protect any coast entirely without there are troops and 
batteries on shore. 


The Earu or HiILLSBOROUGH to THE SAME. 


1778, May 11. Hanover Square.—I am much obliged to 
your Excellency for the favour of the letter I have this moment 
received. I think you quite right in not shewing mercy to the 
unfortunate convict, as there was no foundation for it. Such 
mercy is cruelty to the public. 

The Irish Bills are now before the House of Commons here, 
but to say the truth, I think the success doubtful. If they fail, 
possibly your Session will not conclude so happily as is to be 
wished. The best way is to forward business as much as you 
ean, 80 a8 to hasten the Prorogation. 

I should be glad to know how you stand with regard to Ensigns' 
commissions, raising men, perhaps I would recommend one or 
two. 


The Duke or ATHOLL to THE SAME. 


1778, May 15. Greenock.—Recommending to his notice the 
officers of the Atholl Highlanders, especially the commanding 
officer, Major Dalrymple. By the King’s permission the Duke 





831 


has kept the Lieut.-Colonelcy and two of the Companies open 
for the present. The Corps has been raised but a short time, 
and unfortunately are at present without colours and caps. 


Epwarp Bacon® to the Earn or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, June 4. Bruton Street.— . . . I hope the Exporta- 
tion Act for Ireland will give satisfaction there. 

I am sorry that the advocates for that and the other Bills gave 
an expectation to the Irish of many things, that were impossible 
for England to grant. 

The over zeal of some gentlemen was very injudicious, as you 
very wisely observe, on the outset, in the first resolutions of the 
committee, and rais'd such a storm as augur'd very bad conse- 
quences on this side of the water. 

However wisdom prevail'd, and only one of the resolutions 
passed with great amendments into an Act of Parliament. But I 
cannot help observing a little on the shape in which it was 
brought in. The title was for exportation of certain goods from 
Ireland, and the enacting clause, all goods. Wool and woollen 
goods only are excepted. In the preamble, the Act of the 12th 
of C. IL, entitled ‘‘ An Act for the encouragement of Trade," &c., 
is ingerted, which was a gross mistake, for the relief desir'd was 
from the Act of the 15th C. II. Your Lordship, I am sure, have 
the Bill as it was brought in and the Act as it now stands, to 
which I refer you for the truth of my observation. In the two 
divisions in the course of this business I voted in the favour of it. 
In the debates there was & great deal said about the compact 
between the two kingdoms in King William's time that England 
should have the woollen manufactures and Ireland sho'd have the 
linen. 

Earl Nugent has given notice that in the beginning of the 
next Session of Parliamt. he will move for a Bill to allow the 
exportation from Ireland of a certain kind of woollen manufac- 
tures, and if he should persist in it I apprehend that all the 
different parts of G* Britain any ways concerned in the produce 
of wool or woollen manufactures wil warmly oppose and join 
the cotton manufacturers who are very much hurt with what has 
already been done for Ireland. 

My constituents wrote very earnestly to me that it was 
absolutely necessary to prohibit the sending the woollen manufac- 
tures of G*- Britain out of Ireland for if that was to be permitted 
the Irish wou'd have an opportunity of exporting large quantities 
of their own woollen manufactures along with and under colour 
or denominalion of being British. This was what was their 
opinion after mature deliberation. 

I am extreamly concerned at the distress of both Kingdoms, 
but wil not trouble your Lordship with the particulars as you 
certainly know from your high situation the state of one, and the 

* M.P. for Norwich, 1756-1781, one of the Commissioners of the Board of Trade 
in 1760. 


982 


other from the accounts you must receive of the scarcity of 
money, the low price of the funds, and that no merchants can 
get any bankers to discount bills either foreign or domestic. 

I shall go into Norfolk in a few days, where I intend to stay 
till next winter, and if I can be of any service to your Lordship 
I shall with pleasure receive your commands. 

The Norfolk Militia I hear are to go into Warwickshire. 


W. W. Buzwer to the Eart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, July 2. Heydon.—Is happy in the thoughts of his son 
being under his Lordship's protection. . . . . . 


Six Francis Drake to THE SAME. 


1778, July 18. Nutwell— . . . You were pleased last 
year to grant me a reversionary lease of the moiety of the Fishery 
of the River Tavy in the parish of Beer Ferris. In May last I 
was informed by my servants that Mr. Short had let a fishery 
of the River Tavy in Beer Ferris to some men of that parish. In 
a few days after I saw Mr. Gullet your steward here and repre- 
sented to him what had been done by Mr. Short and that though 
it was a temporary injury to me, as your tenant, 1t was more 
materially injurious to your Lordship, who had & permanent 
interest. I likewise particularly stated to him the manner in 
which Mr. Snow acted on a similar occasion. e 

(These representations having been ineffectual, Sir Francis 
Drake applies directly to Lord Buckinghamshire, at the same 
time enclosing a letter from his late steward, Mr. John Edge- 
combe, which throws a further light on the question.) 

(Enclosure.) 


JouN EpaEcoxBE to Sir Francis DRAKE. 


1759, June 5.—Mr. Snow has been with me. He said the 
information you have had of his authorizing any person to fish 
this season is false. He owns that he fished last year too far in 
your right, not knowing then the extent of the lease, on sight of 
which he is now satisfied you have all Lord Buckingham's right 
to the fishery, but he saith that the liberty. of landing fish on that 
Lord's land is not exclusive of the like liberty granted or which 
may be given to others. Mr. Snow saith he pays yearly to the 
Prince of Wales (as Mr. Hurrel did) 1s. for the liberty of fishing 
in the River Tavy, that the Corporation of Saltash claim the like 
right, but that he has prevented their having any benefits of such 
right by forbidding them to land on Beer-side, and prevailing on 
Mr. Heywood to deny any landing on his side. In this he thinks 
he is not your enemy, but rather may be esteemed a friend. 
After all he will do nothing to affront you, but he hopes you will 
excuse him in preserving the right of his parsonage by exerting 
his right of fishing under the Prince, which he will make no other 
use of than for diversion. 





~ 


883 


Rev. Mr. Snort to the Ear, or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


N.D.—(Begging for the rest of his Donation (1001) to the 
Exmouth Chapel, which has already been built) and ‘‘ finished as 
handsomely as the money subscribed would permit, and indeed 
if your Lordship had not given so generously it never would 
have been built, by which you have much obliged the inhabitants 
of Exmouth, and it is to be hoped will greatly promote the cause 
of Religion.” 


Sr JOHN IRWINE to THE SAME. 


1778, July 27. Head Quarters, Clonmel Camp.—I have the 
honour to acquaint your Excellency that I found the camp here 
in good order &nd more regular than I could have expected 
(considering the number of young men and officers) owing to 
the great care of Lt.-General Cuningham's and the attention of 
ihe Major Generals. The weather being extremely bad, I am in 
great pain for the health of the troops, and for the horses of the 
cavalry. All possible care has been, and will be, taken to 
prevent as far as can be the bad effects of it. 

I must entreat that your Excellency will be pleased to send 
me Lt.-Colonel Vallancy's map of the South of this country. I 
find it will be impossible for me to carry on the service without 
it. If your Excellency would order it to be sent to me to the 
Camp at Kinsale, whither I am going immediately, it will be of 
great use. 


THE SAME to THE SAME. 


1778, Aug. 1. Innishannon.—Early this morning I received 
the map, for which I return your Excellency my humble thanks. 
Great care shall be taken of it. 

I have found this camp in tolerable order, the troops are 
straightened in room, but they are healthy, have had good 
dry weather, and I hear of no complaints as to provisions or 
behaviour. 

There being no field officer with the 18th Regt. of Dragoons 
(Col. Lyon being sick in quarters), is not only very improper, but 
very inconvenient, and the eldest captain of that Regiment 
(Walmsley) being major of Brigade, adds to the inconveniency. 
I should therefore hope your Excellency would think it right to 
order Major Vyse to join his regiment during the encampment. 
I mention it also for his sake, lest the King should be displeased 

"with him; and though his Majesty should say nothing about it 
at present, yet when the time came to do Major Vyse some good, 
an objection might then be made to him on this account. The 
post of major 18 so very essential, especially at this time, that if 
your Excellency could spare both him and Major Southwell,® for 
some little time, it would be both beneficial to the Service, and 
to the gentlemen concerned. 


* Both Major Vyse and Major Southwell were A.D.C. to the Ld. Lieutenant. 





334 


Sirk JouN IRwINE to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMBHIRE. 


1778, Aug. 2. Head Quarters, Innishannon.—. . . I am 
extremely sorry that your Excellency has thought fit to recommend 
the captain-lieutenant of the 80th regiment for the vacant 
company, it will be a distressing blow to a great many people; 
for the capt.-lieut. was so distressed that he could not shew his 
head and would have been thrown into jail, if your Excellency 
had not consented to his selling his commission (which he 
bought) and after that consent was given, be would have been 
arrested, if the lieutenant who was to buy of him, had not 
advanced him the greatest part of the purchase money to stop 
the mouths of his creditors, and he had leave given him to leave 
the regiment; now how to recover that money so advanced to 
captain Gibbs, I cannot see, but I forsee many disagreeable 
circumstances which may arise from overturning the arrangement 
already made, both in point of rank and other circumstances. I 
should therefore most humbly suggest for your consideration, 
that your Excellency would let the purchase of the captain- 
lieutenantcy go on as originally proposed ; that you should be 
pleased to recommend captain-lieutenant Jacob of the 11th Regt. 
for the vacant company in the 80th Regt., and Mr. Hobart for 
the captain-lieutenantcy in the 11th Regt. I mention Capt. 
Jacob because he is the eldest capt.-lieut. in the army here, 
except Capt. Haste of the 68th, but he is so old a captain that he 
prefers remaining in the 68th because whenever he gets a 
company in that Regt. he will take rank of half the captains. If 
your Excellency will adopt this proposal no harm will be done; 
a capt.-lieut. will be gratified, and I forsee no inconvenience that 
can happen, whereas I forsee many if you do not. I therefore 
most humbly recommend this matter to your Excellency. 

I propose leaving this camp for that at Clonmell to morrow. 
I hope to get there in two days (for it is slow travelling in this 
country) and there I must remain some days, having many 
things to arrange, and not having once been able to see the 
troops perform any one thing, from the incessant bad weather 
we had during the two days I was there; after which I shall 
pay my duty to your Excy. at Dublin. 

Something must be thought of to prevent the desertion, and 
some way fallen upon to try to fill up the augmentation, which 
I do not find as successful as I could wish. On both these 
matters I shall be glad to hear your Excellency’s sentiments, and 
receive your commands. 

Fresh disputes and complaints about the 18th Regt. of 
Dragoons, which make me repeat my wish that Major Vyse 
might be sent down during the encampment. 


The EARL or CLANBRASSIL tO THE SAME. 


1778, August 7.  Dundalk.—Was so persuaded of the 
expediency of the Popery Bill, that he had already sent his 
proxy to Lord Clermont before he received his Excellency’s 
letter. 


335 


SIR JOHN IRWINE to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, August 10.  Clonmel.—I am honoured with your 
Excelleney's letter of the 7th and own that I am not much 
pleased with the account of our fleet ; being persuaded that the 
French wil make out a very favourable story for themselves ; 
however I hope we may not hear more disagreeable accounts 
from sea. 

In the arrangement which I had humbly the honour to submit 
to your Excellency I protest I had nothing in view but to prevent 
eonfusion and trouble, both which must now inevitably happen. 
I know nothing of the parties, hardly by sight; but if your Excy. 
had pleased to let the purchase go on in the 80th Regiment, and 
have recommended your nephew for another captain-lieutenantcy 
totally distinct from that, there could have been no confusion, 
nor no one could have been dissatisfied ; whereas now, many will 
be dissatisfied in point of rank, and distressed in point of money, 
and I do not see how the money can be got back which has been 
advanced to Captain Gibbs. Col. Goold (the Commanding officer 
of the Regiment) tells me that the lieutenant and ensign who 
had advanced the money must sell their commissions, and he 
says they are both very deserving officers. 

I propose putting this corps in motion to-morrow as if they 
were going towards an enemy, to teach them what they must 
earry, and, as far as possible to prevent confusion if that event 
was to happen, to accustom them to being moved : I shall march 
in two columns towards a place called Fethard, where we can 
easily draw up: I hope this may be executed without hurry and 
the loss of any of our things. 


THe SAME to THE SAME. 


1778, August 15. Head Quarters, Clonmel.—I should be glad 
to know the sort of intelligence Lord Weymouth has sent your 
Exeelleney with regard to the threats of the enemy against our 
coasts by their privateers, because perhaps it may be necessary 
to make some change in the disposition of our troops. Your 
Excellency does not say whether they are French or American 
privateers. 

I must entreat your Excellency to refuse sending two 
companies from the troops in Ireland to defend the Isle of Man. 
It is true that ever since that Island has been taken from the 
Puke of Atholl, while troops were wanted there, they were sent 
from hence; but it must be considered we did not want troops 
here at that time, and that there were few in England, now that 
we want troops, and that there are so many in England the case 
is far different. Added to what your Excellency was pleased to 
say to Lord Weymouth respecting numbers here, give me leave 
to say that besides what we want to complete, many of those we 
have are not fit to join their regiments, so that of our real 
fighting men our number is very low. If you take them from 


886 


any of the regiments in camp, you will break the regiments 
from whence they shall be taken all to pieces, especially 
their light companies being taken from them, as their 
Grenadiers must also, if we come to have any thing to 
do; and I think they cannot be spared from the present 
garrison of Dublin. Whereas in England they have a 
large body of Militia, and several companies of Invalids, 
who are idle, and can be easily spared from that part of 
England which is as near the Isle of Man as Ireland is. I am 
fully persuaded that the sole reason for applying to your Excy. 
was, because troops formerly went from Ireland to the Isle 
of Man and that upon a proper representation from your 
Excellency (the face of things being so totally changed since 
that was the practice) the idea of it will be dropped on the other 
side of the water. With regard to numbers who join, I had but 
too strong a proof of it the other day, when I drew out this army 
here to perform some manceuvres, and I found the number of 
fighting men infinitely short of the numbers in my returns; 
that is, the men were present, but forced to be turned out of the 
ranks when we began to fire, &c. I shall not be more particu- 
lar on that head now because I hope to have the honour of 
making my bow to your Excy. in eight or ten days’ time, 
when I shall have an opportunity of conversing with your 
Excy. And the less we talk of our weakness the better, except 
to those who must know it. 


The SpanisH Ampassapor [LE Marquis D’ALMapovar] to the 
EARL oF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778. Londres ce 18"* Août.—Expressions of friendship 
towards Lord Buckinghamshire and towards the English 
nation. (F'rench.) 


Lorp TowNsHEND to THE SAME. 


1778, August 21. Portman Square.—-You observe very justly 
that the Ministers when they write only on great official points, 
omit interesting circumstances unconnected with the dispatch. 
I am happy to inform your Excellency that the two hulks are 
sailed with the Field Artillery. One man on board them who is 
to remain is as gallant and as distinguished a man in the Delawar 
as ever dealt in this matter. I shall soon send the light guns— 
which have been cast and perfected since the order came, and 
could not in our vast expenditure be ready before the 1st week of 
next month. . 

The artillery men from Ireland have been instructed by Capt. 
Congreve, an officer of great merit and service in the application 
both of his and Genl. Desagulier’s guns, and the men have been 
very attentive and are very clever. 

I inclose your Excellency what I believe to be very good 
intelligence. It is from a great patriot in opposition, who has 


337 


failed in no information he has given the Houses. It is very 
formidable, and if not defeated, Ireland, I fear, will soon have 
Spain as well as France to look to. 

Our best compliments to Mr. Conolly when you see him. 

(Enclosure.) 

The French Fleet were certainly to sail from Brest, August 
the 20th, 1778. Their force were 38 ships of the line, 28 
frigates, 5 fire ships. Admiral Keppel expected to sail the 20th 
also. 


The Earz or Hentinapon to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, August 21. London.—A letter of introduction to be 
delivered by Col. Murray of the Guards, uncle to the Duke of 
Athole. 

**I hear from every quarter that the prediction I made to 
Lady Buckingham and to everyone else that she would play the 
part of a Queen better than any, 18 fully verified." 


The Fart or HinLsBonRovan to THE SAME. 


1778, August 22. Hill Park.—I think I may now congratulate 
your Excellency upon your having gotten through the longest and 
most difficult Session of Parliament I ever remember in Ireland. 
Your success in it is very much to your own honour, and gives 
very great pleasure to your friends, I am heartily sorry that I 
cannot conveniently go over to Hillsborough this year, to express 
mine to you in person, but I hope your Excellency will give me 
full credit for it, when I assure you I yield to none of them in 
that respect. If however the Militia is to be embodied, I 
apprehend that I must contrive to slip over for a few weeks, for 
as I am Lieutenant cf Downe, I would not wish the Militia of 
that great protestant County should be regulated without me; 
I therefore request the favour of your Excellency to let me know 
your intentions with regard to it, that I may regulate myself 
accordingly. I know Barrington is a constant intelligence to 
you, I therefore do not pretend to send you news, indeed my 
situation hardly enables me to hear any before it may have 
reached the Castle of Dublin. The Duke of Ancaster’s successor 
is not yet named, nor does it that I can learn yet transpire who 
is likely to succeed him. I am going into Staffordshire to visit 
my daughter Charlotte, if therefore your Excellency should 
have leisure to honour me with a line, I pray you to direct at 
John Chetwynd Talbot’s, Esquire, Ingestrie, near Litchfield. 


Lorp TownsHEND to the Lonp LIEUTENANT. 


1778, August 29th. Portman Square.—You observe in one 
of your letters to me, if I do not mistake, that the political 
occurences which do not relate to your department are not con- 
sidered as matters of communication; I know it to be so, and 
have felt the awkwardness of that circumstance when in Ireland, 


17118 Y 





988 


and it is upon this ground alone that I presume to trouble you 
with the inclosed, which is the intelligence of this day. I have 
it from Mr. Agar, who has it from office. It affords a better 
prospect as to our American affairs altho' very bad. Ld. Howe's 
abilities and the confidence of the sailors there may yet do great 
things. 

We may expect in a few days very deciding events from Mr. 
Keppel if the French will meet him again, probably they may 
steer for the Spanish Coast, as they may not be so strong as he 
is, and endeavour à junction with their Toulon ships. 

I hope the hulks with the medium guns will soon arrive in 
Dublin Bay, as they sail'd under convoy from Plymouth, and I 
shall send the light field guns very soon, which I believe are well 
calculated for that service, and the sooner they go the better, as 
I find they now are likely to be in fashion here, General Keppel 
having desired four of them for Coxheath. They shall be 
replaced as soon as possible. 


Duke oF GonpoN to the Earn or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, Sept. 1. Gordon Castle.—1 hope your Lordship will 
excuse me for giving you this trouble—it is at the earnest request 
of Mr. Shaw who is very desirous to have the honour of being 
introduced to your Lordship—he is the person who lately pub- 
lished an analysis of the Galic or Erse language, since which he 
has made & tour thro' the Highlands and Western Islands of 
Seotland in order to pick up materials for a dictionary to which 
is to be added fragments of ancient poetry of Fingal, songs, &c.— 
he is now going to Ireland to collect every thing that may be of 
use to him before his publication and to get as many subscribers 
to this work in that country as he can—if your Lordship will 
honor him with your name as a subscriber I am persuaded it will 
be of the utmost consequence to him, and will be very obliging 
to me—I have taken the liberty to enclose his proposals. 

I have been very busy since I came to this country in recruiting 
and hope very soon to have my regiment compleat as we are now 
about 900 strong.—I hope Lady Buckingham and your Lordship 
enjoy perfect health. I should be really very happy to take a 
trip over with Lady Westmorland to pay my court at the Castle, 
but I am now a kind of a prisoner having the command of part 
of this eoast to watch for the French privateers. 


EARL or ALDBOROUGH to THE SAME. 


1778, October 15. Belan.—(Expostulating with great irritation 
at having been addressed thro’ a third Hand in answer to a 
confidential letter.) | 

" Noblemen will not like being classed with the canaile, or 
‘‘relish letters wrote by clerks in office, or in truth by any but 
. the Person they address," etc., etc. 








889 


Sir JOHN IRWINE to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, October 28. Royal Hospital.—Lieutenant Doughty of 
the 32nd having been returned absent without leave since the 
month of March last, and it having been reported to me by 
Lieutenant-General Cunninghame, as well as by Lieutenant- 
Colonel Fletcher, the Commanding Officer of that regiment (two 
of whose letters on that subject I have already had the honour to 
lay before your Excellency) that though Lieutenant Doughty has 
been repeatedly ordered to his post he has not joined the 
regiment, I therefore think it my duty to represent the same 
to your Excellency and to submit, whether in order to preserve 
discipline, it may not be proper to lay this very extraordinary 
conduct of Lieutenant Doughty before his Majesty. 


Earz oF THANET to THE SAME. 


1778, October 28. Bath.—Has been very bad. Warm thanks 
for kind letter and for remembering him in the midst of 
business. 


Earz or DROGHEDA® to THE SAME. 


1778, November 8. Aix in Provence.—Had obtained leave 
from his Majesty to come abroad for his health. Two winters 
have not been enough to reestablish it, and he has to beg for a 
further extension. 

Though convinced that the business of his Department will 
not suffer in the hands of so able an officer as Mr. Ward, yet he 
is miserable at his enforced absence. 


EARL OF SUFFOLK to THE SAME. 
' (Prirate.) 

1778, Nov. 7. Duke St., Westminster.—(Recommending to 
his notice the Reverend Mr. Champayne, a brother of Lady 
Paget.) | 

It is à mortifying circumstance that we are to meet Parliament 
without having beaten the French tleet in Europe or America! 
But we have been more fortunate in the arrivals of our trade and 
the captures made upon that enemy. I trust however we shall 
not be only commercially successfull hereafter. 


Francis MarrHEW! to THE SAME. 


1778, November 17. Dublin.—A petition in favour of the 
unfortunate Mr. Baker, under sentence of death. Knows that it 
is his Excellency’s established rule to take the report only from 
the Judge, &c., &c. 


* Major-Genera] Charles, Earl of Drogheda, Master-General of Ordnance in Dublin. 
t M.P. for Tipperary, and created Baron Llandaff of Thomastown in 1783. 








340 


EARL oF ALDBOROUGH to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, November 20, Friday noon.—I called at my Lord 
Chancellor’s this morning and his Lordship's opinion is that you 
may at pleasure appoint Governors to Counties in the room of 
others without any criminal process, that it has been done, and 
he would tell your Excellency so, whenever you mentioned the 
affair to him. 

I am the better pleased at this, because it saves me the delay 
and trouble of such process which I had determined upon if 
necessary, for which the affidavits against him in King's Bench 
for disturbing instead of preserving the peace and good order of 
the country and the mandamus's and informations granted 
against him afford sufficient grounds, and as your Excellency 
was pleased to say you approved of me in his room, I shall be 
extremely obliged to you for the appointment soon as may be, 
the officer on whom I called (when I missed finding your 
Excellency either time at home) at the Secretary's office having 
informed me, it is a business quickly done, there being blank 
commissions ready for filling up soon as your Lordship pleased 
to give the orders. 

I believe it will be sufficient to say therein that you have been 
pleased to appoint Edward Earl of Aldborough Governor of the 
County Wicklow in the room of the Hon"* Benjn. O'Neal 
Stratford, and indeed in my application, and your Excellency's 
complying therewith it was understood by me and I believe the 
county in general, that he was only as my locum tenens. 

I shall call at the Secretary’s office to-morrow, when I suppose 
the commission will be made out. 


JOHN HEzy HurcnuiwsoN (Provost), to THE SAME. 


1778, November 29.—I had the honour of your Excellency’s 
Letter, and submit in all things with the most cheerful resigna- 
tion to his Majesty's pleasure. From the obliging expressions 
in your Excellency's letter, from the promise of Sir John 
Heron that his Majesty shou'd be acquainted with the constant 
support which I had given to the measures of Government 
during the last session, and from your Excelleney's kind 
acceptance of my services at the conclusion of it, I must flatter 
myself that I have not, thro' any fault of mine, been depriv'd 
of the favour which I have had the honour of receiving from 
your Excellency. 

I have, my Lord, unconnected with any party in many 
different administrations and in many different conjunctures, 
steadily and uniformly supported the measures of his Majesty's 
Government in this country during the whole course of his 
reign, and I am happy in the hopes that, under the administra- 
tion of Lord Buckingham, the countenance and support of 
Government will not be withdrawn from an old and faithful 
servant of the King. 





841 


Ricup. Owen CAMBRIDGE to the Earz or BuckrNanaM- 
SHIRE. 


1778, Dec. 8.  Twiekenham.— I rejoice to hear Lady 
Buckinghamshire is arrived well. I do not forget that your 
Lordship required of me, at parting, that I should give you a 
letter when there was anything to be said from hence. It is a 
very strange thing that the whole of this summer should have 
past in expectation, and not one event should have happen'd to 
decide on any councils, but a long state of sameness should leave 
us stil in the same anxiety. The proof of this is the King's 
speech. I am of opinion that could we sleep away the winter, as 
we have the summer, we must gain our point, for America can 
neither hold out with ability or unanimity without some event of 
éclat in its favour or such as may be held out to the deluded 
people as seeming so. That we are not in the best state of 
ability is certain, but comparatively with America or even France 
we are certainly best able. Great honor is done to your friend 
Stanley in that admirable piece of ridicule ‘ the Anticipation,’ by 
giving him a speech 80 true, 80 argumentative and yet so short, 
by merely showing that France is quite at a stand; and however 
some people in Holland may be troublesome, I am assured the 
Duteh will not lend France & penny. 

Your Lordship gave me another thing in charge :—to watch 
the Navigation and by no means to relax in what we have 
obtained by the clause in the Act to have no horses. I have 
never used your Lordship's name but firmly taken on my self to 
refuse them, proving that it would be the inevitable ruin of our 
much admired walk and, besides that the banks which are not 
secured by wood work are continually worn away by the last 
hindmost horse, it is confest there can be no way found to 
prevent its being the common and crowded ride of the whole 
country. Whatever I have said to prevent horses here I have 
never proposed (to save our side) to send 'em over to the t'other, 
but to go on still with men. The Committee of Navigation 
determine to have horses and to embank on the other side, 
offering at their own expense to raise the gardens so that they 
may overlook and not be overlook'd by the towing path beneath, 
and to pass the Duke of Montagu's by a long line, and at the 
end of his garden change horses, and ballast the river to go on 
that side. I have nothing to do with this, but the Richmond 
people have been moving to throw it on us, and even offer'd to 
let the horses pass the bridge toll free. They have made parties 
in the town and declared to the Committee they were sure of 
gaining your Lordship's consent. I suppose they mean to 
importune Mr. Hobart, who will hardly throw an evil (if it was 
one) from Richmond upon Marble Hill, especially as he knows it 
would be of no avail without my consent. I am afraid I have 
been long, but I was willing your Lordship should not have an 
imperfect account of this, or any affair: and now to be short, I 
recommend your Lordship to write to me that you hear there 
are who wish to ask your Lordship a very unreasonable request 


842 


which you cannot grant: and if this be done soon it may prevent 
a great deal of trouble, which I have but just learnt has been 
brewing a great while, though the Committee assured them they 
will make so handsome a terrass walk without their gardens, 
that the people of Richmond shall be gainers of a walk on their 
side without spoiling their walk on this, and the Duke of Montagu 
assures me he dreads to have it on this side, and has no objection 
to the way proposed, and Lady Cooper acquiesces for her terrass 
which is to be widen'd for the path. I have taken the liberty to 
write to your Lordship with the freedom and shortness of business, 
and shall receive the shortest line from your Lordship with due 
acknowledgement. 


GENERAL R. Pearson to the EaArL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1778, Dec. 4. Southampton.—Communicating to him his 
appointment to the command of the 18th Regt. of Dragoons, a 
mark of the King’s approbation “ to the commander of the Camp 
at Warley." Some further personal honours which have been 
paid him are reported in the Morning Post of October 26, 1778 
(here also related). 


SIR JOHN IRWINE to THE SAME. 


1778, December 29. Royal Hospital.—I am much concerned 
to find from Mr. Hamilton's letter of the 27th that some expression 
in mine of the 26th to your Excellency had given you offence, 
which I most assuredly did not, nor certainly could not, mean, 
otherwise than so far as 1 had the misfortune to differ in my 
opinion of the measure from your Excellency and as my protest 
against it. 

I heg leave to assure your Excellency, and I hope you are per- 
suaded, that there is no person more desirous upon every occasion 
to shew every respect to your Excy., and (I repeat it once more) 
a ready obedience to your commands, than I. 


Account OF TAKING ST. Lucia? 


1778.—On the 9th of December Commodore Hotham with the 
troops arrived at Barbadoes, joined Admiral Barrington and 
sailed the 12th for St. Lucia, landed the troops the 14th on that 
island. D’Estaing appeared with 10 sail of the Line and a 
number of Frigates, having 5,000 men on board, landed them, 
attacked the British troops in their entrenchments on the 18th 
in three columns, the 1st led by himself, the 2nd by Count de 
Bonillé were received on the point of the bayonet and repulsed 
with the loss of 405 killed and 900 wounded. About 140 British 
killed and wounded. Attempted to attack the Fleet without 
success, sailed with all his force for Martinique the 29th, leaving 
the English in possession of the Island, which capitulated in 


* The source of this account is not given. 








848 


sight of the French fleet. It is supposed this sudden movement 
was occasioned by intelligence of Admiral Byron's squadron 
approaching. Brigadier Meadows slightly wounded in the arm. 


Earz or BuckrNaHaAMsHIRE to Lorp GEORGE GERMAIN. 


1779, Jan. 4.—Is unable to satisfy Ld. Carlow as to an appli- 
cation he has made for a particular living for his son. 


THE SAME to THE DAME. 

(Private.) 

1779, Jan. 14. Dublin Castle.—-In the last letters which I 
received from Sir Rd. Heron previous to Lord North's leaving 
London, he gave me reason to hope that there was was an inten- 
tion of relieving Ireland from the expense of the three thousand 
men upon this establishment now serving abroad, and one of 
His Lordship's Cabinet has communicated it as a matter deter- 
min'd to our Attorney General. I should rather think this 
information premature, as Lord North would scarcely absolutely 
decide upon a measure of such moment without in some degree 
consulting the other servants of the Crown. There is nothing 
new to offer upon the State of this Kingdom, the whole has been 
represented in the fullest and fairest light, that those who have 
the eare of the whole Empire may determine upon such regula- 
tions as, consistent with the general good, may be adopted for 
this detach'd part. 

It is said that the friends of the Agar family express their 
dissatisfaction upon the promotion of Dr. Fowler? with a warmth 
bordering upon resentment. Yet it appears to me that the 
favors of Government have rather been lavish'd upon them. The 
Bishop of Cloyne, discontented as he may be, is morally sure of 
being recommended to the Archbishoprick of Cashell,t Lord 
Clifden { has just been created a Peer and is a Commissioner of 
the Revenue. As he sold his seats in Parliament he has no 
influence in the House of Commons, and I should suppose that 
Mr. Ellys holding a Capital Office in England is not intitled to 
advance claims here. He had however weight sufficient at 
Westminster to prevent the removal of the Dublin Custom 
House, which evidently, besides great inconvenience to trade, 
loses many thousand pounds to the Revenue. Iu this and in 
some other instances English Ministers are most amazingly 
mistaken with respect to the consequence of individuals here. 

The Roman Catholieks are in the highest good humor, the 
outrageous and illiberal conduct of the American Congress has 
greatly cool’d the ardour of many of their reputed friends in 
Ireland, and upon the fullest enquiry I am realy of opinion that 
the country has at no period been in general better dispos'd. 


* Dr. Fowler, Bishop of Killaloe, was made Archbishop of Dublin in December, 
1778. . 
+The Right Rev. Charles Agar, Bishop of Cloyne, was made Archbishop of 
Casbell, in August, 1779. 

t James Agar was created Baron Clifden (in Kilkenny), July, 1776. 


344 


They will struggle with any difficultys they find themselves equal 
to, but the wisdom of England must cautiously prevent those 
difficultyes from increasing beyond their strength. 

In a letter from Mr. Jenkinson he mentions the improbability 
of any further indulgence being given to the Irish trade. I do 
not deem myself competent to decide upon the species of indul- 
gence which England should hold out to this kingdom; yet 
something should necessarily be done and that with little delay. 


BisHor or Norwicx® to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1779, Feb. 2. London.—Must trouble his Excellency with a 
few lines relative to a person who by his many and great faults 
has render’d his family (I fear not render’d himself) very 
unhappy. I allude to Mr. Greene, the chancel of whose church 
Hunworth or Stody, has been entirely demolish’d by the high 
wind on the 1st of January. It has been represented to me that 
the maintenance of five children depends upon the receipts from 
these livings, and I am requested to permit his manager to wall 
up the east end of the chancel instead of rebuilding it, so as to 
leave convenient room for the communion table. And I am so 
well satisfied with the reasonableness of the request, considering 
the great distress of the poor children, that I am very ready to 
comply with it if it meets with your Excellency's approbation. 


EanL oF ALDBOROUGH to THE SAME. 


1779, Feb. 12. Nassau Street.—Mr. Saunders has chearfully 
taken the office of Sheriff upon him this year to accommodate your 
Excellency, tho’ very injurious to his affairs to be detained a 
second year from England. The last year he was prevented from 
going by his successful endeavours to suppress at the risque of 
his life civil disturbances and by a villainous prosecution against 
him for murder, which he purposely put off for two assizes, he 
was most honourably acquitted of, and I believe there are few 
gentlemen in the Queen’s County and other neighbouring ones, 
who do not in a great measure owe the peaceable possession of 
their estates to his spirited yet temperate conduct against those 
outlawed pests of society. I hope your Lordship will agree with 
me that his troubles, crosses and great losses on those occasions 
merit your Excellency’s good opinion and the notice of his 
Majesty. I had applied to your Lordship formerly to confer an 
honour upon him. My applications to your Excellency have not 
been of a pecuniary or mercenary nature, attended with no 
expense to Government but as rewards to merit and the well-wishers 
to administration. His paternal ancestry have had many orders 
of chivalry both among the Morleys and Saunders and enobled 
maternally. He has made the Tour of Europe as extensively 
and with as much reputation as any young gentleman ever did, 
as our Ambassadors in Italy and France can testify, and, if 





* Philip Yonge (or Young), Bishop of Norwich. 1761-1788. - i 





845 


not thus detained, he had e'er now in all probability have been 
allyed to a young lady of most amiable accomplishments, ample 
fortune, and very good connections as most in Great Britain. 
She is still unmarried, and I wish to repay her constancy by pro- 
curing what both so well merit, a Peerage. I have therefore to 
request that among such Commoners as your Excellency may 
think fit hereafter to recommend to his Majesty to be so 
distinguished that my nephew Morley Saunders, of Saunders 
Grove, in the County of Wicklow, may be one by the stile and 
title of Baron Roscommon. 


EaRL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to LorD GEORGE GERMAIN. 

(Private.) 

1779, Feb. 15. Dublin Castle.—Many thanks for the good 
news contained in your Lordship's Letter of the 10th. 

The numbers of the associated companys greatly exceed my 
expectation, they have grown up insensibly, but none of the 
servants of the Crown seem to think them dangerous. 

Upon the rumor oi the Provincial Regiments many Gentlemen 
daily offer to raise corps to form them, but I doubt they would 
not chose foreign service. Most of those gentlemen belong to 
the companys above mentioned. 

I keep the packet waiting just in three words to repeat, that 
any plan his Majesty adopts for the raising men shall be pushd 
to the utmost. 


THE SAME to THE SAME. 


1779, Feb. 15. Dublin Castle.—(The bearer of these letters is 
from the African coast, sent by Mr. Lacy, who solicits some 
advance for him in consequence of the deaths in that country. 
He has experienced many hardships.) I am distrest beyond 
measure for Church preferment, which must at present plead my 
excuse to Lord Carlow. 


Lorp CHANCELLOR (Lirronp) to the EanL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1779, Thursday 18. Chancery Chamber.—The Chancellor 
presents his best respects to His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant. 
Has been much out of order for some days, and tho' he sat 
all day yesterday and to-day in the Court of Chancery, he 
is not well enough to dine at a full table and in company 
to-day, and hopes that his Excellency will permit him to beg 
his Excellency’s permission to eat a chicken at home. Begs 
leave to mention to him a matter that he should have men- 
tioned if he had seen his Excellency before dinner, viz:— 
There was presented to him for the Great Seal the grant of the 
Deanery of Cork and the presentations to two livings to Mr. 
Erskine. One of the livings is the present of the Crown in pleno 
jure, the other is the gift of the Crown as vacant by the advance- 
ment of the last incumbent to the Bishoprick of Killaloe. I 


346 


inquired whether Mr. Erskine had compleatly got rid of his 
English preferments, but could receive no answer or satisfaction. 
The Chancellor therefore thought fit to suspend putting the Great 
Seal to these instruments, for that by a Statute of this Kingdom 
of the 17th and 18th C. IL, the Deanery and the livings 
would be vacant in case Mr. Erskine at the time had spiritual 
preferment in England. This happened in the case of the pre- 
sent Bishop of Kilmore? who had not surrendered his livings in 
England at the time his patent for the Bishoprick passed the 
Seal, and he was obliged afterwards to have a new patent when 
he had his English preferment. In the present case there is 
something more, for this Act says that upon a presentation 
becoming so void the true and real patron may present, as if the 
person so presented having at the time English preferment had 
resign'd or had dyed. 

Now possibly under this part of the Statute your Excellency 
might lose the presentation and the patron possibly would say 
the Crown's turn, by making the incumbent a Bishop, has been 
gerved by the presentation of Mr. E. which is become void, and 
I am now to present as if the person presented by the Crown 
had resigned or had dyed. 

The Chancellor was willing to communicate this to his 
Excellency, and therefore troubles him with this long scrawl. 


J. M. Heywoop to the Ear, or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1779, Feb. 27. Grosvenor Street.—As Sir Francis Drake is 
going to write to your Lordship on the subjects of the fishery in 
the River Tavy and his dispute with Mr. Short, I trouble you 
with a few lines just to say what passed between the latter and 
myself the last time I saw him, which may serve to show you his 
sentiments, may point out to you in what manner to act and 
prevent any misrepresentation of the facts. Last spring Mr. 
Short enter’d into an association with several of the lowest people 
of the Parish of Beer who were so indefatigable in this lucrative 
pursuit that they not only alarm'd Sir Francis Drake by 
prejudicing his fishery, but by employing a number of people 
took very unfair advantages over my tenant, who had agreed with 
them for the sake of peace and quietness to fish alternately, viz., 
three days in the week each. In the autumn I spoke to Mr. 
Short on the subject, in the hopes of settling the matter so as to 
prevent all disputes and asked him if Sir Francis had not forbid 
his fishing, and if he fished in your Lordship's right or as Rector 
of Beer. His answer I confess astonished me. He said '' that you 
had no exclusive right, that it did not signify by what rights he 
fished, i& was by the same right which his predecessors had 
exercised." These words he more than once repeated. It is of 
little consequence to me whether the rights of fishery on your 
side the river is reserved in your Lordship's family or granted 


-— — oe ee —— — —À———— 








* Dr. George Lewis Jones. 








847 


by lease to Sir Francis; but was I even less interested than I am 
in this business, I cannot refrain from informing you of any- 
thing which may materially concern your property in that 
neighbourhood. . 


"QuAKER TREFFRY to Parson SHoRT." 


2d day, morning. Beer.—Roger Treffry’s respects to his friend 
Short, and as he hath been informed by John Harris that he is 
ordered to level a heap of earth on the green, that I have cast up 
on my right, I think it necessary to say it hath been a matter of 
surprise that the Earl of Bucks. or any person under him should 
give away them pollard trees which grew on that part of the 
green, but as they were given to the poor and done perhaps thro’ 
inadvertency I do not much regard it; but I claim both soil and 
trees from the Parish Steble to the Water as an appurtenance 
belonging to my estate and as much my right as either field 
thereon which I can prove without a doubt. 

If thou hast any desire to have it removed to please thy eye, as 
soon as I have leisure I intend to do it, but must beg no other 
person may meddle with it. 


Earz or HrinnsBoRovucH to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1779, March 4. London.—I know not how to express my 
sense of your Excellency's kindness to me. The matter of what 
is in agitation is trifling, but the manner of your granting my 
request is infinitely pleasing and obliging to me. The contents 
of Mr. Meredyth’s letter adds if possible to this. I pray your 
Excellency to let Mr. John Marshall be appointed to the hearth 
money collection of Hillsborough, and I will be answerable for 
his conduct. He will give ample and indisputable security, and 
is a Very proper person in every respect, and will answer all my 
wishes. 

The latter part of your Excellency’s letter, in which you 
mention in the most obliging manner my entering again into 
public business, is founded I imagine only upon reports, for I have 
heard nothing otherwise about it. I am sorry to tell you that 
matters hobble on but unpleasantly, and yet nothing is more to 
be feared than the breaking up of the present Administration, 
for there is not anything half so good to replace it. I therefore 
do most heartily wish itscontinuance. Poor Lord Suffolk is gone 
extremely ill to Bath, most people think not to return. Should 
this be the case he will be a very great loss, but I think his youth 
gives him a chance of recovery. Various conjectures have been 
thrown out of a successor, your Excellency, Lord Rochford, Lord 
Sandwich and myself have been mentioned, but I believe without 
any foundation. I have made my letter a little longer than 
- usual because Barrington, who I know sends your Excellency all 
the news, is gone out of town. 


948 


Sir JoHN IRWINE to the Ear. or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1779, March 10. Jermyn Street.—I return your Excellency 
many thanks for the honour of yours of the third instant, but 
should not have troubled you with a letter which can give your 
Excellency no entertainment had it not been for the death of 
Captain Graham, of the Athol Highlanders, who died at Naples, 
whither he went for the recovery of his health on the 81st of 
January last. The Duke of Athol and Colonel Murray have been 
with me to desire I would recommend to your Excellency Captain 
Lieutenant James Menzies for the Company ; the eldest Lieutenant, 
Charles Murray, for the Captain-Lieutenantcy ; the eldest Ensign, 
John Mackay,to be Lieutenant ; and Volunteer Thomas MePhail 
to be Ensign. The peculiar circumstances of that regiment, 
especially with respect to the language spoke in it, induces me to 
hope that your Excy. will comply with the requests of the Duke 
of Athol and Col. Murray. 

Mr. Hobart, knowing I was to have the honour to write to 
your Excellency, has desired me to mention that to-night on a 
motion of Lord Newhaven’s (after a division of 47 to 42) leave 
is given to bring in a bill for permitting the importation of sugar 
into Ireland. J need not mention that Mr. Hobart was in the 
majority. I was not in the division ; Mr. Stuart McKensie and I 
being both engaged to dinner, with Lord Newhaven's leave, went 
off together. 

I most sincerely condole with your Excy. on the loss of our 
friend, poor Lord Suffolk, though his death was fortunate for 
him, as he was in a miserable way. Two or three people (Lord 
Carlisle, Lord Hillsborough, Lord Stormount and Lord Rochford) 
are talked of to be his successor, but nothing is yet fixed. The 
Duke of Beaufort had an audience to-day, and as is believed 
asked for the Garter. I never saw Lady Buckingham look better. 

P.S. My stay here must be some days longer than I 
proposed, as a question or two of some importance will come on 
in the House of Commons.® 


COUNTESS OF KILDARE tO THE SAME. 


1779, March 25.—Your reasons for disencumbering this poor 
Nation of adding or renewing pensions I must applaud, tho’ 
unsuccessful in my appheation in regard of my neice Lady 
Burdett’s children, and her small pension the chief support of 
them, and dyeing with her. They and their father have lived 
since I may say upon charity, by donations of money from their 
relations both of Sir William Burdett and hers ; yet their distress 
is such as Sir William is under the necessity of disposing of some 
moveables to provide food for the family as alsoe clothing to pre- 
vent starving with hunger and cold. I beg pardon for trobling 
your Excellencie with these particulars of their misery, but in 
hopes to move your pitty to these wretched infants, and from 


—— _ —— -——— — — — —— — —— — — — — — — 


* Sir John Irwine was M.P. for E. Gr instead 











349 


your benevolence grant their father some small employ that 
might prevent them all from perishing. I don't mean a place of 
trust of money ; Board of Works or any not unbecoming a gentle- 
man to execute. If Lady Buckingham was here I shou'd hope 
for her suporting this request by her influence with your 
Excellencie, but as I can have no prospect of that protection, I 
venture, and flatter myself you will excuse this, which nothing 
but the daily scenes of indigence I am, and have long been, too 
well acquainted with, cou'd have prevail'd with me to trouble 
your Excellencie with the deplorable case, anid from whose eom- 
passionat tender feelings I depend that I have not laid it before 
you in vain. 


EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to LoRD GEORGE GERMAIN. 

(Prirate.) 

1779, March 81, Dublin Castle.—The intelligence of our most 
brilliant successes as well in the East as in the West Indies has 
give me a long inexperienced flow of spirits. But Lord Suffolk's 
death both in a publick and in a private light is a thorn in my 
pillow which will not easily be removed. 

The mode in which the measures favourable to Ireland have 
been press'd in Parliament has been equaly injudicious and 
improper; till Lord North had expressly signifyd that nothing 
should be done, the specifick propositions ought to have been 
submitted to him. I cannot but be persuaded of its being 
unnecessary to declare that Lord Newhaven's taking such & lead 
has neither been directly or indirectly encouraged by me. Your 
Lordship well knows that my wish has been uniformly that 
English Government should form their determination upon the 
state which it was my duty fairly and fully to exhibit. The 
relieving Ireland from the expense of the troops serving abroad 
is à concession of the first magnitude and of the most immediate 
operation, a lottery sub modo will also mitigate the usurious con- 
tracts, without which otherwise our money could not be obtain'd, 
the separation of the Post Office, if England sets the example of 
abolishing the privilege of franking, may become a material 
article of revenue, and if the indulgence of exporting cottons and 
linnens mix'd was added to these, all complainings and additional 
requisitions may be deemed most unreasonable. 

A most painfull reflection too frequently occurs to me that my 
Administration should exist at a period when of all others 
England was the most oppressed with difficultys, which this 
country instead of relieving was necessarily oblig’d to increase. 
The most my best endeavors can expect is a mitigation of general 
censure and that the very few candid will give me credit for 
diffieultys which they have not leisure to investigate. You will 
deem me, however, the vainest of men for declaring that in my 
own deliberate, let me hope, dispassionate judgment, events have 
not hitherto led me to wish to have held a different line of con- 
duct. When the days of tranquillity return vou shall indulge me 
in expatiating a little upon that subject. 


950 


As some of my letters to Sir H. Clinton have miscarry'd you 
will forgive my requesting that directions may be given for trans- 
mitting the inclosed. 

Lady Buckingham expresses her being particularly happy in 
Lady Crosby's society. 


Eanr oF HinnsBonRovaGH to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1779, April 26. Hanover Square.—I have been so furiously 
attacked by a cold and sore throat that I have not been able to 
hold my head down long enough to write a letter for these ten 
days. This has prevented my paying my duty to your Excellency, 
and returning you my thanks for 1ny Hillsborough hearthmoney 
collection, which is, 1 presume, by this time in possession of Mr. 
John Marshall. 

You will laugh, and yet I am sure be sorry to hear that our 
friend Barrington has got a smart fit of the gout. I fancy he 
swears & little, but our respective complaints keep us asunder. 
Your Excellency will expect to hear from me who is to be Secretary 
of State. And perhaps you will be surprized when I assure you 
I know nothing of the matter. I have put my mark under (me) 
because for ten or twelve days past everybody seemed to agree it 
would be offered to me. My private opinion and indeed hope has 
been, and still is, that it will not come to me. I say my hope, 
because I think I should be weak enough to accept it, tho’ 
indubitably much happyer as I am, ‘ Armis Herculis ad Postem 
firis, when I quitted the Colonies. So much for me and 
Secretary of State. I do assure you my dear Lord, I have most 
cordially and actively obeyed your Excellency, in stating the 
deplorable condition of poor Ireland, and soliciting relief. The 
payment of the troops is all that could be got. My patience is 
severely tried by those two foolish Bills, the Tobacco and the 
Stamp. The first is an insult to the misery of that country, the 
other an Irish Relief indeed! By way of support, a Bounty 
totally to destroy the small remains of sailcloth and the cordage 
manufactures. All this I represented to our friend, Nugent, but 
your Excellency knows he abounds considerably more in wit and 
obstinacy than in prudence and judgment. I shall not be 
surprized if these two encouragements should produce a good deal 
of clamour on your side. Upon the motion made by Lord Bristol 
the other day to remove Lord Sandwich, Lord Lyttleton and 
Lord Pembroke voted with the minority, and the first made a 
furious anti-ministerial speech. I am told Lord Stormount (sic) 
spoke very well indeed; this is the second time he has dis- 
tinguished himself this sessions. 

We are under apprehensions about the Ramillies 74 Gun Ship 
of War, and news from the West Indies is impatiently expected. 
I have this instant got a note from Barrington to tell me he has 
the gout in the other foot. What a rich fellow he will be. 1 
have been so long confined that I do not know whether Lady 
Buckingham is with you; if she is I beg your Excellency will 
present my most respectfull compliments to her. 





951 


Lorp CHANCELLOR (Lirronp) to Mr. Warre.® 


1779, May.—lllness will prevent me from attending his 
Excellency's levée. 

I don’t wonder that the people of England grow serious 
about the foolish and mad associations here. I am sure they 
make me very uneasy, as I am sure that they must if they have 
any effect work to the prejudice of this country, especially if 
seriously taken up on the other side of the water. 


Lorp BARRINGTON to the EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1779, May 17. Cavendish Square.—In your letter of the 7th 
instant you bid me account for Mr. Rigby’s conduct in the House 
of Commons and for the disagreements which appear in Parlia- 
ment among the Ministers now in office, etc. I am ever desirous, 
my dear friend, to assist your wishes; but in truth I know 
nothing but what meets the eye in the political world. No wonder, 
however, that an Administration which has no system, no 
steadiness and little concert should appear sometimes to 
differ. I am apt to believe the Bloomsbury’s are in no plot, and 
have no object but to keep what they possess. I am told Lord 
North and Lord George Germain managed the debate to which 
you allude so unfortunately, that even their warmest and best 
friends supported them with great reluctance, and openly blamed 
their conduct. Happily for the Ministry the opposition is so 
universally detested and feared, that they find a support in the 
nation to which they are not entitled but from comparison. 

I am happy to read in one of your letters that your subjects in 
Ireland are growing more moderate. I really cannot blame their 
associations. The English nation and it’s Parliament wish to 
assist the Irish trade, both from policy and gratitude; but are 
prevented by the clamours raised by local manufactories. Are 
such monopolists entitled to any favour from a nation which they 
oppress? I hope next Session of Parliament the right thing will 
be done in spight of clamour. Lord Nugent has been very 
absurd, and has carry’d thro’ the Houses two Bills which can 
neither benefit or quiet the country where he is a candidate for 
popularity. 

There are some ugly rumours about our fleet in the West 
Indies, but void of all foundation. 

Sir James Wallace with a 50 gunship and two small ships of 
war follow’d to Cancalle Bay the sea-force which attack’d Jersey. 
He silenced a battery on shore, took a fine frigate of 84 guns, 
destroy’d two other frigates and a sloop, in short, as I am told, 
everything which he found there; and this in spight of the 
French artillery and many thousand troops under arms who were 
near spectators. 


* Probably Thomas Waite, appointed a Privy Councillor in Ireland, 1777, 





952 


The Spanish AwBassanor (M. LE Marquis D'ÁLMODOYAR) 
to the EaRL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1779, May 29. Londres.—Taking the liberty of sending him 
some specimens of Spanish wine which are much appreciated 
here, and acknowledging with gratitude ‘‘ deux pièces d' Irlande" 
sent him by the Viceroy. 


EanRL oF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lorp GEORGE GERMAIN. 


1779, June 28. Dublin Castle.—Your Irish friends flatter 
themselves that the report of your indisposition is not founded. 

Your Lordship must know of the Order, receiv'd here yesterday, 
to encamp the Army immediately, and you cannot be a stranger 
to the inability of our Treasury to answer the consequential 
expence. The notifieation of His Majesty's pleasure to augment 
the staff came at the same time, and I fear the very material 
additional charge which in the course of a twelvemonth has been 
introduc'd under that head, will occasion great dissatisfaction, 
and very unpleasing Parliamentary animadversion, especially as 
we have only two regiments of infantry more than we had under 
the old staff (July the Ist). Iwas interrupted here and have not 
had leisure to continue till now when I am to express my 
partieular thanks for two letters since receiv'd, the latter of 
which gave me as much pleasure in reading as your Lordship 
seems to have experienc’d from the circumstance upon which it 
treats. The military gentlemen are tearing me to pieces for the 
money which they know I have not, and the appearance of their 
embracing too many ideas at once concerns me. A large sum 
ought to be remitted from England, or no defence can be made. 
Proposals for raising corps crowd in upon me from every side, 
which, very, very few instances excepted, are dictated by idea’s 
of military rank, county influence, or emolument. The same 
publiek spirit in no degree prevails in this kingdom, which so 
generaly pervades England, that of contributing uncompelled to 
the exigencys of the State. Yet candor should allow that this 
possibly may proceed from a circumstance which influences dis- 
agreeably in many instances, that excess of expense which, in 
Ireland, distresses every order of men. This, however, cannot 
apply to the great absentee proprietors who, I understand, are 
alarmed at a rumour of my having submitted to the Cabinet an 
idea of taxing them. Their not offering at this moment in some 
shape or other to assist a country where they possess such valu- 
able stake's is certainly impolitick. I have nothing material to 
mention which you will not see in my official dispatches, except 
that since my last to Ld. Weymouth, fresh assurances have been 
given by several principal Roman Catholicks of their attachment 
to His Majesty and their cordial disposition, if call’d upon, 
actively to assist him. Your Lordship's account of His Majesty's 
late deportment in the Cabinet was most gratefull to me, tho' 
the communications with which he has occasionally honor'd me, 
left me no doubt of the extent of his ability's. 











858 


This letter, which was begun on the 28th of June, is concluded 
the 4th of July, you will conceive that the interruptions have 
been oceasion'd by business and that, possibly, the business was 
not of & most agreeable cast. 


Joan Tomutnson to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1779, July 9. Cley.—(Concerning an offer made to Mr. Weg 
for the purchase of his estate for £900.) He is not inclin'd to 
take less than £1,000 for it, tho' I have represented the increased 
difference between money and land since the offer was made. 
However his distresses are not less than they were, and Mr. 
Copeman has promis'd to continue the mortgage for a larger 
period (upon his own account, I understand from Mr. Gay, if 
inconvenient to your Lordship). (Reports the death of a Major 

acy.) | 

The part Spain has taken has made us not only extremely 
anxious for the safety of your Lordship’s Kingdom of Ireland, but 
even pro Aris et Focis in Norfolk, where you may possibly be 
surpris'd to hear of no small apprehensions of an invasion from 
a privateer'’s crew at least, and tho’ Parliament seems averse to 
increasing the militia by ballot, yet I verily believe some 
volunteer corps will be rais’d at the Assizes. 

While the Bill was depending Mr. Coke went over to Lord 
Orford at the Camp at Alborough in Suffolk to offer his service, 
if an additional Battalion was rais’d, or if not, to ask permission 
to raise some few companies among his friends; and mentioned 
Sir E. Astley’s and Sir Harbord’s intentions of serving, but yet 
steer'd clear of offering to serve under his Lordship's immediate 
command, as at least he may be said to be military mad, so 
much so that Mr. Coke is extremely fearfull that his brother, and 
Mr. Bulwer, that his son, may be brought into some danger or 
disagreable situation by his Lordship's attacking the Smuglers, 
against whom he vows vengeance for their resistance last year. 
As & proof of his Lordship's not being in his sober senses he 
wants to promote Capt. Alderman Gobbet to the Majority in ease 
i& should be vacant either by Col. Barker's being broke by an 
intended Court Martial, or by Mr. Windham's resignation on 
account of health, which, however, is 80 far re-establish'd as to be 
thought quite out of danger, tho' he cannot join the corps this 
summer. 

Lord de Ferrers also wants to havethe command of a Battalion 
or indeed any less body distinct from Lord Orford's commands. 

I came down early this summer to fix my sisters at Yarmouth 
and on my farming matters, by which means I was at the Norwich 
Guild. Sir Harbord made his entry into the country that day, 
but did not appear to be received with great applause by the 
court, and will be less so by the vulgar on account of the 
inclosure of free Mousehold Heath, which is now depending, and 
at a meeting on which account Mr. Lens was wounded by a brick 
bat and others discomfited, which has produc’d certain warrants 
and actions that will not much increase his popularity ; and it is 


17118 Z 


854 


the general opinion that if he represents Norwich again it 
must he by Mr. Bacon’s good offices and the desire of preserving 
the peace of the city. There is also an opinion that Bacon will 
join young Ives, but that I can scarce think will be the case. 
There are certain Gregs® of the name of Day very strenuous for 
Mr. Hobart’s offering himself, but in these times unanimity is 
much to be wish’d for. Exclusive of foreign enemies we aremuch 
distress'd here and thro’ England in general by the poverty of 
our farmers and what they call the low price of things. The fact 
is I cannot let my farm now in hand to its value and therefore 
seem likely to hold it another year, and unfortunately my great 
farm comes out of lease at Mich* 1780, for which I have not yet 
been bid near its value, so that event which I have been longing 
for with so much ardor may now happen too soon. 

Our farmers cannot sell any sheep at the fairs, and unless the 
late fine rains ensure a good turnip crop, I do not know how they 
can keep them, for the drought has been so great in these parts 
that they lately ask’d £5 for a waggon load of new hay. At the 
same time that I feel and lament these unfortunate circumstances, 
yet the mentioning them may be some consolation to those under 
your Lordship’s Government that know only their own grievances, 
which seem to spread too rapidly over the whole empire. 

The Assizes on the 26th will certainly produce some resolutions 
about increasing the Militia or forming companies in the different 
districts. I shall then do myself the honour of communicating 
them. 


CHARLES JENKINSON to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 
(Private.) 


1779, July 17. London.—Has this day spoken to Lord Hertford 
desiring that no step may be taken to bring forward a measure 
which you say in the present moment would lay you under 
difficulties. 


Str JOHN IRWINE to the Earn or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1779, Aug. 7. Head Quarters, Ardfinnan Camp.—I had the 
honour to receive your Excellency’s letter whilst I was on the 
road to Corke. Ever since, I have been in such constant motion, 
and so taken up with business that I have not been able to 
return your Excy. my humble thanks for it. 

With all submission to your Excy., give me leave to say, that 
if Colonel Sandford, or whoever your Excy. destined for the 
place of Inspector of recruits, meant to make it a sinecure your 
Excy. would do perfectly right to suppress that employment, but 
as such an officer is at this time more necessary than ever, I 
sincerely hope your Excy. will reconsider that matter ; for now 
that we expect the gentlemen of the country will raise men for 
us, it will be very proper those men should be inspected, and at 








* See Mr. Harbord to the Earl of Bucks., p. 249, March 28, 1761. 











355 


this time no General or field officer can be spared to attend such 
a duty. My intention therefore was to propose to your Excy. the 
establishing the Inspector at some particular place, where he 
should examine all the recruits, somewhere between this and 
Corke, by which he might see the recruits for the army uear that 
city as well as this encamped here. I therefore beseech your 
Excy. to once more think of this affair. 

With respect to the post of Constable of Carrickfergus I have 
less to say; I only take the liberty to observe that though the 
late Colonel Browne was the first who enjoyed that place, and 
therefore it may be said to be created for him, yet it was not 
intended the place should be put an end to with his life; for if 
your Excy. will please to consider there is not a Prince in Europe 
who has 80 few favours of that nature to give away to old and 
deserving officers as the King our Master has, and which he has 
often regretted, which I confess makes me wish that your Excy. 
would not suppress that post. 

I will not take up more of your Excy.'s time at present than to 
tell you that we have a great many sick in this Camp, which 
makes me earnest to have some better way of taking care of them 
than we at present have, which can only be done by establishing 
a general hospital for that purpose. 


Sir JOHN IRWINE to the Eart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1779, Aug. 15. Ardfinnan Camp.—I had the honour this day 
to receive your Excellency's letter of the 18th. If the united fleets 
are entering the channel I take for granted we shall soon hear of 
an action, and that the consequence of it will decide whether we 
shall or shall not be invaded. 

His Majesty having determined as to the late Col. Browne's 
employments, it is unnecessary to say any thing on that subject. 
I lament very much that such a number of recruiting parties are 
sent over to this country, when we have so great occasion for 
men to defend ourselves ; perhaps if your Excy. would be pleased 
to represent this matter to his Majesty it might be put a stop to, 
or at least restrained in some degree, or they might send us over 
some reeruits from thence, which method I should like best of all. 
I can assure your Excy. the gentlemen of the country with whom 
I have conversed complain very bitterly of England for this very 
measure of recruiting their troops in this Kingdom ; say they are 
ill-treated and neglected, and it is their opinion that England 
wishes to see Ireland invaded, in the hope it would prevent an 
invasion of England. 

I rejoyce that the augmentation of the artillery is consented 
to. There is a great want of officers in that corps, we have not 
near sufficient for the common duty. 

I propose leaving this, to pay my respects to your Excy., about 
this day se-night, unless you are pleased to order me sooner. I 
shall make Col. Luttrell very happy by letting him know your 
Excy.'s approbation. 





856 


Give me leave to return you my best thanks for the honour of 
your letter of the 10th. By that it does not appear (from 
Governor Johnston's intelligence) as if all we read and hear of 
embarking troops on the French coast was true. I am very 
thankful to your Excy. for the kind concern you are pleased to 
express about my health. I am pretty well of the disorder in my 
stomach, but have got a most severe cold. 

I proposed sending this letter by post, but have this moment 
received an application from Maj" Ross of the 81st Regt. to lay 
before your Excy. & proposal for raising 700 Highlanders, which 
proposal (according to the present mode though 1t is not to relate 
to Ireland) is to go through your Excy. to be transmitted to be 
laid before the King. He flatters himself H.M. will accept his 
proposal, and desires leave to go to London for a few days, which, 
he being a deserving officer, I hope your Excy. will please to 
permit him to do. 


The Earz or SHANNON to the Eart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE 
(Lord Lieutenant). 


1779, Sept. 16. Castle Martyr.—I am sorry to inform your 
Excellency that the plan for reducing the arm’d societies in this 
country into a legal and regular form has not yet met with the 
success which I hoped for, or which it deserved. It was so 
model'd by Col. Luttrell as in my opinion not only to obviate all 
objection, but to make it in every light desirable. An alarm, 
however, respecting it had been rapidly and successfully spread 
the moment it transpired that such a scheme was in agitation, 
and men's minds were so strongly prepossessed against the 
measure that it was received with every symptom of jealousy 
and distrust, and seem'd to be condemn'd by almost all, before 
it had been well explained to any. 

I trust, however, that gentlemen's suspicions may be yet 
removed, and they may yet be convinced, that nothing is meant 
but to promote the general good, and that the only object of the 
scheme is that their own protection, and that of the kingdom 
should go hand in band. Your Excellency may be satisfied that 
I shall take every opportunity, where it can be done with effect, 
of recommending &nd promoting in this, as I flatter myself I 
have been instrumental in doing in a neighbouring county, a 
scheme which in my conscience I think at this critical time 80 
necessary, and so much for the honor and advantage of the 
kingdom. 


EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lorp (GEORGE GERMAIN. 


1779, Sept. 16. Dublin Castle.—It may be necessary to 
observe to your Lordship that the draft of the Lord Lieutenant's 
Speech,* which is conveyed to Lord Weymouth by this 


* See for the form in which it was finally delivered the 12th October, the Annual 
Register for 1779, p. 862. 





357 


messenger, is not precisely such, as, but from the particular 
circumstances of the time, I should have wish’d to have 
submitted. 

Many alterations have been made by the several gentlemen 
consulted, which are acquiesc'd in from the consideration that the 
loss of a question upon the Address would not only influence upon 
the whole conduct of the Sessions but might branch out into 
numberless disagreeable political consequences in other respects. 
All my friends assure me that any attempt to prevent the Parlia- 
mení's entering into the commereial subject would be equally 
injudicious and unavailing. 

In a juncture like the present your discernment will see the 
propriety of my requesting the assistance and instructions of his 
Majesty’s English servants. (Draft.) 


Earz or BucxiNG@HAMsHIRE to Lorp GEORGE GERMAIN. 

(Private.) 

1779, October 19. Dublin Castle.—Tho' I cannot risque any 
sanguine assertions, yet there is a degree of satisfaction in 
observing that discreet men seem terribly alarmed and wish for 
for their own sakes to prevent that ruin and confusion which 
seems to threaten their country. I hope to be able to send an 
official letter to-morrow to Lord North with a state of my future 
prospect, which, however tho’ time presses, cannot be wrote 
without great deliberation. (Drajt.) 


THE SAME to THE SAME. 

(Private.) 

1779, October 24.—Last night’s post brought the London 
Gazette in which the Lord Lieutenant’s Speech is inserted. This 
is the only intelligence which hitherto has reached me of my 
very disagreeable, and, indeed, alarming dispatches having been 
receiv'd. Suspence is a most unpleasing circumstance to an 
anxious mind, but in this instance is very sufficiently accounted 
for by the peculiar difficulty which must attend the framing any 
determination upon them. Noman who has the least glimmer- 
ing of information will presume to advance that the King can 
pledge himself for the conduct of Parliament, and yet there 
prevails a degree of universal impatience for his answer as if the 
wording of it was finaly to decide upon the hopes of this 
Kingdom. 

The Duke of Leinster and Mr. Conolly? tho’ at first disinclin’d 
to the armed societys at least so far as not to engage in them are 
now become their great promoters. In the course of the summer 
upon its being rumor'd that his Majesty might possibly .be 
indue'd to grant commissions to the officers, they both express'd a 
desire to be honor’d with those of Colonel. Mr. Conolly went 


* The Rt. Hon. Thomas Conolly was M.P. for Londonderry County and a 
Privy Councillor for Ireland. 


858 


into the North, from whence he was to transmit me a list of 
gentlemen desirous of having inferior commissions, and the Duke 
said he would speak to his friends upon the same line. From 
that time his Grace has been totaly silent with respect to the 
measure, and Mr. Conolly wrote me a letter from the North 
declining the idea. During his residence there he engag'd in 
those societys and contributed very much to give them some 
systematical military regulations. 

I have been assur d that in different parts of Ireland several 
have taken the oaths and that more are inclin'd to it, but also 
that there are some companies whose principles are determindly 
republican. 

It concerns me to hear from every quarter that more corps are 
forming, as whatever may be their professions and avow'd 
prineiples they are in general so independent of their ostensible 
leaders, that tho' sober people reluctantly speak out, they are in 
fact very uneasy respecting the line of conduct which the spirit 
of the moment may induce them to adopt. 

One very serious regulation is introducing in some of them, 
that of appointing their officers by rotation. (Draft.) 


EaRL or BuckINGHAMSHIRE to Lorp GEORGE GERMAIN. 

(Private.) 

1779, November 18.—I should rather judge that your Lord- 
ship’s information with respect to the Prime Serjeant's? having 
assign'd my want of plan as & reason for his retreat was not 
strictly founded. But if he drop'd any expression of that 
tendency, it must have alluded to England's not holding out any 
specifick plan of commercial concessions, &c. He hinted his 
intention of retiring about the 20th July, just at the moment of 
Sir R. Heron's return, previous to which no system for the 
opening of the sessions could have been fix'd, and with respect 
to that system the Prime Serjeant would have been with reason 
disgusted if he had not been principaly concern'd in the digesting 
of it. He had long been alarm'd at the difficultys with which 
Government was surrounded, and did not feel his resolution 
equal to the resisting popular elamour and Parliamentary abuse. 
I do not recollect the mentioning to your Lordship his having 
advisd me so long as May last to sollicit my recall. Some of 
the Irish Gentlemen, who profess attachment to Government 
either are or affect to be frightened at the general distraction 
and mutinous disposition of the times, and are politically 
inclin'd to justify their unsteadiness at my expence, that when 
publiek tranquillity is restor'd they may preserve a claim of 
basking in the sunshine of a new Government. 

The Attorney Generalt and Mr. Foster! remain firm, the 
Provost, with whom they cannot be prevail'd upon frankly to 





* Rt. Hon. Walter Hussy Burgh, M.P. for University of Dublin. 

t John Scott, Attorney General for Ireland since 1777, and Privy Councillor, 
afterwards Ld. Clonmell, and Chief Justice. 

1 John Foster, M.P. for Louth and made a Privy Councillor in this year. (See 
14th Report, Hist. MSS. p. 160.; 











859 


communicate is disgusted, and seems to be angling for popularity. 
Three most important dispatches remain unnotic’d, and a letter 
this morning receiv'd, mentions that Lord North and Mr. Robinson 
were both in the country upon the 18th. If within two days no 
instructions are sent me, it will become necessary to form some 
decision with the best advice I can obtain to prevent a confusion 
which otherwise may become irremediable. The Attorney 
General has a guard still at his house, but every means is taken 
to give the most immediate check to any disturbance. In justice 
to Mr. Beresford and several others, their disposition to co- 
operate with the measures of Government should be notic'd, 
but I fear the number is most inconsiderable compared with 
those who avow an intention of espousing the measure of a 
Short Money Bill. (Draft.) 


EanL or BucKINGHAMSHIRE to Lorp (GEORGE GERMAIN. 

(Private.) 

1780, Jan'* 10.—During my three years Irish residence, in the 
number of letters with which your indulgence has favord me, I 
never trae'd one line which, to my conviction, was not dictated 
by friendship. Before the receipt of your last, I had in a most 
secret dispatch stated to Lord North my sentiments with respect. 
to what measures might be most expedient for securing the 
immediate objects of Government. At a crisis when not only a 
majority but something bordering upon unanimity in Parliament 
is called for to overawe turbulent spirits without doors, I could 
not risque sending a plan to be generaly communicated to his 
Majesty's servants. lt is my duty at this instant to muzzle if 
practicable the illhumor of every individual. 

There are of those here and from hence holding a different 
language who are not totaly unattended to in England. CouldI 
have two hours deliberate conversation with your Lordship and 
Lord North, I would undertake to convince you of the indiscretion 
of their ideas and the interested motives which dictate them. 
When this sessions is expir'd, which I am of opinion may end 
happily, and the day comes when a more peaceable situation will 
allow leisure to those in whose hands his Majesty's Government 
may be trusted to form an Administration upon an extensive 
plan, business may be conducted with more certainty, yet 
increasing as the claims of individuals are upon Government, I 
scarcely can conceive how it will be possible to secure a decided 
majority by that best tie, their own emolument. 

If assurances are to be depended upon the business of Govern- 
ment will be carryd through, and any peevish questions parryd 
by respectable numbers; as however it is not possible for me to 
form a conclusive judgment, my mind does not know a moment's 
tranquillity. 

You scarcely can conceive the various torments which I 
experience from jealousy, incredulity, confidence abus’d, distrust, 
and inconsistency, the divisions and sub-divisions of connection ; 
a gentleman will act in concert with one man as to a particular 


860 


object, but oppose him and co-operate with his adversary in 
another. Two or three letters from England have mention'd an 
intention to let our Test Bill pass. I know not the circumstance 
which would so much contribute to quiet the spirit of the most 
dangerous body in this Kingdom as that measures being 
fairly understood. You will see from authentic minutes of 
speeches in Parliament deliver'd when the resolutions were voted, 
that many of the respectable country gentlemen have held very 
temperate language. You cannot but as much approve of the 
sentiments of Mr. H. Burgh upon that occasion as you may justly 
have arraigned them upon others. Lord Macartney has just left 
me, he returns in two days to England where he will deliver his 
ideas respecting the present state of this Kingdom.  (Draft.) 


WELBORE ELzzis® to the Earn or BUCKINGHAMBHIRE. 


1780, January 15.—(Informing him of the death of Hans 
Stanley.) I know how deeply this event will affect you, as I 
well know the sincere friendship which subsisted between you, 
Lord Cadogan, Mr. d'Oyly, and myself. Yesterday we opened his 
Will, wherein we found, that he has appointed your Lordship, 
Mr. Brathwaite, and an attorney of Southampton, Trustees. 

I beg leave to congratulate your Excellency on the happy 
effects of the late measures in Ireland. I am not, however, I 
must confess, without some fears, while I observe such heavy 
clouds on the horizon which portend a storm. I persuade myself, 
that your Excellency is too experienced a State pilot to be lulled 
into security by the present fallacious appearance. 


Lorp CADOGAN to THE SAME. 


1780, Jan’: 15. Whitehall.—It is a most painfull task to 
disturb your present happiness with an account of one of the 
most shocking events in private life that ever happened. Our 
poor friend Stanley has follow'd his father's example and is no 
more. Ithought it doubly my duty to write to your Lordship 
not only as one of his most intimate friends, but as I find your 
name as one of his trustees for carrying his will into execution. 
He has left everything to his sisters for their lives and after both 
their deaths he has given his moity of our joint Chelsea property 
to me; his moity of his Welch estate to Mr. Rice, who stood in 
the same predicament with him there (but being dead is, I con- 
clude, à lapse legacy) and has given Sloane all his Hampshire 
and other properties, who is to take the name and arms of 
Stanley when the contingency takes place. He has left some 
legacies and among them £200 to your Lordship, and has pro- 
vided for a natural son of his now at sea. His personal estate 








* Welbore Ellis, M.P. for Weymouth and Melcombe Regis, and & Privy 
Councillor, was brother-in-law to Hans Stanley. 

1 The Rt. Honble. Hans Stanley, Cofferer of the Household, Governor of the Isle 
of Wight and M.P. for Southampton, etc. 








861 


will about answer the demands upon it but rather deficient for 
that purpose. There are no Executors so that Mrs. Ellis and 
Mrs. D'Oyly must take out administration. 

I really, my dear Lord, have not yet recover'd myself enough 
to add much more except that all parties seem satisfied with the 
distribution of his affairs. His loss you will deplore as much as 
any of us. He died at Althorp and left me at Caversham but a 
few days ago in the greatest appearance of health and tran- 
quillity of mind I ever saw. 


Lonp.MacanTNEY to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1780, January 21. Charles Street, Berkeley Square.—As 
far as I can observe, it appears to me that the Administration 
here expect an absolute certainty of your Excellency's being able 
to finish the Session with honour and success. They are fully 
persuaded, I believe, that you will do every thing that you 
possibly can for that purpose, but I don't think they will be satis- 
fied, if after all that has been done for Ireland, there should now 
seem the smallest chance of any defeat or miscarriage in your 
Parliament. As your Excellency did me the honor of talking to 
me very confidentially I shou'd 1ll repay your goodness, if I did 
not give you my sincere opinion in return. If you venture to 
meet the Parliament and any constitutional question should be 
carried against you, they will never forgive you for risking it, 
they will consider it as a dissolution of Government and every 
mischief and ill consequence that follow from it will be laid at 
your Excellency’s door. Therefore, my dear Lord, put nothing 
to the hazard. Get a majority to pledge themselves to you 
and to one another, or don't meet them. You have been 
deceived once already, and you will not be excused, if deceived 
a second time. I must entreat you to pardon me for taking 
this liberty, it can proceed from no possible motive but my 
regard for your Excellency and my wishes for your ease and 
reputation. I have not had the good fortune of finding Lord 
George Germain at home altho' I called twice at his door. I 
have seen Lord North and Lord Hillsborough but once, being 
obliged to confine myself for these three days past with a severe 
cold and sore throat. Lord N. and Lord H. told me that 
they had fully answered the letters which you mentioned to me. 
Should your Excellency have any commands for me I shall be 
happy to execute them to the best of my power. 


WELBORE Exuis to THE SAME. 


1780, Jany. 27.—(Referring further to the death and testa- 
mentary dispositions of Hans Stanley.) 

I beg leave to congratulate your Excellency on the very 
important success of Sir G. Rodney by the capture made of the 
Spanish sixty-four gun ship, five frigates and nine other trans- 
ports loaded with victual and naval stores. Three of them are 
as I understand arrived at Plymouth, the rest are said to have 


862 


been left off the Lizard, but the wind blowing still fresh at last 
they have not been able to come up the Channel. Sir George 
has taken the Spanish man-of-war and some of the victuallers with 
him ; those with naval stores are the ships which are expected. 


[CoLonez the How**.] WinLLiaw Gorpon to the Ear. or 
BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1780, Jan" 29. London.—I had the honor to receive your 
Lordship's most oblidging letters, and can assure you that in 
whatever rank I may return to Ireland, it shall be my constant 
study to do everything in my power to forward his Majesty's 
service. It makes me extreemely happy to hear the 81st do 
their duty in such a manner as to deserve your approbation. 
Good news 18 expected soon from Sir Henry Clinton, he is gone 
with a large body of troops to Charlestown, and General Leslie 
with another corps is gone to James's River, so that if Lord 
Cornwallis can keep Washington at bay, we have reason to ex- 
pect success. It is not certain that Pensacola is taken. As I 
know much of your Lordship's time must be at present taken up 
with business of importance, I beg you would not think of giv- 
ing yourself the trouble of answering my letter, I beg to present 
my respects to Lady Buckingham. In the name of my High- 
landers, I return her Ladyship a thousand thanks for the 
favourable opinion she is pleased to have of them. 


Hans SLOANE® to THE SAME. 


1780, March 12. London.—l am satisfied no one of Mr. 
Stanley's friends has felt more deeply the great loss we have all 
had in his decease, than your Lordship. It has broke in upon 
that centre of union in Privy Garden, which having been so 
long a sure place of frequent meetings of mutual friends, makes 
his loss irreparable to us all. Such & multitude of affairs arising 
from this misfortune has fallen to my lot to attend and arrange, 
that knowing at the same time the alarming intricacy of all 
political matters on your side the water, made me postpone 
breaking in one moment on your time so fully engaged as it has 
lately been. Happy I am, as one of your Irish subjects, to 
flatter myself, that I begin now to see some hope of & calm, 
which I was afraid was so endangered in Ireland, as to threaten 
more dreadful consequences to the State than any foreign foe. 
Your Lordship’s wise and prudent administration during this 
critical period, has given some warm Irish Patriots time to 
reflect, that it were better to rest satisfied with the advantages 
allready secured to their commerce, than pursue other points, 
which might draw on great objections in future. It is time for 
Ireland to repose from all her own internal commotions, and 
look at this country, where a plan originally and undoubtedly 
commencing on ideas of a job for the General Election, may 


-— — — —M — oe — — — ———— — _—— — 





* M.P. for Southampton and a Commissioner of the Board of Trade. 

















863 


probably grow to such a magnitude, that none but the most 
desperate would wish for, and that the great independent country 
gentlemen should by their interposition prevent. These con- 
siderable individuals do however at this moment of expectation 
of a dissolution of Parliament, stand on such tender ground 
from the popular meetings in their respective counties, as to 
leave the great body of them no choice as to their immediate 
conduct in the House. It becomes therefore a doubt what parts 
of Burke's bill may, or may not pass in the Committee. 

Our foreign enemies are the least of any to be dreaded. 
France, by. what I hear, is not likely to make any great figure in 
the Channell. Her present preparations at Brest indicate great 
and distant detachments, one of which of no small magnitude 
with a considerable body of troops is conjectured to be destined 
for North America, and is expected to sail soon. 

Every account which has been so lately brought by our fleet 
from Gibraltar, confirm the detestation of the Spaniards to the 
war, which prevails universally but in the Cabinet at Madrid. 

(Concludes with a request for patronage for a Mr. MeGuire.) 


EARL oF BuckrsGHaMSHIRE to Lorp GEORGE GERMAIN. 

(Private.) 

1780, April 22.—My several dispatches to Lord Hillsborough 
wil -have stated our late Parliamentary transactions, the 
meritorious zeal of the Attorney General whose situation 
' particularly requir'd his refuting the doctrines advanced by Mr. 
Grattan produc’d many disagreeable declarations which gave time 
for the suggestion of Mr. Burgh’s insidious amendment and 
tended to lessen a majority which otherwise might have been 
more decided. 

Mr. Burgh is supposed to have taken his amendment from a 
hint which fell from Mr. Flood. The Provost and his sons with 
some others under obligations to Government voted in the 
minority. The merit and the gratitude of the two gentlemen 
mentioned is so conspicuous that it would be derogatory to the 
conspicuous propriety of their conduct to couple them with 
meaner delinquents. 

The question of the Mutiny Bill is in its consequences the 
most serious which could have been brought forward. It was 
incumbent upon me to submit the opinions deliver'd at our select 
meeting, but I do not feel myself in any degree equal to the form- 
ing a decided judgment of my own. 

Several gentlemen who had formaly pledged themselves to 
support Government voted in the minority last Wednesday 
which, together with the cireumstance of many individuals con- 
cealing their sentiments makes it difficult for me to assert what 
may be the event of the attack upon Poyning's Law. How can 
the Lord Lieutenant speak with confidence upon any point at a 
period when no fix'd principle directs, no obligations attach and 
no assurances can bind? Every inconvenience must necessarily 
be increased from the distracted state of the Mother Country; 


864 


the doubts of the stability of the English Administration cannot 
but lessen the authority of those who act under them. I this 
morning put my name to a dispatch which, from the different 
people consulted who each suggested some new hint or variation 
in terms, appears to me a most disgracefull performance; to 
have digested it would have caused some delay and indeed the 
essentialy varying expressions offer’ d upon so nice a subject 
might have been taking too much upon myself. I think it clearly 
conveyed the transaction of the meeting and the necessity of my 
receiving immediate instructions. 

The delay of determination with respect to the Irish Com- 
mercial business keeps back our supplys which, otherwise, are 
going on very well. No letters come to me from England, so that 
my conjectures from the newspapers and the communications 
from persons who affect to receive regular details of ministerial 
secrets, are my only documents for the forming any judgment of 
the situation of English Administration, my country and my 
Sovereign. I cannot help selecting from many circumstances 
which tend to weaken my situation in Parliament that of my 
having receiv'd private information of the Provost's having 
asserted that a modification of Poyning’s Law would not be 
disagreeable in England. 

(Dra ft.) 


EanL oF BuckincHaMsHIRE to LoRD GEORGE GERMAIN. 

(Private.) 

1780, May 22*. [Dublin.]—My official dispatch to Lord 
Hillsborough upon the subject of the Mutiny Bill was in a great 
measure drawn from the sentiments of those gentlemen whom I 
deem'd it incumbent upon me to consult. But so far from 
having shewn any disposition or the least inclination to transmit 
a proposition of that tendency, I have not omitted any oppor- 
tunity of inforcing the inexpediency of it and the very fatal con- 
sequences which might attend the pressing forward so material 
a constitutional innovation. At a general meeting yesterday of 
the principal officers of the crown and the gentlemen of most 
distinguish'd influence, I stated my last instructions from Lord 
Hillsborough, express'd in the most forcible terms my wish to 
oppose a Mutiny Bill, and, after earnestly requesting the support 
of all the friends of English Government, immediately with- 
drew, as conceiving that no further deliberation was admissible. 
Indeed, your Lordship will receive the copy of & letter which I 
this morning sent to the Speaker, it may convince you that there 
is no remissness on my part. 

There is searcely & doubt of the Bills being admitted, but 
possibly the remonstrances which have been inforced, and the 
apprehensions which have been express'd, may determine its 
being model'd into something not very exceptionable. Tho’ it 
has not been particularly mark'd to me except through Mr. 
Sackville Hamilton, the late conduct of the Irish Nation must 
be 80 deservedly reprobated in England, that private correspon- 
dence will necessarily have circulated it pretty generally here. 














965 


There exists that indisposition in all the men of abilities to act 
in cordial concert, that every proceeding in Parliament is in & 
degree uncertain. I am also oblig'd continualy to conceal re- 
sentment, for the purpose of carrying the business of Govern- 
ment through the session; when it is concluded, divested from 
any resentment of my own, or any apprehension of that of 
others, I shall state the merits and misconduct of gentlemen in 
and out of office, and recommend with firmness and impartiality 
such arrangements as may give a more consistent strength to 
H. M. Irish Government than the particular fatality of the times 
and the insanity of individuals has lately admitted of. 
(Draft.) 


Siz J. IRWINE to the Eart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1780, May 28. Jermyn St. . . .—I should have made the 
best use I could of the succession you proposed to have made on 
the vacancy occasioned by Col. Lascelles’ removal, but it was 
settled before I last wrote. I fancy I forgot to say that Col. 
Lascelles sold his Lieut.-Colonelcy and the whole succession goes 
by purchase. Your Excellency will perceive by various ways 
that this country is at last returning to its senses, and business 
going on in the House of Commons in the old way. I believe 
we shall conclude Mr. Bushe's bill today, and I take for granted 
Mr. Dunning's Committee will be closed on Friday next. 


H. T. CLEMENTS® to THE SAME. 


1780, May 26.—Is persuaded “that every well wisher to H. 
M.’s Government, your Excellency’s administration and the 
welfare and the happiness of the two Kingdoms must ardently 
contribute to obtain the Bill for Mutiny and Desertion, now to be 
framed." 


WizzrAM BunroN | to THE SAME. 


1780, May 26. Treasury.—From the time that the question 
of a Mutiny Bill has been agitated I have had but one opinion, 
that of the necessity of passing it, from this obvious reason, that 
the execution of every part of the British Act subjects those 
concerned to the prosecution and trial by Jury. The shape that 
may be deemed most admissible is certainly that which will be 
adopted by every well-wisher to the wellfare of Great Britain 
and Ireland. My wishes to assist Your Excelleney's Administra- 
tion (if there could be any additional incentive) induce me to act 
upon that principle. 








— €—— me —M — LLL 


* Henry Theophilus Clements, M.P. for Leitrim, Deputy Vice-Treasurer of 
Ireland and Privy Councillor since 1777. He was also Deputy Constable of Dublin 
Castle. 


The Rt. Hon. William Burton, M.P. for Ennis, and a Privy Councillor. He 
held also the office of Teller of the Exchequer. 


366 


EARL OF GRANARD to the Ear. or BuckINGHAMSHIRE. 


1780, June 2.—I esteem myself extremely fortunate that I 
have it in my power to give so early a proof of my respect and 
attachment to His Majesty and His Government, and I feel 
myself much indebted to Your Excellency for pointing out that 
method which enables me to express by my present conduct 
those sentiments. Since your Excellency thinks it desirable for 
His Majesty's service that Mr. S. Hamilton should be in Parlia- 
ment at this juncture I shall delay gratifying the dictate of 
private friendship to return him for the now vacant seat in my 
Borough of St. Johnstown. . . . 


(Copy.) 


Sin Francis Drake to THE SAME. 


1780, June 8. London.—Relating to his having parted with 
his estates at Beeralston, and to his having long brought into 
Parliament ‘‘a gentleman of Lord Buckinghamshire’s recom- 
mendation." 


EanL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lorp GEORGE GERMAIN. 
(Private.) 


1780, June 8.—(Desiring an answer to his despatch which 
accompanies the Heads of a Bill respecting the regulation of the 
Army in Ireland, which were brought up from the House of 
Commons.) 

No new occurrence deserving particular communication has 
happen’d since my last, the appointment, however, of Lord 
Charlemont by many of the Northern Volunteer Companys to 
act as their Reviewing General, do’s not imply a very affectionate 
disposition to Government, as it was not possible for them to 
have made a more offensive choice. This circumstance will be 
far from pleasing to Mr. Conolly, but he prudentialy means to 
decline shewing any dissatisfaction, and purposes to be present 
at the Derry Races as usual. 

The delay of intelligence from Charlestown, the general 
disapprobation signifyd by Sir G. Rodney relative to the conduct 
of his Fleet (which seems indeed to be so general as to prove 
too much), the imperfect rumors which have reached me of the 
Riot raised by that madman G. Gordon, added to my feelings 
with respect to those material Irish Measures which still remain 
undecided, keep my spirits in unceasing agitation. Ifthe Pro- 
testant tumult was as serious as some letters received here 
represent, I cannot but imagine that either the English Messenger 
who arriv'd yesterday, or the post would have brought me a line 
upon the subject. Lady Crosby seems in great health and spirits, 
my daughter is happy in enjoying a considerable proportion of 
her society. 


(Draft.) 


867 


GrorGE Bye ® to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1780, June 9. Wrotham Park.—Tho’ I received your very 
kind letter on Tuesday, I have not felt my mind at rest sufficient 
even to return you my grateful thanks. The miserable situation 
of the town, the irresolution of the Many, the indecision of those 
in power, left every body at the mercy of the Mob, not formidable 
in my opinion from their numbers, but from the want of know- 
ing what to do in those with whom the power was lodged. 

You will have heard from other hands the damages done, they 
are great, but to one who thinks the whole might have been 
prevented by the least prudential forsight, I am wild to think 
that so much weakness should have been discovered to the 
people with so much real strength at hand. Lord Rockingham's 
house was threatened, I set up both Tuesday and Wednesday 
night as one of its weak defenders, had they come there as they 
threatened instead of going to Lord Mansfield's, I believe they 
would in some measure have been quieted, by meeting such a 
resistance as would have marked out to them how easily a house 
may be defended. The House of Commons adjourning yesterday, 
and & eonsiderable military foree marching in to town made my 
presence no longer necessary 80 I returned here, mortified to the 
greatest degree at the sight of the two most detestable extremes, 
a lawless mob, and a Military Government. 

Tho' I was the first in the House to attack Lord G. Gordon, 
yet I have not heard the least intimation of any attack on my 
house, it would have fell an easy, undefended prey as I thought 
more of my friends than for myself. 

,Do give my love to Lady Buckingham, accept my unfeigned 
thanks. 


EaRL or HILLSBOROUGH to THE SAME. 

(Private and. Secret.) | 
1780, June 11. St. James's.—I should not have failed to have 
given your Excelleney constant accounts of the dreadful and 
unaccountable Insurrection which for four days together has 
made such devastation in this town, and threatened not less than 
the total destruction of it, and even the subversion of the 
Government, but that I really have not had time sufficient to 
write any letter but such as were absolutely necessary, and I 
have been the less uneasy on this head, because I knew that our 
friend Lord Barrington wrote to you every night the accounts he 
had received from me. He is gone out of town today, and I 
therefore aequaint your Excellency that this day has been quiet 
and has been employed in stating the evidence against Lord 
George Gordon, who, your Excellency knows was yesterday 
committed to the Tower, and against many other prisoners, and 
in discovering and taking many of the rioters. I most sincerely 
hope, and have reason to believe that the military have at last 
put an end to this disturbance. The Parliament is adjourned to 


-— 


* M.P. for Middlesex. 


868 


Monday se'ennight, till which time I believe we shall remain on 
our guard. I think it fit to inform your Excellency that Lord 
George Gordon, in the course of his examination yesterday, 
informed us that he had received a letter from the Protestants 
in and near Killarney in Ireland, desiring his Lordship’s advice 
how they should behave, as they were under great apprehensions 
from the Papists in that part. This I believe his Lordship 
disclosed without: consideration, and it is very probable he has 
correspondents in,different parts of that kingdom, which will 
make it necessary for your Excellency to be very attentive to 
this subject, lest disturbances should also break out on your side, 
for I apprehend it would totally destroy poor Ireland to have a 
contest about Religion, superadded to those with which we are 
threatened about the Constitution. 


EanL or HrirnnLsBoRouaH to the Ear. or BUCKINGHAMSHIRB. | 


1780, June 15. St. James's.—I have the pleasure to inform 
your Excellency that since my last the riots and disturbances 
that had almost threatened the dissolution of Government and 
the destruction of this city have happily subsided. Our jails are 
full of criminals, but they are all of the lowest rank of the 
people, except Lord G. Gordon, who will probably suffer. The 
King goes to the House on Monday to give us a speech upon 
these matters. 

I congratulate your Exeelleney with all my heart upon the 
very important and decisive success of Sir H. Clinton, the 
Extraordinary Gazette I have the honour to enclose will relate 
it to you. During our commotions no business but what related 
to them could go on, we shall now resume our attention. 


Sir JOHN IRWINE to THE SAME. 


1780, June 15. Jermyn Street.—I most sincerely congratu- 
late your Excellency on the important news brought this 
morning by Lord Lincoln of the taking Charlestown with 7,000 
men prisoners by Sir Henry Clinton, suffering no more than two 
officers killed, very few wounded, and under 200 killed and 
wounded private. Lord George, who is gone to the Cabinet, has 
left orders for a Gazette to be sent to your Excy. as soon as it 
ean be printed. I hope it will come out before the post goes off. 
This news has thrown a great damp on the dissaffected, and was 
proclaimed by the guns and feu de joye of all the troops in the 
camps and several parts of the town. 


Charles Towr. 
Taken :— 
7 Ships and 8 French Frigates. 
500 Pieces of Cannon. 
1 General. | 
6 Brigadier Generals. 
16 Colonels. 











869 


22 Lt.-Colonels. 
25 Majors. 
114 Captains. 
250 Subalterns. 
120 Staff. 
4,200 Rank and File. 
900 Sailors. 
900 Militia. 
6,554 in all surrender'd at discretion. 
12th May, loss of 200 British. 
All the Continental Troops released on parole. 
7 Privateers carried into New York. 
8,000 Rations were issued daily.? 


[Masor] RicHagp Vyse to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1780, June 16. Lichfield.—I left London on Tuesday evening, 
and have the satisfaction to inform your Excellency that every- 
thing was at that time perfectly quiet. As I take it for granted 
you have received the most authentic intelligence with respect 
to everything that has lately happened at that place, I will not 
trouble you with a detail of circumstances as execrable as extra- 
ordinary, and which never could have happened at all but for 
the pusillanimity or design of two or three blundering or 
treacherous magistrates. If proper enquiries are made, much 
good may arise out of evil ; if they are not made, or an ill-timed 
lenity arrests the course of justice, the confusion which has 
happened is but the beginning of misfortune. I am happy to 
have it in my power to inform your Excellency that all the 
reports which have been most industriously circulated in this 
eountry of insurrections and riots in many different counties, 
are entirely, except Bath, without foundation. It is true 
that a riot has happened at Nottingham, and that a detach- 
ment of the Blue Horse marched this morning from 
hence to that place in consequence of it, but this was 
entirely owing to a drunken quarrel between the soldiers 
quartered there and the people of the town, which happened so 
long ago a8 the fourth of June, and has no connection at all with 
anything that has happened at any other place. All the trading 
towns in this part of England haveorders for more business than 
they ean possibly execute, and are at present in the most perfect 
state of tranquillity. Give me leave to congratulate your 
Excellency on the success of our arms at Charles Town. The 
enclosed is an account which I have just received from London. 
As no Gazette was published when it left that place, you possibly 
may not yet have seen it. The following is part of a letter 
which I received some days ago from my friend Sir. Jos. Yorke, 
dated Hague May 26th, and which is of too comfortable a nature 
for me to omit transcribing it to your Excellency. ‘‘ The last 


* Enclosed in the following letter, 
17118 2 À 


870 


twelve months have been so full of remarkable events that one's 
head has been ready to turn every minute. I have had, and still 
have, my share of the bustle, but as I never ceased to think and 
say, 80 I have now the satisfaction to see, that England is equal 
to it all, and that in spite of foreign and domestick foes, she has 
a fair chance of rising superior to all her difficulties, with the 
hopes of which I am not a little happy. I can assure you that 
our reputation rises every day in Europe, whilst our enemies 
grow sick of the contest. My friend Lord Buckingham's task 
has been a very difficult one, he has conducted himself nobly, 
and will I still think see his labours erowned with success; 
nobody honours him more, or wishes him better than I do." 

I did myself the honour of calling upon the young ladies in 
Bond Street the morning I left London, in hopes that I might 
have had the pleasure of informing your Excellency that I had 
seen them well, but I was disappointed by their being in the 
country. 


Wu. Suonr to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1780, June 21.—Referring to a dispute between Lord 
Buckinghamshire and Sir Francis Drake. 


Earz or HinnLsBoRovaH to the Bart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE 
(Lord Lieutenant). 


1780, July 5. St. James's.—I most sincerely congratulate 
with your Excellency upon the good news in the Extraordinary 
Gazette I have the honour to encloseto you. I trust the rebellion 
and war draws to a conclusion. Nine of our rioters are this day 
ordered for execution, and many more will be convicted. Lord 
George Gordon is I understand to be indicted and tryed in Surrey 
before the special commission, but I can't tell when. 


EanL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lorp GEORGE GERMAIN. 

(Private.) 

1780, July 8.— The late scenes of confusion and the important 
events in America, tho’ of a very different cast, will fully account 
for your having omitted rather longer than usual giving me those 
flattering proofs of that obliging attention, which is one of my 
most essential comforts in a situation requiring many. 

My expectations with respect to the Sugar Bill never went 
further than that middle term which your letter gives me reason 
to expect and I would willingly persuade myself that it will give 
satisfaction at least to such as any concessions can satisfy. 

The Bill for the Regulation of the Army, &c., has amongst my 
many difficultys been the heaviest. During the time of its 
agitation in the House of Commons, my letters from Office 
treated the subject very generaly, and to my understanding, not 
very explicitly. Nor has any most distant hint of specify’d 
Amendment reach’d me, except that the Cabinet had objected to 











871 


the words during the continuance of this Act. In consequence of 
that hint an unavailing attempt to remove the difficulty was 
made in the Privy Council. Your Lordship must, however, 
understand that any alteration tending to make the Bill 
perpetual would never be admitted in the Irish Parliament; such 
at least is the opinion of all those who have come within the 
scope of my consultation. If other material amendments had 
occur’d to me which could have been rendered palatable, they 
would certainly have been propos’d. This will naturaly account 
for my not suggesting any to his Majesty’s Ministers in a 
measure upon the decision of which the tranquillity of this 
Kingdom and the existence of his Majesty’s Army in Ireland may 
ultimately depend. It would be extreme rashness to pledge 
myself for the conduct of a House of Commons where there 
prevails so much suspicion, so much uncertainty, and such a 
particular capacity of eccentrical distinction. The general cast 
of the foreign intelligence with which you favour me is most 
agreeable, and I derive no little degree of satisfaction from the 
mortification of his Prussian Majesty whom I have ever dislik’d, 
not only as a determin’d enemy to England, but as a character 
equaly detestable in political and in private life. Whoever 
investigates the whole tenor of his conduct will scarcely discover 
any one act which indicated the most distant feelings of 
humanity. If the old connection between the House of Austria 
and the Court of Petersburg could be renewed, and England, as 
formerly, stood the bond of that connection, the adventitious 
strength which Russia has obtain’d since the accession of the 
present Empress, would enable such a union completely to check 
the restless ambition of France back’d by the insidious enmity of 
Frederick the 8rd (sic). The idea of Russia never offers itself 
without my lamenting the oeconomy of the English Treasury 
during the year 1764; as it render'd ineffectual a negotiation, 
which, most honourable to me, would have prov'd materially 
usefull to my country.® It could not indeed but have given a 
different cast to every political transaction in which England has 
since that time been engag’d. The House of Commons was this 
day further adjourn’d to Monday the 24th. 


(Dra ft.) 


Ear. or BuckixaHaMsHIRE to Lorp GEORGE GERMAIN. 

(Private.) 

1780, Aug. 1.—When you look at the date of this letter you 
will not wonder at my being rather mortify’d from the circum- 
stance of my not having receiv'd a single line respecting the 
important Irish business (as yet undetermin’d) since your Lord- 
ship’s of the first of the last month. vu 

À letter from Mr. Cotterel to Sir Richard Heron, signifying that 
the remainder of the Irish business was defer'd without fixing 











— — e — 


* Lord Buckinghamshire failed in that year to carry & Treaty of Alliance with 
Russia, which was proposed by the English Government to Catherine JI. 








372 


any particular day, has made it necessary for me to dispatch a 
messenger with official letters to Lord Hillsborough and Lord 
North. 

I am persuaded that the reasons which determin’d the Cabinet 
-to this delay were sufficiently cogent, but the circumstance 
distresses me for the present and alarms me for the future. 

A feverish attack has sensibly affected me for the last two or 
three days, which the actual situation of my mind is by no 
means calculated to remedy. 


(Draft.) 


Lorp LoveHsBoroucH® to the Eart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1780, Augt. 27. Lancaster.—Your goodness for me will have 
suggested the only reason that could excuse my delaying to 
express the strong sense I have of your kind remembrance of me. 
The change of my situation took place at a moment so singular 
that I found myself at once engaged in business to which I was 
so totally unaccustomed, that the anxiety if not the occupation of 
it never left me one moment. The first prospect I have perceiv'd 
at this place (the last upon my circuit) of being disengaged, I 
have taken up the pen to assure your Lordship how much your 
favourable opinion exalts me in my own, and how much I prize 
every testimony of your esteem. I trust I may congratulate you 
upon the happy conclusion of a Session in the beginning of which 
it was impossible that your friends should not feel great anxiety 
for the uncommon difficultys of your Lordship’s situation, in the 
progress of which they have found much more room for 
congratulation to your Lordship and by your means to the 
publick. 


EanL oF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to LORD GEORGE GERMAIN. 


1780, Sep. 16. Dublin Castle—As your Lordship cannot 
entertain a doubt of the weight of your applications with me, I 
may with less scruple declare that from old acquaintance and 
friendship the recommendation of Lord Townshend could not 
want any adventitious interposition. But the number of gentle- 
men whose names I already stand pledg’d to submit to his 
Majesty upon the list of Peerage is so considerable as very 
possibly may be disapprov'd; and the adding a gentleman, how- 
ever honourable and respectable, whose claims were all long prior 
to my connection with this Kingdom, may embarrass the whole, 
and would, with reason, disgust many to whom I have refus'd 
that favor, tho’ I stand personaly oblig'd to them for supporting 
his Majesty’s Government through the late difficultys. 





* Alexander Wedderburne, H.M.’s Attorney General, was created Lord Chief 


Justice of the Court of Common Pleas in June, 1780, and immediately afterwards 
Lord Loughborough, Baron of Loughborough. 





878 


Earz or BuckIN@HaMsuIRE to Lorp GEORGE GERMAIN. 

(Private.) 

1780, Sep" 16.—Your two letters of the 11th were receiv'd this 
morning. From your not menlioning mine of the 2d and 5th 
they probably had not then reach'd you, which obviously 
arises from the easterly winds, which of late have been very 
prevalent. My most affectionate attachment to your Lordship 
has made the omission with respect to Col. Tonson a distressing 
weight upon my heart; that business must be settled, at any 
rate, to your satisfaction. 

My latest informations tell me that the disposition to tumult 
in Dublin daily subsides, some foolish resolutions may be 
publish'd, but they will be counteracted by every man of 
discretion and property. If they reach England they should 
only be consider’d as the fermentation of a wretched faction 
supported by a few interested individuals and an abandon'd rabble. 

Thenumbers of applications, remonstrances and representations 
whieh have been shower'd upon me from the idea of my 
immediate recall, has prevented me from enjoying one moment's 
tranquillity since the Prorogation, but I will now hope that the 
great brunt 18 nearly over. 

To speak eonfidentialy with respect to Lord Townshend, he has 
not the least claim upon me. We have liv'd upon very good terms 
in society, but our county politicks have ever been most adverse. 

The idea of his Lordship carry’s me into Norfolk, and 
induces me to mention that the uniform determination of every 
Administration without exception for these last thirty years 
to depress my family and to exalt the Townshends and Walpoles 
has produc’d the present situation. Repeated slights determin'd 
me to shew that I did not deserve them and was the occasion of 
their having two enemies Members for that County instead of 
two friends ;" an evil which at this time their efforts could not 
remedy nor eould I, unprovok'd, oppose those whom I had 
encourag’d originaly to stand a contest. With respect to 
Norwich there scarcely exist the man whom I less esteem than 
Sir H——— H— , his situation at Norwich was my act, and 
he has repaid me by accumulated ingratitude, it is unnecessary 
to add my indifference respecting his election. 

Mr. Thurlowt in my opinion, may stand a worse chance from his 
sudden attack than if he had proceeded more regularly. Had I 
been in Norfolk my brother might have profited by the confusion. 

(Draft.) 





THE SAME to THE SAME. 
(Private.) 
1780, Oct" 7.—The receiving his Majesty's commands to order 
the 8d, 19th and 80th Regiments to be immediately prepar'd for 








* Astley, De Grey and Coke had represented the county in Parliament from 
March, 1768, to the date of this letter. 

T Mr. John Thurlow was an unsuccessful candidate for the representation of 
Norwich in 1780. 


974 


foreign service most seriously alarm'd me. Mature reflection 
and communication with the very few whom at this time there 18 
au opportunity of seeing, has rather increas'd than lessened my 
apprehensions. Sir John Irvine, who last night return'd from 
our little encampment, feels more strongly upon the subject than 
myself, and your Lordship must be sensible of the consequences 
which may arise from the withdrawing three form'd regiments, 
one of which consists almost entirely of Englishmen, to be 
replae'd by three nominal corps to be recruited here, and who 
perhaps may not altogether in the course of a twelve-month 
amount to half an effective batallion. Possibly these considera- 
tions may not have suggested themselves to his Majesty’s 
Ministers from the multiplicity of objects under their deliberation, 
and the immediate exigencys which may have arisen from the 
circumstances of the war. As in my local situation I stand in 
some degree responsible for any measure which may affect that 
part of his Majesty's Dominions committed to my care, [ hope 
my having submitted ideas similar to the above in a private 
official letter to Lord Hillsborough will not be thought officious 
or unbecoming. 


Enwanp TiaHEe® to the Eart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1780, Oct. 19. Bath.—Congratulations on his release from a 
most arduous situation in which however his conduct has merited 
and obtained universal applause and has astonished those who 
were in any degree acquainted with the nature of his labours. 


Revp. Joux ERSKINE+ to THE SAME. 


1780, Oct. 26. Cork.— . . . You are now about to be 
delivered from a very turbulent scene, in which you have so 
prudently and worthily perform'd your part ; and if I may judge 
of the sentiments of the nation, from what I hear in this quarter 
of it, none who have held the reins of Empire for so many years 
have ever left it with so much solid applause without the shadow 
of reproach. This will erown you with honour in the sight of all 
good men, and what is still more valuable, will be a lasting and 
homefelt comfort in your own breast. . 


[CAPTAIN] A. CoRBETT to THE SAME. 


1780, October 81. London.—I received your Excellency's 
letter of the 24th last night. I did imagine that my Lord 
Hillsborough had informed your Excellency of the King's 
pleasure that Lord Carlisle should set out for Ireland the 5th of 
December, which prevented my giving you more early intelli- 
gence. I had the honor of writing to your Excellency last 


* M.P. for the Borough of Athboy. H>) had an office in the Irish Court of 
Exchequer, that of Comptroller of the Pipe. 
f Dean of Cork. 


875 


night and to Mr. Sackville Hamilton. I dined to-day tête-à-tête 
with my Lord Carlisle,® and stated to him as from myself the 
almost impossibility of your Excellency’s arranging your affairs 
by the tenth of December, as you had had no answer from Lord 
North the 24th of this month. 

He told me it was the King’s pleasure that he should set out 
the 4th of December, Sir George Cornwall is chosen Speaker, 
the division was 208 to 184. There is no public news in town, 
From what I foresee I take it Mr. Storer will be Lord of Trade in 
the room of Mr. Eden, but it is only my conjecture. I am very 
glad your Excellency was well entertained in the County of 
Wicklow. Mr. George Hobart, I believe, will be in England in 
ten days or a fortnight’s time. 


Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lorp GEORGE GERMAIN. 
(Private.) 


1780, Nov' 2.—One short word will fully express my present 
feelings, despair. 

Lord North seem's determin'd upon no measure but that of 
expelling me with humiliation and disgrace from this kingdom. 

If the next mail do's not bring me a letter from him (as the 
hurry of Parliamentary business will after that put his noticing 
me entirely out of the question) I shall transmit every part of 
the business officially to Lord Hillsborough to be laid before his 
Majesty, appealing in some degree to him as a slighted and 
insulted servant. 

Your favour of the 28th is received and acknowledg'd as a 
further testimony of your good will. 

(Draft.) 


A. Corsetr to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1780, Nov. 8. London.—I am sorry to perceive by your 
Excellency’s letter of the 26th of last month that you think me 
wanting in attention in not informing you sooner of Lord 
Carlisle’s intention of setting out the 5th of December. I took 
it for granted that Lord Hillsborough had informed your 
Excellency of it, and was much surprised to hear yesterday from 
Sir Stanier Porten that they knew nothing at their office of what 
time Lord Carlisle was to set out. I feel exceedingly for the 
very disagreeable situation your Excellency must be in, in not 
hearing from Lord North. He is now exceedingly ill. Mr. 
Foster leaves London in a day or two, and I hope he will be able 
to give your Excellency some satisfactory information concerning 
your arrangements. As your Excellency wishes me to return I 
should set out immediately had not Lord Carlisle written to beg 
your leave for me to stay with him. 


—À 


* The Earl of Carlisle was appointed in September, 1780, to succeed the Earl of 
Buck.ngaamshire in Iroland. Captain Andrew Corbett was one of his A.D.C. 


876 


Str Jonn InwiNE to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1780, Nov. 8. Piecadilly.—I have obeyed your Excy’s com- 
mands to the best of my power by saying every where how 
extremely distressful it will be to you if on so short notice you 
should be obliged to leave Ireland, but I fear with very little 
effect, for I understand it is the King's order to Lord Carlisle that 
he should be in Ireland as early in December as possible; however 
my private opinion is that his Lordship will not leave this place 
. 80 soon as the 5th (as is given out), if he does it will be the 
greatest inconvenience to him, as he himself told me. 

By what Lord George tells me he has observed, I find he 
thinks your Excy. will find a gracious reception here. Lord 
North continues confined, so whatever business was in his hands, 
there it will remain till he is able to go to St. James's. Every 
body pities you for this delay, but I do not find any body active 
in endeavouring to relieve you from this disagreeable situation. 


EanL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Lorp GEORGE GERMAIN. 

(Private.) 

1780, Nov* 12.—T'ive mails which arriv'd together on Friday 
brought me no information with respect to my arrangements. 
Mr. Forster has been expected these three days, but in vain, his 
return will be some species of consolation to me. humor 
insinuates that four of the gentlemen upon my list of New Peers 
will be rejected; my engagements were fulfill'd in transmitting 
the recommendations to his Majesty who is the best judge of the 
propriety of them. A dispatch was sent some few days since to 
Lord Hillsborough requesting the King's approbation that Lord 
Carlisle's journey might be postpon'd for a few days till my business 
could be settled. If this is rejected it will give me the fullest con- 
vietion that my slender credit in the closet is ruin’d. Disagreeable 
truths with respect to the situations and opinions of this Kingdom 
it has been my unfortunate duty to state, it was not within my 
ability to induce the Irish to think with me or generaly to adopt 
that conduct which as a dutifull subject and & good citizen I 
wish'd to recommend. The conclusion of my administration has 
however been judg'd to be honourable and meritorious by the 
world at large, and with every prospect of confusion the tran- 
quility of this Kingdom has been preserv'd. At the moment of 
my writing those few lines of the 24 of November, the agitation of 
my mind had greatly warped my understanding, calmer moments 
indue'd me to adopt a more temperate conduct as you will observe 
from my official dispatches. But tho' the warmth of my feelings 
is smother'd by discretion, yet the interior ferment is still the 
same. May you, my dear Lord, never experience any thing 
gimilar. 

P.S. You may have seen in the newspapers that the 
Volunteers propos'd to escort me at my departure, an offer 
which I have politely declin'd as I have any marks of their 
attention upon every occasion. 

(Draft.) 








871 


Rospert GAMBLE? to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1780, Nov. 92. Sackville Street.—(Mr. Secretary Hamilton had 
communicated to him his Excellency's intention of recommending 
him and his family to His Majesty.) I cannot conclude this letter 
without assuring your Excellency that mixing a great deal with 
the world I receive the most inexpressible pleasure in hearing 
your Excellency the subject of praise and affection among all 
ranks of men. When you shall be remov'd to the Royal Presence 
you will carry with you the most honorable tegtimony and reward 
of your virtuous administration, the hearts and affections of a 
truly grateful people, who will not fail to publish to Europe that 
your Excellency has been the real friend and patron of Ireland. 
I shall ever be proud that your Excellency has been pleas'd to 
think me not unworthy of your attention for speaking the 
language of my heart. 


Sir JOHN IRWINE to THE SAME. 


1780, Deer. 2. Piccadilly.— . ........... I do 
not pretend to enter into the subject of your situation at present. 
I can only assure your Excy. that no man can feel more about 
it, and I believe no man has said so much on that head in all 
places, than I have. 

Give me leave to trouble your Excy. with two proposals of 
Colonel Burgoyne, one for raising, the other for getting together 
a Regiment of light Dragoons. He has desired me to transmit 
them to your Excy., which I could not refuse doing; besides I 
am of opinion that the first of the two proposals (if it was : 
thought necessary) might be useful with some little alteration. 

As soon as the parliament adjourns, I propose going to the 
Bath for two or three weeks, where I hope to put my stomach 
into better repair. 


A Packet of 24 Papers relating to the period of Lord Bucking- 
hamshire's Vice-Royalty, Jan. 1777—Dec. 1780, contains the 
following :— 

Àn address from the Merchants, Traders and others, in- 
habitants of Dublin upon his arrival. 

An address from the Roman Catholies of Ireland on the same 
occasion. 

The Quakers’ address, ibid. 

The Protestant Dissenters’ address, ibid. 

Lord Buckinghamshire’s enrolment as a Freeman of the City 
of Cork. 
|. 1771, April 11.— Presentation of the Freedom of the City of 

Dublin conferred on the Earl of Buckinghamshire. 

1777, Feb. 20.—Honorary Degree of Doctor of Trinity College, 
Dublin, conferred 20 February, 1777. Signed by John Hely 
Hutchinson, Provost. 


oe ee 


* M.P. for the Borough of Newcastle in Dublin in 1781. 


378 


1777, Nov. 19.—Lord Mayor's address. 

1778, Feb.—An address praying for Royal Protection to the 
Fisheries of Ireland. 

Division Lists for the years 1777 and 1778. (Errata List). 

1778, Feb.—Address from the Trustees of the Linen Manu- 
facture. 

1778, Mar. 7.—Address of the Mayor, Sheriffs, etc., of Cork 
to the Lord Lieutenant. 

1778, March 26.—An address praying for preferment for the 
Rev. Mr. Dean Pery. 

A petition against the taxes about to be levied for paving, 
eleansing and lighting the city of Dublin. 

The address of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal on the 
occasion of war being declared against France. 

The election of Lord Buckinghamshire as President to the 
Lying-In Hospital. 

An address from the High Sheriff and Grand Jury of the 
County of Leytrim. 

An address from the Merchants of the City of Dublin, with 
thanks for Protection from American Privateers. 

The Humble Petition of Mary Ann D’Arcy, spinster (attested 
by Charles Elphin). 

1780.—Address of the Freemen and Grand Jury etc. of the 
County and City of Dublin—(on the occasion of Lord Bucking- 
hamshire’s departure). 


May, 1776 to 1791.—To the period also of the Earl of 
Buckinghamshire’s Vice-royalty belongs a large correspondence 
in relation to patronage, and even as late as 1791, eleven years 
after he had left Ireland, applications were still made to him to 
use his supposed influence with successive Ministers or Lord 
Lieutenants. The letters are from the following :— 

1776.—Lord Howe (in reply to Lord Buckinghamshire’s 
recommendation of Lt. Drury), the Earl of Suffolk, Mr. Edward 
Stopford, Earl Ludlow, the Lord Chancellor of Ireland [ Lifford, ] 
the Earl of Courtown, Lord Desart, Earl of Cavan, Mr. Caulfield, 
W. Maxwell, J. Staples, Charles Churchill, the Earl of Clanbrassil, 
M. O’Bryen [Taplow Court, ] the Earl of Radnor. 

1777.—Lord Clifford, J. Hatsell, Sir John Irwine, Earl of 
Coventry, R. Vernon Sadleir, Lord Inchiquin, Capt. E. Fuller, 
Francis Matthew, Viscount Glerawly, Lord Erne, Lord 
Glandore, the Earl of Ely, Mrs. Grenville, Viscount Barrington, 
W. Tonson, the Earl of Oxford, General R. Pierson, Earl of 
Denbigh. 

1778.—Lord Brownlow, R. Worsley, Edward Eliot of Port 
Eliot, the Earl of Rochford, Lt.-General J. Johnston, the 
Countess of Kildare, Mr. James Fortescue, Lord Ravensworth, : 
the; Archbishop of Dublin, Dr. John Craddock, the Duke of 
Marlborough, Hans Sloane, Sir John Goodricke, the Archbishop 
of Cashel, [Dr. Michael Cox,] Sir William Draper, J. Heywood, 
G. Thornton, the Earl of Clanricarde, the Earl of Lanes- 
borough, R. Rochfort, the Earl of Belvedere, the Marquis 


379 


of Hertford, the Earl of Guilford, Lord Marchmont, Lord 
Cadogan, Robert Gamble (to Sir Richard Heron), the Earl of 
Hardwicke, Mr. Wedderburn, the Bishop of Cork, Sir Wm. Osborne, 
R. Fitzgerald, the Earl of Shannon, the Duke of Queensbury, 
the Earl of Bective, the Earl of Ross, Robert Clements, Rev. 
John Erskine, Sir Michael Cromie, Lord Inniskillen. 

1779.—Lord de Vesci, Countess of Massareene, Arthur 
Pomeroy, ‘‘The humble Memorial of Lady Mary and Lady 
Katherine Butler on behalf of themselves and their four Infant 
Sisters,” Edmund Pery, Col. Brown, Viscount Carlow, Bishop 
of Killaloe (Dr. Chinnery), Sir Wm. Howe, Mr. Thomas Nesbitt, 
Earl of Tyrone, Earl of Granard, Lord Amherst, Count de 
Welderen, C. Turner, the Archbishop of York, Lord Clifden, 
Major Vyse, Captain Wm. Elliot, Hugh Hill, Col. Sandford, the 
Earl of Tyrone, the Duke of Leinster, Lord Annaly, the Bishop 
of Ossory (Newcome). 

(1780.)—Edward Hamilton, the Earl of Altamont, Lord Bangor, 
Thomas Mahon, Lord Crosbie, Robert Jephson, the Countess of 
Granard, Rt. Hon. W. Brownlow, Lady E. Ponsonby, Lord 
Walpole, Lt.-Gen. Cunningham, Hon. James Browne, Lord 
Westport, Dean Woodward [of Clogher], Alderman Henry 
Bevan, Col. Wm. Burton, Charles Coote (Dean of Kilsenora), Earl 
of Inchiquin, Lord Chief Baron Ducie, Lord Farnham, Lord 
Naas, Mr. John O’Niel, Lord Doneraile, Sir Robert Deane, 
Edward Hunt. 

1781.—The Lord Primate of Ireland (Dr. Richard Robinson, 
of Armagh), Lt. Bolton, Earl of Carlisle, Sir A. Schomberg, 
Count O’Rourke (to Ld. North), Mr. Paul Canning, Sir R. 
Palmer, the Rt. Hon. Wm. Eden, the Earl of Sandwich, Lady 
Roche, James Shiel, Godfrey Green, Sir James Browne, Sir 
Charles Douglas. 

1782.—Capt. (Richard Vere) Drury. 

1784.—Capt. H. W. Lacey, (1785) Luke Gardiner, (1786) 
Anthony King. 

1788.—Capt. Sweetman. 

1790.—Sir Boyle Roche. 

Between 1781 and 1791.—There are draught letters also on 
this same subject of patronage from the Earl of Buckingham- 
shire to (1781) Earl of Carlisle, Rt. Hon. W. Eden, Mr. Edward 
Tighe, the Archbishop of Cashel, Mr. Green, Sir J. Brown, 
(1783) Lord Altamont, (1785) Luke Gardiner, (1788) Earl 
Nugent, (1791) P. Tottenham. 


Dean HicHaARD WoopwaRD? to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Jan.3. Dublin.—(Reference to some Church patronage.) 
Nothing new has occurred since you left this kingdom but the 
phenomenon of publie thanks following a departed Lord 
Lieutenant, and our newspapers filled with applause instead of 
abuse. Lord Carlisle was prevented by the gout from making a 
visit to Castletown on Monday. 


——— —— —— —À 
— — — 


* Dean of Clogher— made Bishop of Cloyne, 1781, Jan, 20. 


978 


1777, Nov. 19.—Lord Mayor's address. 

1778, Feb.—An address praying for Royal Protection to the 
Fisheries of Ireland. 

Division Lists for the years 1777 and 1778. (Errata List). 

1778, Feb.—Address from the Trustees of the Linen Manu- 
facture. 

1778, Mar. 7.—Address of the Mayor, Sheriffs, ete., of Cork 
to the Lord Lieutenant. 

1778, March 26.—An address praying for preferment for the 
Rev. Mr. Dean Pery. 

A petition against the taxes about to be levied for paving, 
cleansing and lighting the city of Dublin. 

The address of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal on the 
occasion of war being declared against France. 

The election of Lord Buckinghamshire as President to the 
Lying-In Hospital. 

An address from the High Sheriff and Grand Jury of the 
County of Leytrim. 

Àn address from the Merchants of the City of Dublin, with 
thanks for Protection from American Privateers. 

The Humble Petition of Mary Ann D'Arcy, spinster (attested 
by Charles Elphin). 

1780.—Address of the Freemen and Grand Jury etc. of the 
County and City of Dublin—(on the occasion of Lord Bucking- 
hamshire's departure). 


May, 1776 to 1791.—To the period also of the Earl of 
Buckinghamshire’s Vice-royalty belongs a large correspondence 
in relation to patronage, and even as late as 1791, eleven years 
after he had left Ireland, applications were still made to him to 
use his supposed influence with successive Ministers or Lord 
Lieutenants. The letters are from the following :— 

1776.—Lord Howe (in reply to Lord Buckinghamshire's 
recommendation of Lt. Drury), the Earl of Suffolk, Mr. Edward 
Stopford, Earl Ludlow, the Lord Chancellor of Ireland [ Lifford, | 
the Earl of Courtown, Lord Desart, Earl of Cavan, Mr. Caulfield, 
W. Maxwell, J. Staples, Charles Churchill, the Earl of Clanbrassil, 
M. O'Bryen [Taplow Court,] the Earl of Radnor. 

1777.—Lord Clifford, J. Hatsell, Sir John Irwine, Earl of 
Coventry, R. Vernon Sadleir, Lord Inchiquin, Capt. E. Fuller, 
Francis Matthew, Viscount Glerawly, Lord Erne, Lord 
Glandore, the Earl of Ely, Mrs. Grenville, Viscount Barrington, 
W. Tonson, the Earl of Oxford, General R. Pierson, Earl of 
Denbigh. 

1778.—Lord Brownlow, R. Worsley, Edward Eliot of Port 
Eliot, the Earl of Rochford, Lt.-General J. Johnston, the 
Countess of Kildare, Mr. James Fortescue, Lord Ravensworth, : 
the; Archbishop of Dublin, Dr. John Craddock, the Duke of 
Marlborough, Hans Sloane, Sir John Goodricke, the Archbishop 
of Cashel, [ Dr. Michael Cox,] Sir William Draper, J. Heywood, 
G. Thornton, the Earl of Clanricarde, the Earl of Lanes- 
borough, R. Rochfort, the Earl of Belvedere, the Marquis 


979 


of Hertford, the Earl of Guilford, Lord Marchmont, Lord 
Cadogan, Robert Gamble (to Sir Richard Heron), the Earl of 
Hardwicke, Mr. Wedderburn, the Bishop of Cork, Sir Wm. Osborne, 
R. Fitzgerald, the Earl of Shannon, the Duke of Queensbury, 
the Earl of Bective, the Earl of Ross, Robert Clements, Rev. 
John Erskine, Sir Michael Cromie, Lord Inniskillen. 

1779.—Lord de Vesci, Countess of Massareene, Arthur 
Pomeroy, ‘‘ The humble Memorial of Lady Mary and Lady 
Katherine Butler on behalf of themselves and their four Infant 
Sisters," Edmund Pery, Col. Brown, Viscount Carlow, Bishop 
of Killaloe (Dr. Chinnery), Sir Wm. Howe, Mr. Thomas Nesbitt, 
Earl of Tyrone, Earl of Granard, Lord Amherst, Count de 
Welderen, C. Turner, the Archbishop of York, Lord Clifden, 
Major Vyse, Captain Wm. Elliot, Hugh Hill, Col. Sandford, the 
Earl of Tyrone, the Duke of Leinster, Lord Annaly, the Bishop 
of Ossory (Newcome). 

(1780.)—Edward Hamilton, the Earl of Altamont, Lord Bangor, 
Thomas Mahon, Lord Crosbie, Robert Jephson, the Countess of 
Granard, Rt. Hon. W. Brownlow, Lady E. Ponsonby, Lord 
Walpole, Lt.-Gen. Cunningham, Hon. James Browne, Lord 
Westport, Dean Woodward [of Clogher], Alderman Henry 
Bevan, Col. Wm. Burton, Charles Coote (Dean of Kilsenora), Earl 
of Inchiquin, Lord Chief Baron Ducie, Lord Farnham, Lord 
Naas, Mr. John O'Niel, Lord Doneraile, Sir Robert Deane, 
Edward Hunt. | 

1781.—The Lord Primate of Ireland (Dr. Richard Robinson, 
of Armagh), Lt. Bolton, Earl of Carlisle, Sir A. Schomberg, 
Count O'Rourke (to Ld. North), Mr. Paul Canning, Sir R. 
Palmer, the Rt. Hon. Wm. Eden, the Earl of Sandwich, Lady 
Roche, James Shiel, Godfrey Green, Sir James Browne, Sir 
Charles Douglas. 

1782.—Capt. (Richard Vere) Drury. 

1784.—Capt. H. W. Lacey, (1785) Luke Gardiner, (1786) 
Anthony King. 

1788.—Capt. Sweetman. 

1790.—Sir Boyle Roche. 

Between 1781 and 1791.—There are draught letters also on 
this same subject of patronage from the Earl of Buckingham- 
shire to (1781) Earl of Carlisle, Rt. Hon. W. Eden, Mr. Edward 
Tighe, the Archbishop of Cashel, Mr. Green, Sir J. Brown, 
(1788) Lord Altamont, (1785) Luke Gardiner, (1788) Earl 
Nugent, (1791) P. Tottenham. 


Dean RicHaRp Woopwarp® to the Ear, or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Jan.8. Dublin.—(Reference to some Church patronage.) 
Nothing new has occurred since you left this kingdom but the 
phenomenon of public thanks following a departed Lord 
Lieutenant, and our newspapers filled with applause instead of 
abuse. Lord Carlisle was prevented by the gout from making a 
visit to Castletown on Monday. 


* Dean of Clogher—-made Bishop of Cloyne, 1781, Jan, 20. 


980 


Lon» HinLsBoRovaH to the Ear, or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Jan. 8. Hanover Square.—Acknowledges his obliging 
letter, informing him of his safe arrival. Congratulations on 
his return. “If my Lady Buckingham looks as beautiful as she 
did on New Year's Day, I pity you." 


The Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Srr H. CLINTON. 


1781, Jan. 5. London.—I almost doubt if all my letters have 
reached you, but your candor will attribute it to the circumstances 
which necessarily render the correspondence between America 
and the British Islands very uncertain. 

The account that we have respecting the situation of the war 
damp'd those hopes which of late have been too sanguinely 
entertained in Ireland. It concerns me very seriously that the 
resources of the Empire cannot supply you with means adequate 
to the exigencys of the service and your acknowledged ability of 
exerting them. 

Two days only have elapsed since my return to England, and 
not having as yet seen either my Master or his Ministers you 
must not expect any authentick information. It has been my 
good fortune to leave Ireland in peace and prosperity, the goodwill 
of the Nation attended me to the yatch, and there has been some 
reason to think that my indefatigable attention may have con- 
tributed to dispell that illusion which might possibly have produced 
events too nearly resembling your unhappy American— 
write when you can—if Phillips is near you assure him of that 
affectionate regard which has frequently felt his calamity’s.—This 
will be delivered to you by Wm. Ludlow, son of Lord Ludlow. 
and nephew of Lord Scarborough ; it is without reluctance that 
I obey Lady Buckingham’s command in recommending him to 
your protection. She is not less your friend than my dear 
General, yours, etc. 

(Draft.) 


Mason RicHarp Vysk to the EíARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Jan. 12. Dublin Castle.—Congratulations on his return 
to his native land after the troubles and fatigues he has suffered. 
Mr: and M™- Vyse are about to leave their habitation in the Castle 
where they had received 80 much kindness from Lord Bucking- 
hamshire and his family. 


Tuomas CoNonLLvY to THE SAME. 


1781, Jan’ 18.--By your silence about your passage and 
journey I conclude them both as void of novelty as possible, 
except that you had been near falling in with the Royal Chace 
on the latter. Ihave often wish'd myself present at your inter- 
view last Wednesday, your prudence might be greater than mine, 
but certain I am that no truth should escape the King'sknowledge 
that could in any shape give him a right idea of this kingdom, of 








981 


which I am persuaded he has but a faint one. You owe this to 
your own character and to both these country's, who I am 
persuaded will always go hand in hand, unless separated by 
artful or misinformed servants of the Crown. 

Our new Lieutenant came here (his first visit, being confined 
since you left him with the gout) on fryday and left us this 
morning. He is very well bred, and easy in his manner, tho' 
very slack of conversation, not only at his levée, but everywhere. 
Blaquire? I hear and believe is to have & great share of Mr. 
Eden'st confidence and is to be a second Minister. This will not 
do, nor ought it, I see it big with evils of all kinds, but I fear 
Government here will soon be too far enlisted to go back. If 
anything could warp my principles about supporting Govern- 
ment this would, but I will endeavour to make the best of it, and 
parry as much mischief as I can. Our gallery is full, some sing- 
ing, some playing at chess, others at cards, in short making so 
much noise that I must eonelude this with an apology for not 
digesting its contents better, but as you have excused much 
nonsense from me before, you will forgive me now. 

P.S. Loves to Caroline and dear little Emily. 


JoHN Foster to the EanL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Jan. 21. Collon.—Had great pleasure in hearing from 
Lord Buckinghamshire that his reception at St. James’ was 
entirely to his satisfaction. ‘The labours of a difficult adminis- 
tration involved with the subjects of the greatest nicety and 
embarrassed with every distress peculiar to the times are now 
rewarded in the approbation of His Majesty joined with the 
grateful applause of a whole nation.” 


Str Henry CLINTON to THE SAME. 


1781, Jan. 15 and 22.—Your Lordship may possibly read in 
our newspapers that the whole Hebel army has revolted. Not 
so, my dear Lord, but ’tis true that the Pensilvanians have, and 
I think it likely it will not stop there ; they demand arrears of 
pay, &e., &e., and to be discharged. I, of course, offer more 
than Congress can or will give. My offer reached them a day 
before theirs, General Wayne, etc., were admitted to a Conference 
with them, but as yet I have received no answer that 1 can 
depend upon ; though the army is in motion, I dare not for the 
present do more than favour the revolt and offer an asylum. 
One step beyond that might before I know their sentiments 
alarm their jealousy, mar all, and reunite them to their late 
tyrants. My situation is critical, W . . n's not less so. Ihave 
however all to hope. He, all to fear. 


* Sir John de Blaquiere, formerly Chief Secretary to Lord Harcourt. The spelling 
varies. 

+ William Eden, afterwards Lord Auckland, 1789, Principal Secretary to the Earl 
of Carlisle, the new Lord Lieutenant, appointed October, 1780. 

1 Wayne, General in command of the Pennsylvanian Line at Morristown, 





882 


All will, I doubt not, go well to the southward this winter, as 
Lord Cornwallis is in great force by the detachments I have 
made from this army. 

Tis said, and I believe it that E. Allen and his Vermonters 
has joined the Canadian Army. Enfin if we are properly 
reinforced, if we remain superior at sea, and have an active 
co-operating Naval commander, I think rebellion will be staggered 
in the course of next campaign, without the French should be 
reinforced also, or these people subsidized with money, but if we 
are starved, all our golden dreams will vanish. I beg my best 
respects to the Countess. 

22 Jan.—I refer your Lordship to E. Dalrymple. The revolters 
have been cajolled, they have however carried their point 
respecting discharge, two thirds have got it. Jersey claims the 
same and must have it, they are to receive their arrears of pay, 
etc., in continental bills, 75 for 1. There are now sitting at 
Trentown three members of Congress, and three sergeants of the 
Revolters settling matters together. 

Your Lordship will conceive the moment is critical. I shall 
watch it. Irejoice at your return from Ireland after so honourable 
an administration. 

The packet this instant under sai). 

(Enclosed with the above are the following printed slips:— 
I. and II.) 


I. 1781, Jan. 7.—' Proposals made to the non-commissioned 
officers and soldiers of the Pennsylvania Line at Princeton.' 


His Excellency, Joseph Reed. Esquire, President, and the 
Honourable Brigadier General Potter, of the Council of Pennsyl- 
vania, having heard the complaints of the soldiers, as represented 
by the sergeants, inform them, that they are fully authorized to 
redress reasonable grievances, and they have the fullest disposition 
to make them as easy ae possible; for which end they propose :— 

First. That no non-commissioned officer shall be detained 
beyond the time for which he freely and voluntarily engaged, but 
where they appear to have been in any respect compelled to enter 
or sign, such enlistments to be deemed void and the soldier 
discharged. 

Secondly. To settle who are and who are not, bound to stay, 
three persons to be appointed by the President and the Council, 
who are to examine into the terms of enlistment ;——where the 
original enlistments cannot be found, the soldier's oath to be 
admitted to prove the time and terms of enlistment, and the 
soldier to be discharged upon his oath of the condition of the 
enlistment. 

Thirdly. Wherever any soldier has enlisted for three years or 
during the war, he is to be discharged unless he shall appear 
afterwards to have re-inlisted voluntarily and freely. . . . The 
gratuity of one hundred dollars given by Congress not to be 
reckoned as a bounty, or any men detained in consequence of 





988 


that gratuity. The Commissioners to be appointed by the 
Pre sident and Council, to adjust any difficulties which may arise 
on this article, also 

Fourthly. The Auditors to attend as soon as possible, to 
settle the depreciation with the soldiers and give them certificates. 
——[heir arrearages of pay to be made up as soon as circumstances 
will admit. 

Fifthly. A pair of shoes, overalls and shirts will be delivered 
to each soldier in a few days, as they are already purchased and 
ready to be sent forward whenever the line shall be settled.— 
Those who are discharged, to receive the above articles at Trenton, 
produeing the General's discharge. 

The Governor hopes that no soldier of the Pennsylvania Line 
will break his bargain, or go from the contract made with the 
public—and they may depend upon it, that the utmost care shall 
be taken to furnish them with every necessary fitting for a soldier. 

The Governor will recommend to the State to take some 
favourable notice of those who engaged for the war. 

The Commissioners will attend at Trenton where the clothing 
and the stores will be immediately brought, and the regiments to 
be settled with in their order. A field officer of each regiment to 
attend during the settlement of his regiment. 

Pursuant to General Wayne's orders of the 2nd instant, no 
man to be brought to any trial or censure for what has happened 
on or since New Year's day, but all matters to be buried in 
oblivion. 

Jos. Reed. 
James Potter. 

(Enclosure.) 

II. 1781, Jan. 8.—His Excellency’s proposals being com- 
municated to the different regiments at Troop Beating this 
morning, they do voluntarily agree in conjunction that all the 
soldiers that were enlisted for the term of three years or during 
the war, excepting those whose terms of enlistment are not 
expired, ought to be discharged immediately with as little delay 
as circumstances will allow—except such soldiers as have volun- 
tarily re-enlisted. In case that any soldier should dispute his 
enlistment, it is to be settled by a committee and the soldier's 
oath. 

The remainder of his Excellency's and the Honourable Board 
of Committee's Proposals is founded upon honour and justice, 
but in regard to the Honourable the Board setting forth 
that there will be appointed three persons to sit as a Committee 
to redress our grievances. It is therefore the general demand 
of the line and the Board of Sergeants, that we shall appoint 
as many members as of the opposite, to sit as a Committee to 
determine jointly upon our unhappy affairs. As the path we 
tread is justice and our footsteps founded upon honour, there- 
fore we unanimously do agree that there would be something 
done towards a speedy redress of our present cireumstances. 

Signed by order of the Board, 
Wm. Bowzer, Secretary. 


384 


Pursuant to your Excellency's demand concerning the two 
Emissaries from the British, the Board of Committee resolved 
that those men should be delivered up to the supreme authority 
in order to shew that we should remove every doubt of suspicion 
and jealousy. 

Also that the men may disperse upon being discharged, the 
delivering up their arms, etc. 

Signed by the Board in the President's absence, 
Daniel Connel, Member. 

Trenton, 1781, Jan. 10. 


Peter Houmes,? Esq., to the EanL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Jan. 21. Winagh.— This letter will be delivered to your 
Lordship by Mr. Bayly, son of a gentleman of large property in 
this neighbourhood with whom I am connected by the nearest 
ties of friendship and of blood. He has been called to the barr 
here, but is now determined to go over to Charlestown, South 
Carolina, to vindicate and assert his rights to & very extensive 
property that his family have long enjoyed in that country, but 
in the possession of which they have been disturbed by the late 
troubles that have desolated that country. 

The regret you were pleased to express at not having had an 
opportunity during your residence here of confering on me some 
mark of your favour induces me to hope that your Lordship will 
readily embrace this opportunity of serving me thro' my friend, 
and that you will give or procure for this gentleman such letters 
of recommendation to persons in office at Carolina, as may enable 
him to present his just claims with vigour and effect. 

I should think that a gentleman of profession educated in those 
principles of loyalty and attachment to his Majesty's Government 
80 universally prevalent here, not absolutely unworthy the notice 
of American Administration when going there on such an errand, 
especially when those principles are likely to receive energy and 
effect from that influence which is inseparably annexed to exten- 
sive property. 


CAPTAIN Bures to THE SAME. 


1781, Feb. 17. Dublin.—(Personal news and various prefer- 
ments.) The Deanery of Derry+ I understand is to be manu- 
factured with an English Prebend, who is to resign to Dr. Aikin. 

. The event of the English Mutiny Bill has 
given very general satisfaction and has destroyed all pretence 
for the revival of the declaratory resolution. Lord Carlisle has 
taken Mr. Beresford’s country house, but still lives in town. 


Sin Lucivs O’Brien: to THE SAME. 


1781, Feb. 20. Dublin.—Asks for the letter or a copy of the 
letter 1 in which Lord North had expressed his appreciation of the 








* M.P. for the Borough of Br Banagher i in King's County. 

t The Revd. Edward Emily, A.M., was appointed Dean of Derry on the 8rd April, 
1781, in succession to the Revd. W. Cecil Pery. 

1 Of Dromolen, County Clare, and M.P. for that county. 


-—--m tt; 


885 


service which he had rendered to the trade of Ireland in 1778 
before the Parliament of Great Britain. ‘‘It was a testimony 
which I thought I had reason to be proud of, and which I could 
wish even to transmit to my children.” 


Brsxop or CLovNE to the EaArL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, February 28. Dublin. —Myÿ actual appointment to the 
See of Cloyne would have occasioned your Lordship the trouble of 
receiving my thanks again, had I known to what place to address 
them, which I did not till I had the honour of your letter yester- 
day. The childishness of the measures taken at fiyst to defeat 
your Lordship's recommendation, and afterwards to transfer a 
part of the obligation to your successor comes the nearest to an 
apology for the shabbyness of them. It looks as if the author of 
them knew no better. Your Lordship will be diverted at the last 
expedient. It was found out (after five months serutiny) that I 
was a popular seditious man, and would prove a Napper-Tandy 
in Lawn. I laughed at the accusation, but it is a serious matter 
if Lord Carlisle (who is a man of honour) is to receive his ideas 
of men and things in this country from the ingenious and worthy 
gentlemen who described my character. 

It will give me a most sincere pleasure to have an opportunity 
of expressing in more than words my gratitude to your Lordship. 
I can explain (I think) clearly the arrangement proposed by Sir 
R. Heron to me. It was that I should as soon as I had it in my 
power give a living of £500 a year to Mr. Ogle, to advance his 
preferment between £200 and £800 or rather £800 a year; Mr. 
Ogle in that ease resigning his living of Castle Bellingham (with 
£220) to Mr. Maunsel. Our conversation was so explicit that I 
mentioned it to Mr. Ogle and his friend Mr. Leigh, but shall be 
silent for the future till I receive your Lordship's commands. 

Mr. Conolly must be delighted to find all his friends rejoicing 
at his newspaper honours. I don't think I shall venture to 
mention the circumstance to Lady Louisa. The most distant 
hint of an Irish peerage makes her look grave. 


EARL or BucKINGHAMSHIRE to F. Nessir. 


1781, March 15.—The very unexpected and mortifying dis- 
appointment which I experienced with respect to many projected 
arrangements at the close of my Administration have prevented 
me from seeking for any particular communieation upon lrish 
affairs with the Ministry since my return to England. 

Lord North told me at St. James's that the first day of my 
appearance these pensions recommended by me were going over 
and it is my firm opinion that the delay arises from the dilatori- 
ness of office and the multiplicity of important business at this 
time in agitation. It has never been suggested to me that there 
was any diffieuliy relative to the pension in which you are 
interested. 

(Draft.) 


17118 2B 





386 


The ARcHBIsHOP OF DuBLIN® to the Earn or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Mar. 19. The Palace.—T cannot omit this joyfull 
occasion of congratulating your Lordship on the glorious event 
of taking St. Eustatia, St. Martin and Saba, together with 
240 ships, an infinite quantity of naval stores, provisions, 
merchandise, &c., and that too without the loss of almost a man, 
which at all times must greatly enhance the value of the con- 
quests, but in our present critical situation renders them doubly 
valuable. Every one must rejoice to find that this immense loss 
in ships, stores, &c., falls almost entirely on the merchants of 
Amsterdam, a punishment strictly due to their notorious 
perfidy. 

Mr. Keating’s promotion to the Deanery of Clogher has 
enabled me to comply fully with your Lordship’s wishes. (Has 
therefore collated Mr. Bourne, the Duke of Leinster’s friend, to 
the Chancellorship of St. Patrick’s and St. Werburg’s, and Mr. 
Champagne to the prebend and living of Castle Dermot. 

Hopes to be able shortly to express his gratitude to Lord 
Buckinghamshire in person in London.) 


THomas CoNoLLY to THE SAME. 


1781, March 19. Castletown.—It was very kind of you to 
send me so much good news at its first arrival in London and I 
already anticipate a further account in about year hence of the 
taking of the Spice Islands, and if worth while Batavia, so that 
the Mynheers by their treachery will help to make us amends for 
what we have lost by that of others. Peace, however, is what we 
must all wish for, this kingdom to make money and yours to save 
it, to prevent a national bankruptcy. 

Tell Caroline that I believe she will loose her chaperon for 
Kensington Gardens for this Spring, as our climate here is too 
Jine to leave it, and a journey or two to the north this summer 
will break in so much upon my time that I shall give up London 
and the fine world and rest contented with those pleasures and 
amusements this poor kingdom produces. 

I have seen our new Viceroy but seldom, once here, and two or 
three times, to pay my respects at Levée, Drawing Room, etc. I 
have likewise seen Eden here and in Dublin ; he is very alert in 
examining and stating the different accounts of the different 
Boards. He has struck the ballances, and has ask’d where they 
were; by the by, he has had a very lame account of several of 
them. Knox’s debt, instead of £16,000 has turned out 40 
thousand, eight hundred. Tom Shepherd of Drogheda has 
received the thanks of the Board for his assiduity and regularity. 
Our loves to Caroline. 

P.S. Lord Carlisle has taken Beresrord's country house and 
Eden, Blaquiere's. You must guess the consequences. 








1778 Robert Fowler, Bishop of Killaloe, promoted to the Archbishopric in Deo, 


887 


Capt. A. Corsetr to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, March 25. Dublin Castle.— . . . Let the enemies 
of Ireland say what they will. I must differ from all such and do 
justice to the character of the Irish in saying that they entertain 
the most grateful sense of the many advantages they obtained in 
the course of your Lordship’s Viceroyalty. 

The news of the taking of St. Eustatia has been received with 
every demonstration of joy, and the country in general I am told 
continues everywhere in the same peaceful disposition as when 
you left it. . 


The Karu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to the ARCHBISHOP or DuBLIN. 


1781, March 80.—Your Grace will read with pleasure that his 
Majesty has honor’d me with a most gracious reception. As to 
those of his Ministers whose illiberal and injudicious conduct 
east a shade upon the close of my Administration, you certainly 
will applaud, in anxious times like the present, my treating 
rather with coolness and reserve, rather than intemperate resent- 
ment. 

(Draft. Extract.) 


Sm Henry CLiNToN to the EaRL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, May 15.—Your Lordship has finished all your campaigns 
most honorably. If not relieved from the disagreeable embarass- 
ments under which I have laboured these many months, I too 
shall close my campaigning in this continent I hope without 
disgrace. 

I would have written to your Lordship a long letter, but beg 
leave to refer you to our friend G. Leland with whom I have had 
most confidential conversation. I 

I will show your Lordship a letter I have written to the Duke 
of Brunswick with a short account of the operations of this 
campaign. 

From Col. Leland your Lordship will know my griefs. 


SAME to CoroNEL LELAND. 


1781, May 20.—You will observe what our situation is, if Lord 
Cornwallis should unfortunately decide upon a junction with 
Philips. I must not say what will happen to the southward, 
nor what might have been prevented if his Lordship naturally 
jealous of Green (had) either fallen back into the Carolinas from 
Guildford Court House, from Cross Creek, or even from Wilming- 
ton, either by sea or land to George Town, for you will observe 
in Lord Cornwallis’s letter of the 10th of April he says that Green 
was still at Deep River, which I have reason to believe is still 
further from Camden than Wilmington is. But these are only 
private opinions. 

(Copy in Lord Buckinghamshire’s handwriting. | Endorsed 
'* Ertract.”) » 


388 


Sir Henry CLINTON to CoLoNEL LELAND. 


1781, May 28.—The same sanguine opinions still prevail in 
England, and amongst other things they look upon Allen as 
actually in arms with us, whereas all I have said is that he has 
separated himself from the Congress; but private letters will ruin 
us, they acquaint the Minister, likewise, that I can spare 10,000 
men from 12,000. All my private letters say that the old 
Admiral is recall'd. I hope the next accounts from the Fleet will 
confirm it; should they not, I wait another packet from Europe 
and if not made easy in that respect I must quit à command 
which you will bear me witness cannot be honorable connected 
with such a naval chief. Accounts from Lord Cornwallis not- 
withstanding Lord Rawdon’s victory, are unfavourable; a general 
spirit of revolt shows itself. I heartily wish that Lord Rawdon, 
whilst it is in his power, may move to the southward of Santee. 
Lord Cornwallis seems much inclined in the absence of Green to 
attempt a junction with Phillips, and his principal motive seems 
to be to avoid, as he terms it, the disgrace of going by sea to 
Charlestown. What a reason for making a move which must be 
fatal to the Carolinas and may be so to his own army, and even 
to that of Phillips, if the reinforcement I have sent does not 
arrive in time, in short, should his Lordship have made this 
move, il sera, selon moi, impossible de rétablir une campagne si mal 
commencée et à plus forte raison, je me retirerai du jeu. In the 
temper I am in, if I knew where to find his Lordship, I should 
do it immediately, for notwithstanding I am free to own if we are 
properly reinforced, the French, not, and we remain superior at 
sea and don’t blunder, much may be done in the course of this 
campaign, yet if by our false move we lose the Carolinas we are 
undone. To this hour I know not the force Lord Cornwallis 
entered the Carolinas with. No returns but what he had in the 
action by which the Guards, who joined his Lordship 800 fit for 
duty are reduced to 422; Bose® from 480 to 256, and all the rest 
in proportion. 

(Copy of extract in Lord Buckinghamshire’s handwriting.) 


THe SAME to THE SAME. 


1781, May 26.—The more I ponder upon our situation in the 
Carolinas the more I am alarmed at it. Lord Rawdon’s success 
will have saved it for the present and I hope if Green is likely to 
remain in force, and he is not reinforced, that his Lordship will 
quit Camden. 

General A. is arrived, he says that one of the reasons of the 
reduced numbers before Guildford was the great number of 
soldiers worn down with fatigue. He hints at desertion, which 
such a march must of course have occasioned. I have been 
comparing the returns fit for duty of those I last year left with 


* A Hessian Regiment whose commander was De Bose. 


889 


his Lordship, the reinforcements I have since sent him and his 
last returns, and I find the deficiency nearly 2,445 men at a much 
healthier season than when I left him. 

(Copy of extract in Lord Buckinghamshire’s writing.) 


Lr.-ConL. Vvse to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, June 6. Dublin.— (Delayed writing till the 4th and 5th 
of this month should be over.) 

The former being the Birthday and the latter a general Field 
day of the Volunteers, between them both I had flattered myself 
with the hopes of being able to pick up something that might 
have contributed for a moment to your entertainment. 

On Monday there was an Ode and Dinner at the Castle as 
usual, and on Tuesday morning his Excellency returned again to 
the country. There was much about the usual number of men 
at the Castle in the morning, but our shew of ladies was not 
indeed very brilliant ; for excepting Lady Carlisle and her sister, 
Mrs. Towler and Mrs. Sackville Hamilton were our only beauties. 
Lord Charlemont, Reviewing General of the Volunteers, has had 
a guard at his house ever since they assembled, and had a levée 
on the morning of the Birthday, about the same time that there 
was one at the Castle. 

So great a number of the inhabitants of this place never, I 
believe, were collected together before as were assembled yester- 
day morning in the Phenix Park. The number of Volunteers 
was not near so great as I expected to have seen. They did not, 
I think, exceed above eighteen hundred in all, but these were very 
well appointed and armed, and would, I dare say, háve performed 
all their business with much more regularity had not a heavy 
rain began just as their General came upon the ground. The 
papers have swelled their numbers to between three and four 
thousand. Your Lordship may therefore upon this occasion 
believe about half what they tell you, which is giving them a 
much more ample eredit than they often deserve. My caleulation 
I believe is tolerably exact, as I compared it with several others 
made by persons who had been at the trouble of counting 
them. 

I send your Lordship enclosed a plan of a Review which is to 
take place on the 20th July next. With respect to our own 
military operations for the summer, nothing is to be determined 
till Sir John Irwine returns to us. Whether any of us are to 
take the field or what disposition is to be made of us we are at 
present totally ignorant. 

It is rumoured that an arrangement in the law-line is soon to 
take place, in consequence of the Lord Chancellor’s wishing to 
retire. . . . 

Since I troubled your Lordship with my last letter I have 
myself been a very great traveller, at least almost as great a one 
as this island would allow me to be, having spent above two 
months at the different quarters of my new regiment, at Ballin- 
robe, Dunmore, Castlebar and Sligo. Farther to the west I could 


390 


not go. I found my regiment much in the situation I expected, 
but I knew, in some degree at least, the state of it before 1 joined 
it, and therefore did not suffer any mortification from disappoint- 
ment. I have endeavoured all in my power to convince both the 
officers and men that I have no object but their happiness and 
interest, and I make no doubts but we shall agree extremely well. 
I wish to interest them in every measure that I take, by pointing 
out to them the advantages of that order and regularity it is 
intended to establish. My journey round the quarters of my 
ent was a very long one, and great part of it thro' the 
wildost country I ever saw, and which is, I think, less improved 
within these twenty years than any other part of Ireland. 


Epwanp TIGHE to the EARL or BucKINGHAMSRIRE. 


1781, July 17. Waltrim, near Bray.—Mr. Hamilton, I under- 
stand, is somewhat better. He is drinking water in the North 
of Ireland, whieh Dr. Quin believes will be of great service to 
his health. I wish he had taken a trip to Spa, or at least to 
Bath. . . 

The Lord Lieutenant appears to pass almost the whole of his 
time at his little Fingalian Villa, where I understand there is not 
room even for Corbet. There is an audience, however, every 
Thursday at the Castle. 

Eden 18 most active, punctual and cheerful. He is rummag- 
ing all the offices, and inforcing residence and attendance. Very 
good employ, before more pressing business arises. The losses to 
the public by Knox and others are attributed to the ill state of 
the office of the Accountant General. Such failures naturally 
awaken attention. 

The Volunteer forces appear in great splendour at field days, 
reviews, &e., in several parts of the kingdom. There had been 
one in the Phenix Park the day before I landed, and the men 
were for three days billeted upon the inhabitants of Dublin. Yet 
I much doubt whether the numbers are increas'd. While the 
war lasts they probably will flourish. Peace so earnestly to be 
wished for must effectualy put an end to them. The wild ideas 
of independence and separation, &c., I am told are spread far and 
wide. I cannot refrain exclaiming :— 

** Curse on the innovating hand attempts it! 
** Whose damn'd Ambition would get.” (sic) 

I know your Lordship will pardon my warmth. 


THE SAME to THE SAME. 


1781, July 81. Waltrim, near Bray.— . . . My time is 
chiefly occupied by bathing, medicine, exercise, and some degree 
of study. I see no politicians, but by accident, but have the 
pleasure to hear your name always mention’d with the highest 
respect and gratitude. 

His Excellency I have seen only once. He lately pass'd very 
near me in a tour to General Cuninghame, Powerscourt, &c. 


891 


I have had two private days with Eden in the Park. We have 
been intimate for many years, and I wish to give him all the little 
assistance in my power. He seems to think that the moment 
Flood shew'd himself determinedly hostile you should have 
insisted upon his dismission from office, and not have consented 
to wait for the conclusion of the Session. This was said in a 
tête-a-tête. I find that he has been receiv'd very cooly and as he 
tells his friends, with insolence ; has not receiv'd the least satis- 
faction or even encouragement as to any of his points, and has 
been fairly told that he had a narrow escape, which he did not 
deserve. 

The having made any request in the least degree improper 
would hurt me exceedingly, but a view of the rough loose sheets 
of your Irish History,° to refresh my memory in case of questions, 
would I think, be usefull. Your Lordship is very well assured 
that the use which I should make of any extracts or memoranda 
would and indeed must be for the honor of your Government. 

Reviews of the Volunteers are still going on, and Government 
are still busy in correcting abuses of office and regulating the 
revenues. hear, however, that several of the Northern corps 
(and Mr. Brownlow in particular) have refused to enter into 
violent resolutions at Belfast in imitation of the lawyers and 
some other bodies. I hear we are reasonably strong in the 
Channel, but I tremble for the East and West Indies. 

The King's last speech is a very good one. I hope his next 
will contain something to cheer us. 


EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Sir H. CLINTON. 


1781, August 19.—Leland has just left me after a friendly 
visit of ten days, during which time our conversation repeatedly 
turned upon the general situation of America and the circum- 
stances which more particularly affected yourself. 

It concerns me very seriously that you should experience other 
uneasiness than what must necessarily rise from the most critical 
and anxious trust committed to your care, but if as you suspect 
Ministers have paid attention to private correspondence (rather) 
than to the information immediately received from you, it is a 
misfortune which the writer of this letter has shared in the 
fullest extent. 

During the tedious series of my last turbulent sessions, when 
difficulty every hour multiplyd upon me, my commendations 
were little depended upon, but there was every reason to 
apprehend that the assertions and insinuations of my open and 
secret enemies were received with predilection. Positive proof 
cannot be given of this; at the close however of my Government 
even after every difficulty had been most decidedly surmounted 
Ministers refused to dismiss those who, tho’ loaded with 
accumulated favours, had strenuously opposed me, nay promoted 
one who stood in that predicament in preference to an honourable 


* Lord Buckinghamshire writes later that this was no longer in his own hands. 


392 


and steady friend particularly patronised by me. Is it not then 
natural to doubt as well of the candor as of the cordiality of the 
Cabinet? The surest way by which a little man may rise to 
second-rate greatness is by furnishing intelligence agreeable to 
the wishes, passions and prejudices of his superiors. 

The news of Admiral Árbuthnot's return was most gratefull 
to me, as well as the idea which now universally prevails that 
ample justice is done to your merit, and that you will have no 
eause to withdraw those services from your country which are 
80 essential to her. 

Nothing can be more private than my present situation— 
searcely any eommunication with Ministers and none with the 
opposition, tho' I do not implicitly swear by the conduct of the 
first, I most cordialy abjure the measures of the latter. Leland 
told me of the notice taken by the Royal family of your son, 
which could not but be, as it was intended, flattering to you; the 
idea of seeing the young gentleman hereafter with his father at 
Blickling gives me sensible pleasure. 

Lady Buckingham regards you most cordialy. 


The Earz or BucKINGHAMSHIRE to Epwarp TicHE. 


1781, Aug. 21.--Some apprehensions insinuated in your last 
letter respecting the political dispositions of many of your 
countrymen have painfully dwelt upon my recollection, should 
they prove so wild as, instead of availing themselves of their 
lately acquired advantages, to quarrel with Great Britain, the 
Nation will commit a more disgraceful blunder than invention 
ever attributed to any Irish individual. Their conduct during 
the last sessions (some factious flights excepted) bought them 
golden opinions, —which should be worn in the gloss—and the 
exchange of good-will they claim in addition to any publick 
feelings would induce me vainly to hope—alios animos in conten- 
tione Libertatis et honoris, alios secundum deposita certamina in 
incorrupto judicio fore. 

Upon the whole it is my most cordial wish that success may 
attend your present Government, and I should think their 
steadiness and abilitys, together with the support they are sure 
of from home, will easily surmount any difficultys with which 
they may be threatened. 

It is not in my power to send you any flattering news, some 
accounts of the state of America have lately been given me by 
men fresh from the spot who must have possessed diffusive 
intelligence ; the campaign seems to be wasting without any of 
those decided events which can alone prevent the ruinous 
continuation of the war. 

The reception given to Mr. Flood at the Castle was truly 
becoming. When Mr. Eden says I ought to have insisted upon 
that gentleman's immediate dismission, he do's not recollect, for 
he could not but have known, the very slender favor I possess'd 
in the English Cabinet, you were no stranger to my apprehensions 





898 


at some critical periods, when the perverseness of some men, 
the duplicity of others, and the consequential accumulated 
embarassaments provoked me to suspect that there were not 
wanting those in either Kingdom who wish'd my disgrace almost 
at the expence of publick calamity. 

Indeed, tho' ideas of this tendency might be admitted in the 
peevish moment of distress, calm reflection must convince us 
such abominable absurdity could not realy exist. 

My retreat from London was very early, and no material 
information has reached me in these shades, but in the beginning 
of June cordiality and concert did not prevail amongst the great 
men. You will, however, a8 an honorable politician hear with 
pleasure, that the English American Patriots daily lose ground 
in the national esteem. Many of them possess abilitys and 
private virtues, had they been totally inestimable, the destruction 
their suggestions have produced would have been less extensive. 
Let them prosper in their private situations, yet never attain that 
ministerial dignity their ambition has 80 ruinously emulated. 

* Nor reap the Harvest tho' they've spoil'd the feild." 

(Draft.) 


Epwarp Ticuke to the Kart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Sept. 8. Waltrim, near Bray.—Your very obliging 
favour of Aug. 21st was most flattering. The sentiments so 
exactly correspond with my own, that I cannot consider myself 
as of that country, which, in such a time, and under such 
circumstances of obligation, has the folly and wickedness to seek 
for a rupture with the elder sister. 

lam in truth a mix'd subject, and I feel myself to be an 
impartial one. My birth, as well as my parents, my education, 
and habits are English; my fortune, prospects and Parliamentary 
connexions Irish. 

Still it may be hoped that my apprehension with respect to 
any present hatching of wicked politicks are not founded. I 
mean 80 far as to include any considerable numbers. Spirits 
there are, and ever will be, who are nothing if not mischievous ; 
from them, questions in Parliament of the worst tendency are to 
be expected. Indeed the newspapers sufficiently shew the 
intentions of several individuals and of some bodies. For these, 
the real friends of the Constitution should be prepared, and I 
shall esteem myself much honor'd, if when you have half an 
hour to bestow upon such a subject, you will favor me with a few 
sentences, detach'd or otherwise, which you would wish to have 
pronounce "d at College Green. Supported by your opinion and 
assistance, I shall feel myself embolden'd more than I have ever 
done. Diffidence, arising from several causes, and ill-health 
have in general kept me upon my seat, but ‘Il own the glorious 
subject fires my breast.' 

That some vote tending to a separation will be proposed there 
ean, I fear, be little doubt. To meet it with argument, force and 
resolution should be one of the first objects of Government. 


894 


I believe the Lord Lieutenant and Secretary have very nearly 
the same opinion of individuals that your Lordship entertain'd. 
The idea of à quondam Secretary having much weight does not 
appear to me to be well founded. He probably has been listen'd 
to as well as several others, but by no means with peculiar con- 
fidence. Mr. E. seems to think (and as far as my judgment and 
experience goes. thinks wisely, and I remember it was your 
Lordship's opinion) that many of what are called constitutional 
questions, particularly Poyning's, have no real or intrinsic 
importance, and that the House of Commons contains such a 
variety of different sentiments upon that subject that it might 
gafely be indulg'd in the framing almost any propositions arising 
from it. If he can satisfy the King's Cabinet of this truth 
perhaps the doctrine may be usefullin these times. 

Lord Loughborough is now at Eden's in the Park and I hear 
is to stay in Ireland some time. Just at this juncture an 
invasion has started up. Your Lordship had many of them, but 
this is the first appearance this season. 

I understand that Mr. Foster and those few who deserve to 
be eonfided in, will have their full weight when the curtain is 
drawn up. Hitherto Mr. E. has been peeping through the slits, 
and has had the management, I believe, to conceal not only from 
the audience, as is the case at the French Comedy, but even from 
the actors. «cho are to perform the principal characters. 

Upon this day month the Parliament of Ireland is to meet, 
bonis avibus, I trust. 


The Earz or BucKINGHAMSHIRE to Ep. TIGHE. 


1781, Sept. 25.—The idea of any votes being formaly propos'd 
tending to a dissolution of the connection between the two 
Kingdom’s or at least of such a vote's being countenanc’d by any 
respectable characters, go’s much beyond any parliamentary 
proceeding which my apprehensions had suggested, they had 
scarcely gone further than the probability of some proposition to 
modify Poyning’s Law, and to render the Mutiny Bill biennial. 
Not that I am prepared to set bounds to the absurdity or wicked- 
ness of a few individuals, and indeed it is for the advantage of 
Government that a violent measure should be started if 
decidedly reprobated at the first blush. The arguments against 
Ireland's attempting a separation are equally forcible and 
obvious, but it must be in an hour of very particular vanity that 
I can encourage the conceit of adding any thing material to 
those which must occur to your own good judgement. 

Did it fall to my task to treat this subject, my great difficulty 
would be the rendering the home truths call'd upon by the 
occasion palatable to the prejudices and the heated imaginations 
of a popular Assembly. Spacious as the field is, the reasoning 
perhaps may be reduc’d to the three following Heads :— 

The present enviable situation of Ireland in contradistinction 
to that of any other State. 





895 


The physical impossibility as Europe is now constituted of 
Ireland's existing an independent Government. 

And the certainty of the Roman Catholicks becoming the 
ruling religion in consequence of her separation from Gt. Britain. 

You are not to learn the advantageous ground upon which 
your Country now stands or that it is only problematical from a 
most humiliating doubt whether the Irish are capable of that 
persevering industry necessary for the availing themselves of 
the happiness and prosperity which awaits them, and whether 
persons of moderate property will by vesting it in trade prefer the 
situation of an opulent merchant to that of a distressed gentleman? 
However the spirit of England may be depressed by ingratitude 
and treachery abroad and domestick faction, she is not as 
yet so far humiliated as to give up her authority in Ireland 
without a serious struggle, and even should her opposition prove 
unavailing, some material inconveniencys must be apprehended 
from her resentment. But, for argument sake we will suppose 
the emancipation to have been accomplish’d. 

It is scarcely to be presum’d that the current expense of the 
nation could in consequence be reduced, the contrary is by far 
more probable. 

The interest of her present debt, trifling as it is comparatively 
with ours, and the expences of any rational system of Govern- 
ment which she can establish, cannot long be paid without 
adventitious resources which are only to be obtained by commercial 
exertions. Her trade can never become & material object but by 
the acquiring a preference over the manufactures of other nations 
whose interest must determine them to extinguish that rivalry 
in the bud if not respectably protected. Such protection should 
be deriv’d from a maritime force. But can that force be easily 
established in a Country where the building an additional 
Revenue Cruiser is almost a deliberation of State ? 

It will be argued that the military expence may be reduc'd by 
the Volunteers being substituted for the Regular forces. Will 
any man soberly contend that those bodys rais'd in the fever of the 
times, in most instances indeed upon the spur of the occasion 
from a meritorious spirit of self-defence, but in others by faction 
and the vanity and emulation of individuals, constituted as they 
are, can become formidable to an invading enemy, inforce the 
execution of the laws, and check the thousands of profligate 
beggars who watch the opportunity of pillage in the interior of 
the Kingdom. It is indeed most certain that the cordial pro- 
tection of the disinterested House of Bourbon would officiously 
meet your wishes, and as certain that such protection must lead 
to a subjection, to the which her absolute sovereignty would be 
preferable. The territorial value of Ireland, her proportional 
inability of resistance and her locality with respect to England 
and France, render her decidedly dependent upon either the one 
or the other. 

It that assertion is founded, those who wish to enjoy liberty 
under law and who profess the Protestant Religion will have no 
great difficulty in determining their election. 


396 


That great drain of Irish treasure, the number of absentees, 
would rather increase than diminish by a change of Government, 
and every argument which at this time militates against the 
taxing them would still continue equaly conclusive. 

As to the third point I should scarcely think it possible to 
maintain seriously that & connection with France would not 
sooner or later give lead in Ireland to the Roman Catholicks. 
Every political reasoning must determine that ambitious Nation 
to encourage religious tenets and principles of Government con- 
genial to her own. Equity also would justify the preference 
given to the opinions of so decided & majority of the inhabitants. 

But let us suppose Ireland establish’d as an independent State, 
treating upon an equal footing with foreign Nations and not 
courting any protection. The interior strength of the country 
could be as nothing, and civil war must be hourly apprehended, 
if some terms were not made with the Catholicks. Conscious of 
the superiority of their numbers, would they be satisfyd without 
some share in the government, and when once possess'd of that 
share, would not those numbers actuated by the acknowleg'd 
genius of their religion grasp at the whole? 

Tho’ this is already but too long I must still add a few words. 
Were any inference to be drawn with respect to the possible 
independence of Ireland from the existence of the lesser States of 
Europe such as Venice, Naples, Switzerland, Genoa, Tuscany, &c., 
it may be obviously answered that some of them are only nominally 
so, others owe their situation to their insignificance, some to the 
rivality of neighbouring Powers. who would not allow the other 
to make the acquisition, some also to the great policy of Europe. 

It is unnecessary to insinuate to an enlightened understanding 
like yours that if in discussing great national systems full and 
judicious allowance is not made to the specifick genius of the 
individuals and every distinguish’d local and relative circumstance 
of each country, the reasoning will be very erroneous. 

(Draft.) 


Sir H. Cuinton, Kr., to Lorp J. P. CLINTON. 


1781, Oct. 8 to 11.—That you may understand nearly what 
Lord Cornwallis’s situation has been and is now, I give you a 
short journal of events as they have turned up. 

On the last of August, suspecting Washington’s intention of 
detaching to the southward, I sent information to his Lordship. 

On the 2nd September having reason to believe it was certain, 
I sent messengers with a promise of reinforcement, whenever the 
Admiral shou’d tell me it cou’d proceed, or if it cou’d not proceed, 
to make the best diversion I cou’d. 

On the 6th received his Lordship’s of the 29th, saying that 
Le Grasse bad arrived in the Chesapeak with about 25 sail of the 
line from the West Indies. ° 

On the same day, sent to his Lordship to inform him that the 
best way to assist him, was to go to him. That I should do 80 
with 4,000 already embarked, as soon as the Admiral informed me 














397 


it was practicable; acquainting his Lordship that the Admiral 
had 19 sail of the line, and that, by accounts from Europe, 
Admiral Digby was hourly expected. 

On the 18th received information of the action of the 5th. 

On the 14th determined in & Couneil of War that the only way 
to succour Lord Cornwallis was to go to him, for that nothing 
cou'd turn Washington from such an object. 

On the 17th received the Admiral's letter of the 16th saying 
that the enemy were masters of the Chesapeak ; that he intended 
to return to York with his shattered Fleet to avoid the Equinox ; 
that he knew nothing of Admiral Digby officially, but hoped that 
his arrival wou'd enable him to look at the French Fleet. 

On the 28rd determined in a Council of Generals that it was 
their opinion that Lord Cornwallis required immediate succour ; 
that it shou'd be attempted even with risk to fleet and army ; and 
agreed to request a conference with the Admirals on the 
subject. 

On the 28rd received a letter from Lord Cornwallis of the 16th 
and 17th: in the first he had little to apprehend before the end 
of October, but in that of the 17th he changes his tone ; probably 
upon hearing that Barras,9 not having joined before, had now 
joined Le Grasse.t And together they were 36 sail of the line: 
and said if not very soon relieved, I might be prepared for the 
worst. 

On the 24th the Council met and unanimously agreed as soon 
as the Fleet cou'd be repaired, by joint exertions to endeavour to 
succour his Lordship, and afterwards to co-operate with him. 

While in Council, Admiral Digby arrived with three ships of 
the Line. As the surest and best means of conveying us, and 
not being separated from the Fleet, I proposed that the navy 
should take us on board; which they readily consented to. Upon 
which messengers were dispatched to Lord Cornwallis, and 
the greatest probability that we shou'd start on the 5th of 
October. 

On the 29th, finding the Fleet not so forward, I requested 
another conference. It was there determined amongst other 
things, that the Fleet wou'd be ready by the 12th, to take us on 
board. Of this little alteration I informed his Lordship, and let 
him know that if by accident, the Fleet shou'd be still delayed a 
little longer, I wou'd start the instant I cou'd. But shou'd he 
judge that we cou'd not arrive in time, he was at liberty to do 
any thing he cou'd, to save his Army. I requested his ideas, 
how he thought we cou'd best form a junction, and gave him 
mine and the General Officers’ if I did not receive his opinion 
which would of course, determine us. 

On the 8rd sent an Officer to Lord Cornwallis to explain. 

On the 4th heard from Lord Cornwallis, that he had received 
mine of the 24th, with great satisfaction, and that if we cou'd 
arrive in a reasonable time, he cou’d hold out: and that his 
works were in a tolerable state. 





* Louis Comte de Barras. + Francois Comte de Grasse, 1728-1788. 


On the 11th two Line of Battle Ships arrived from the West 
Indies, which makes our Fleet 25 sail of the line, and two 
fifties, with a number of Frigates. "Tis not a move of choice, 
but of necessity. If Lord Cornwalliss Army falls, I shou'd 
have little hopes of seeing British Dominion reestablished 
in America, as our Country cannot replace that Army. 
If we do not try to save it, we cannot succeed; if we 
do we may. Lord Cornwallis is of opinion with us, that 
the only way to do it, is to go to him, and having formed a 
junction with him, we shall, if possible attack Washington ; or 
if that is thought impracticable, we shall save as much of Lord 
Cornwallis's corps as we can, shou'd it be thought right to keep 
the post of York. I of course go myself, and, if I succeed, I 
ghall resign the command to his Lordship. 

When operation in Chesapeak was ordered, I layed before 
Government the danger I thought it was exposed to, without a 
permanent superiority at sea. I was promised, if not a 
superiority, an equality, ' to secure those operations." If that 
is not the case, let Lord Sandwich, Sir George Rodney, and 
the Minister answer it. Lord Cornwallis was compleatly invested 
on the York side on the 8rd. He has provisions, with economy, 
I hope, to the middle of November at least. 

llth. A cruel wind stopt us yesterday; we are however all 
ready to start the first favourable moment. This journal is 
tolerably eorrect, your Lordship will shew it to such friends as 
you judge proper. 


Epwarp TiGHEk to the Karu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Oct. 8. Dublin.—When I considered it as probable that 
questions hostile to the connexion between the two Kingdoms 
might arise, I judg'd chiefly from those votes and resolutions and 
addresses which of late have fill'd the newspapers, and from the 
attempt of last Session by what was call’d the declaratory vote. 
I had no other grounds. Certainly there have existed for some 

ears past a few short-sighted politicians who affect to consider 

reland merely as a country under the same King with Great 
Britain, and connected no otherwise than Hanover, &c. To such 
I alluded. Your few but striking arguments are a sufficient 
refutation of such silly and unfounded doctrine. 

Eden is in great spirits upon this eve of his campain. He has 
very good assurances, and as far as can be seen at present, very 
good prospects. Mr. O'Neil is to move the address to the King. 
Lord C. Fitzgerald to the Lord Lieutenant. 

With respect to the pensions of the last year I am convine'd 
that they are perfectly understood and exactly discriminated. 
Not one of them, in my opinion, will be laid to your account. 
But if any matter shall arise upon that subject which appears to 
me to reflect in any degree upon your Lordship's conduct, I trust 
I cannot sit silent unless more able and impartial tongues prevent 
me, which I am confident will be the case. 

My most sincere acknowledgments are due for the paper con- 
taining most judieious objections to the idea of Irish independence, 








899 


As to Poyning's it is really nothing but a good tub, and therefore 
should not be parted with. My arm is much out of order and [ 
fear my scrawl is difficult. 


Sr H. Cumron to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, October 10. New York.—I am honored with your 
Lordship's letter; in my last I informed you that Le Grasse 
with 86 sail of the line had taken possession of Chesapeak Bay, 
and that Washington march'd towards Lord Cornwallis; his 
Lordship has about 8,000, including sailors, marines, etc. ; the 
8,000 French, 4 or 5,000 Continentals, and a numerous Militia. 
Washington broke ground on the 2nd. The only way (in the 
opinion of all) to succour Lord C. is to go to him, his provisions 
will I hope last till the middle of November with care, his works 
— by the delays of the enemy, he says, are in tolerable good order, 
his position I believe an exceeding strong one. Admiral Graves 
has now 25 sail of the line and two fifties. These with 5,000 troops 
on board will start in & day or two to try by joint exertion to 
suecour Lord Cornwallis by York river (which by the bye the 
enemy's fleet masks). If the Navy succeed (of the probability 
of which they of course are the only judges) in their part, ours 
will I hope not fail. 

This is not a move of choice my dear Lord as you will see, but 
of necessity ; if Lord Cornwallis’s army falls, I shall have little 
hope of seeing British dominion re-established in America, as our 
country cannot replace him and his army. If I succeed in saving 
his Lordship, I shall if possible bring W. to action, and then 
resign à command I have long since determined to do the instant 
it could be done with propriety ; the treatment I have till of late 
met with, and the insinuations thrown out by his ministers, some 
of them published in a rebel paper, are such as no man will 
submit to serve under; my Lord —’s approbation of my 
conduct has been witheld from me too long, it now comes to late. 
When I was directed to hold the Chesapeak and carry on 
operations there with all I could spare from other stations, I 
observed to the Minister, that if the enemy should be superior 
for only a few weeks the Corps in Chesapeak would run the 
greatest risk, I was in answer promised that ‘‘ Sir G. Rodney 
should have positive orders to watch La Grasse and to 
follow him to this coast in time sufficient to cover our 
operations in Chesapeak,” instead of which Sir S. Hood 
has brought only 18 sail, 8 arrived with Admiral Digby, 
two this day from Jamaica. If therefore we are reduced to an 
inferiority of 25 to 86, if the Corps in Chesapeak is risked, nay 
lost, il faut vous addresser to Lord S h, Sir G. R y or the 
M r. I know nothing of sea moves. If the conflict tho’ an 
unequal one happens at sea, which most think it will, I have all 
to hope from the saroir faire of our Naval Chiefs and our better 
sailing, if we attempt to force them in any position they may 
take to cover York river, though we may suffer a little; but there 
are many circumstances that may give us every hope of success; 
the army 'tis true may be crippled in either case a little, with 














400 


what remains however I will do the best when I am put ashore. 
I show you, my dear Lord, both sides of our prospect, till we sail 
of course we look at both, once started only at one. We goin 
proper good humour with each other, and each determin'd to do 
his best. I beg my best respects to the Countess. I have 
enclosed my last letter to Lord C , either Lord John or 
Leland will shew it your Lordship. 

I hope to pay my respects to you in December. If I save Lord 
C. you may expect me, if he falls I must wait my fate here.  Lt.- 
Col. Eyre of the 59th, who commanded at the attack on Fort 
Griswold goes home wounded, and if possible will have the honor 
to deliver this to your Lordship. 





Sir H. Curnton to the Earz or BUOKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Oct. 29. South of Chesapeak.—A thousand thanks for 
your kind letters. Your Lordship will find by my last that we 
did not sail from New York till the 19th nor arrive off this till 
the 24th, almost a fortnight too late as Lord Cornwallis I fear 
capitulated the 17th. His Lordship was lost for want of the naval 
support under Sir G. Rodney, who we were told was ordered to 
watch Le Grasse's motions and follow him here to cover our 
operations in Chesapeak ; such has been Lord Cornwallis's fate, 
and such, my dear Lord, will be the fate, as I have repeatedly told 
the Minister, of every port if the enemy remains superior at sea. 

The French fleet is at anchor in our sight, for such an object 
as Lord Cornwallis and his corps we should have risked an attack 
altho’ we are only 25 to 86, but having now two such objects 'tis 
not perhaps our business to risk an action, but if the enemy 
comes out and attacks, which as the wind is fair he may do this 
day, '*nous ferons notre mieux." 


Epwarp TiGHE to THE SAME. 


1781, November 2. Dublin.—Nothing worthy of being 
mention’d to your Lordship occur’d in the H. of C., until yester- 
day when Sir Lucius O’Brien brought forward the Portugal 
business in spite of the engagement made by Mr. Eden. 

Sir Lucius spoke and read treaties, &c., for hours, and then a 
smart debate came on, upon a question to appoint a Committee 
to enquire into the trade between Ireland and Portugal. 

Isaac Corry® and Fitzgibbont were the two first that oppos’d 
this motion. Corry made a speech of eulogium upon Lord 
Hillsboro. Grattan, Yelverton}, Bushe§, Ogle, Hussey Burgh and 
Flood supported the motion. Daly and Brownlow|| were absent. 


* Isaac Corry, M.P, for the Borough of Newry. 

t John Fitzgibbon, Attorney General in 1783, and afterwards Lord Fitsgibbon and 
Earl of Clare, and Chancellor. 

f Barry Yelverton, M.P. for Carrickfergus, afterwards Lord Chief Baron and Lord 
Avonmore. 

$ Gervase Bushe, M. P. for Kilkenny. 

|| Rt, Hon. Wm. Brownlow, M.P. for Armagh (City) Co., and a Privy 
Councillor. 

















401 


Flood spoke decisively as to measures and himself. Call'd 
upon the House to support their free trade, and used every means 
to persuade and to inflame, digress'd upon the Perpetual Mutiny 
Act and eurs'd the authors of it and the Legislature that pass'd 
it, spoke much of himself and of his office and call'd upon 
members situated like himself to risque every thing for the sake 
of establishing that free trade which their resolution and 
steadiness had obtained. 

Eden, tho' highly provok'd by Grattan, was temperate, pertinent 
and steady. 

A little before midnight the house divided. 

Ayes for a Committee 44. 
Noes 117. 

My arm is not in order, and I scrawl abominably which I hope 
your indulgence will excuse. 

Having for some time a habit of giving your Lordship a 
summary account of such matters I have chosen this opportunity 
in particular as the question was strong and Mr. Flood very 
conspicious. | 

The business is getting forward in the Committee of Accounts 
&c. Nothing more has been said as yet upon the subject of 
Pensions. 

The Provost spoke, rather heavily, with the Majority. 


Sir H. Czinron to the EaARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, November 9. New York.—In my last off Chesapeak I told 
your Lordship my apprehensions for Lord Cornwallis, alas ! they 
were too well founded, could we have arrived in time we are of 
opinion we should have succour’d his Lordship by entering 
York river, at all events by James ; we should have saved part of 
of his Lordships' Corps perhaps with the loss of part of that 
under my immediate orders. If the Navy remain superior in 
these seas, Charlestown tho' it can stand a siege must finally fall, 
and tho' perhaps the season is too far advanced to attempt this 
plan at this season, we must have our turn, if the French 
remain in this country in such naval and land force, and we are 
not reinforced in proportion, and covered by a fleet. I refer your 
Lordship to Lords Lincoln and Dalrymple. 


THE SAME to THE SAME. 


1781, November 30. New York.—If Lords Lincoln and 
Dalrymple should have arrived safe it will be unnecessary for 
me to say more upon our late misfortune than my letters by 
them and their information will give your Lordship, but if they 
should be taken it may be necessary for me to say a few words 
in answer to Lord Cornwallis' letter of the 20th of October, 
which, before I had seen his Lordship, out of delicacy I did not 
chuse to do. 

There is but one cause, my dear Lord, perhaps to impute our 
late great misfortune, the want of promised naval superiority 


17118 20€ 








402 


under Sir G. Rodney, but there are certain implications (to call 
them by no other name) in Lord Cornwallis’ letter which I must 
take some notice of; from that letter it may be supposed that 
his Lordship had been compelled by me to take the post at York, 
that he had represented the defects of the ground, and that 
of course it was not his Lordship's preference that he was 
detained there contrary to his own judgement; and that I 
had likewise promised the exertions of the Navy before I was 
justified in doing so by the resolution of Flag and General 
officers on the 24th September, which his Lordship received 
the 29th (many days after General Washington's troops 
arrived at Williamsburg), that I had promised the Fleet would 
sail about the 5th of October. Before I ordered the letter to be 
printed, in a conversation with his Lordship he did not deny 
that York was hisown preference; he owns he never represented 
any defectsin the ground till his letter of the 20th October, written 
after the capitulation; that I had never promised him the joint 
exertions of navy aud army, till I did so in my letter of the 24th 
of September; and that in speaking of the probable sailing of the 
fleet to his succour, he ought to have given my own words, “ we 
have every reason to hope the fleet will start about the 5th of 
October." As to intrenching tools I have sent to Chesapeak with 
the different detachments above 8,000, a very great proportion 
indeed in 6 months ; the instant I received a requisition for more 
I ordered them, but at the time I received it the enemy were in 
possession of Chesapeak. 

Should his Lordship's letter of the 20th of October have made 
an unfavourable impression in Europe, I shall expect from his 
Lordship's candour a formal avowal of his sentiments on the 
above points, for if that shall not be the case I shall depend on 
my friends to publish such parts of our correspondence as shall 
set this matter in & proper view. 

P.8. His Lordship tells me his letter of the 20th of October 
was written under great agitation of mind and in great hurry ; no 
man can have felt more for him and his gallant army than their 
humble servant, no man would have gone greater lengths to have 
preserved them, and God forbid I should give his Lordship any 
unnecessary trouble at this time. 


Epwarp TiaHe to the Karu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, November 14. Dublin.—The House rose at four o'clock 
this morning having negativ'd & motion to bring in heads of a 
bill to amend, explain, and limit the Army Act. 

It is understood that Daly, Bushe and Fitzgibbon are friendly 
to the Castle. Yet they voted in favor of the motion, and spoke. 
Ayes 77. Noes 188. 

Flood and Burgh seem to be in determin'd opposition. Neither 
Mr. Conolly nor Mr. Brownlow said any thing, but both, I believe, 
voted with the Majority. 














408 


To-morrow the sugar duties come on and will I conclude take 
up some time, yet the business of Supply and Ways and Means is 
more forward by eight or ten days than I have in general known 
it to be. 

Not one word has fallen upon the subject of pensions since 
the recess of October. 


Epwarp Tree to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Nov. 28. Dublin.—The House of Commons rose between 
four and five this morning having settled the Sugar duties in the 
Committee of Ways and Means agreeably to the duties of last 
Session by 144 to 168. 

Mr. Flood, Grattan and Forbes as spiteful as possible, every 
body else both in and out of the house seemingly in great good 
humour and reasonable content. I see, both the ‘ Hibernian’ 
and ‘Freeman’ give tolerable accounts of the proceedings, 
therefore I need not attempt to inlarge upon them; suffice it to 
say that matters go off much more easily than I expected, that 
the complexion of Parliament is very fair, and the accounts from 
the Country good and promising. 

The cold water thrown in the north upon the resolution framed 
by the Lawyers’ Corps, and carried down in August by Lord C. 
&c. added to the loyal spirit exhibited upon a rumor of invasion 
has been of the greatest service to Government. They have now 
friendly to their measures not only every family of consequence, 
but almost every individual worth obtaining. The Ponsonbys, 
Daly and Bushe are among the last who have flock’d to the 
standard. Itis said that his Grace of L. is to succeed to the 
Ordnance very soon. Daly is certainly to succeed Lord G. and 
I know not what is to be done for the Ponsonbys or for Bushe. 
The bottom seems to be too large. 

Jack Hamilton is very well. We often speak of your Lordship 
with true regard and gratitude. He writes well and he promises 
me to send you a full budget whenever the recess commences, 
which is expected a week before Christmas. Mr. Conolly is 
seldom in the House, I saw him there the day before yesterday 
for a short time and had the pleasure of conversing with him. 


The Earu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to Sir H. Cumron. 


1781, December 8.—Your letters and the several communica- 
tions which you so obligingly directed to be made, have reached 
me. You could not doubt of my being persuaded that your 
attention to the publick service had been equal to your ability. 
Tho’ every man will form some opinion upon critical events, yet 
my information is not so general or so compleat as to justify 
my risquing any opinion with respect to the whole of the land 
operations to the southward. But with less scruple it may be 
asserted that the delay of our Fleet in coming upon your coast 
was unpardonable and the primary cause of the present calamity. 
Your return to England must now necessarily be delayed. 


404 


The preserving some Port in America, particularly the most 
important one which is your immediate charge, and a greater 
marine exertion is our only chance for salvation. 

If America (especialy connected with France) becomes 
independent, we may possibly be allow'd to eat bread and beef 
in our little island; but imperial sway, national dignity, 
ostentation, and luxury must with our commerce be annihilated. 

I attended the opening of the Parliament and immediately 
after returned to Blickling. London you will conceive could not 
be very agreeable, tho' despondency in the city, cireumstances 
considered, was far short of my expectation. The interposition of 
the Courts of Vienna and Petersburg to produce a pacification 
with Holland and some probability of its being successful has 
kept up the spirits of the money'd and mereantile men, and the 
Stocks are consequently much higher than might have been pre- 
sumed. 

I have received no authentick intelligence since my leaving 
Town. Mr. C. Thompson was not then arrived ; when we meet 
we cannot but speak of you with esteem and affection. I flatter 
myself that this place will, hereafter, be most familiar to you. 
Leland will probably be with me at Christmas, it is almost 
certain, as & lady who has inspired him with a most profound 
sentimental passion will be of my party. 

(Draft.) 


Lorp G. GERMAIN to the Eart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Dec. 10. Patishall.—I shall take care to obey your 
commands by the first opportunity by sending your Lordship's 
letter to Sir H. Clinton. 

I do not wonder that you should prefer residing in the country 
to the living in town, when the distress of the public and the 
triumph of the factions can ereate no pleasing ideas in a liberal 
mind like your Lordship’s. On Wednesday the Opposition make 
their great effort when the army estimates came under consider- 
ation, what support Administration may meet with | know not, 
but I am very sure that your ideas for the carrying on the war 
in America are the most proper to be adopted under our present 
circumstances, but the misfortune is that it is impracticable to 
explain in publick what must be confined to the executive power, 
but I hope the measure may be so convey’d to individuals as to - 
influence their conduct. 

Much conversation about changes, if any negotiation of that 
sort is carrying on it is unknown to me, but as I never enquire 
about it, I may be late in my intelligence. The mediation of 
Russia is accepted here, and I conclude it will be received in 
Holland with equal satisfaction, tho’ the forms of their Govern- 
ment may delay their answer. 

The Brest Fleet had not sail’d the 29th of November. Letters 
from Paris of the 8rd of this month say it was expected the fleet 
had sail'd on the Ist of December, tho’ no account could have 
then arrived, I have heard from others that it was not in 
such forwardness. I hope the last account may be true that 














405 


Admiral Kempenfeldt may have a chance of falling in with them, 
and that Sir G. Rodney may arrive at the Leeward Islands 
before them. All accounts from Ireland agree that the publick 
business and the encouragement of trade, particularly of the 
Fisheries are carrying on with dispateh and with a most respect- 
able majority notwithstanding the violence of your friend Mr. 
Flood; it must be some satisfaction to your Lordship to see your 
plans adopted, and that you represented the merit and demerit 
of individuals in the true light, tho' the awards and punishments 
were left to be distributed by your successor. Your attention to 
me upon all occasions demands my sincere thanks, it is certain 
however pleased I may be in seeing my daughter marry'd to & 
man of her own choice, yet it would have been an additional 
satisfaction to me if Mr. Herbert's residence had been in England. 

Sir C. Thompson is very well, but his ideas upon our present 
situation do not give me much eneouragement. 


The Ear. or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to the BisHop or CLOYNE. 


1781, Dec.10. Blickling.—A just tribute of gratitude ought to 
have been earlier paid for the interesting information so agreeably 
conveyed in your favour of the 14th of November, but I delayed 
acknowledging it till I could write from London in order to give 
you in return some English intelligence. A very material event 
indeed met my arrival there, but it was of such a calamitous 
magnitude as for a time incapacitaty'd me and every feeling man 
from any power of digested reasoning. After having paid my 
duty to his Majesty and to Parliament which in our House 
(before Christmas) 18 usually confined to the first day, I return'd 
to this place, the tranquillity of which has restor'd me to some 
composure, tho’ nothing can prevent most painfull reflection 
upon the future prospects of this Empire but a partial removal, 
at least, of that gloom which now looms upon us from every 
quarter. As to the scene in London, the distress was really 
universal at the fashionable end of the town. The countenances 
of Ministers, Maccaronis, tradesmen, artisans, and painted 
ladys all expressed it; his Majesty however, and it became him, 
appeared compos’d and it was asserted that some Patriots amidst 
their lamentations for the ruin of their country and their 
execrations of the authors could not from discerning eyes conceal 
a latent satisfaction. This observation is not my own. 

The city had just before receiv'd intelligence of a pacification 
with Holland, at which they were so greatly elated that notwith- 
standing Lord Cornwallis's misfortune the Stocks are at least 
two per cent. higher than they were a month since. This rumor 
has since gain’d ground. There certainly is something in 
agitation with the Dutch, to whom Catherine the 2'4 has offered 
rather a peremptory mediation. Our Ministers seem to have 
determined upon one judicious measure, that of increasing our 
Navy to the utmost, such efforts may do much, but we shall 
scarcely extricate ourselves with any degree of dignity from our 
distress, unless the other Powers of Europe will see the most 


406 


self evident of all propositions that the destruction of the British 
Empire must ultimately place universal Monarchy in the House 
of Bourbon. 

I do not mean that the French will overrun the Continent, 
but the Empire of the Ocean and all commercial superiority must 
be theirs. It will inevitably rivet those ehains with which the 
pride of Spain has submitted to be bound. 

I speak without authentick authority but there is an appearance 
as if the Courts of Vienna and Petersburg would not suffer 
England to be completely undone. What an humiliating con- 
solation, and how different from my feelings when I set out on 
the Russian Embassy? and the name of an Englishman com- 
manded deference in every quarter of the globe. 

Probably as we no longer are equal to an offensive land war in 
America we shall content ourselves with labouring to preserve the 
most material ports. If the colonys are completely emancipated, 
and remain connected with France, there needs no particular 
spirit of divination to forsee, that our West and East Indies, 
Newfoundland, fishery commerce and naval power must be lost. 
But having suggested the worst there is a becoming and usefull 
spirit in hoping the best. Some reports prevail with respect to 
a partial change of Ministry, such ideas will ever arise from 
publick distress. There has been however lately a mildness in 
the mode of some members of opposition which might be ec nstrued 
into their thinking they saw right. The times require that his 
Majesty should have a Minister who, supreme over every depart- 
ment, should plan and be responsible for the whole. 

I am most happy to hear that the charitable institution to the 
which your better judgment led me to contribute go's on well. 

(Draft.) 


CoLoNEL LELAND to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Dec. 15. The Tower.— . . . The place where I 
date my letter announces my present situation, and will apologize 
to your Lordship for my not being able to accept of your hospit- 
able and friendly invitation. It would have given me sincere 
pleasure to have added to the Christmas party at Blickling, and 
partaking of its agrémens. Here I am to be confin'd till the 29th 
instant at 10 o'elock in the morning, after my release some 
domestie business will oblige me to return into Sussex for a short 
time; but I shall with great pleasure drink the Queen's health in 
Bond Street on the 10th of January. Had I wanted any induce- 
ment tocarry meto Bliekling, the object you mention being there 
upon whom my eyes have so long dwelt with pleasure and will 
still do so, would certainly have been a great one. I beg your 
Lordship will assure that object of my most kind and sincere 
good wishes, and how sorry I am I cannot be the bearer of them 
myself. 


— ee mm M eee ee 


* In 1762. 











407 


Lord Rawdon was at the Levée yesterday, where I saw him ; 
nothing in particular transpir'd but that no officers of note fell 
during the siege of York Town; & Major Cochrane was killed, 
who had escaped thro' the French Fleet in the night and arriv'd 
safe with his dispatches from Sir Henry Clinton to Lord 
Cornwallis, together with two engineers. Two hours after he 
landed he received his doom by à cannon shot taking his head 
off. An eligible mode when such an event is decreed. 

Lord C. is hourly expected, any news that reaches me you may 
depend upon hearing, and in return I shall be happy to be 
inform'd that the circle at Blickling are as happy as I know they 
have the means of being. 

P.S. General Rainsford a few days embark'd for the 
Continent à la sourdine in order to proceed to Leghorn from 
whence he is to throw himself into St. Phillips—it is said the 
other three don't accord together—and to remove the possibility 
still further of the command devolving upon a foreigner. 


Sir H. CLintTon to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Dec. 29.—As I had the honor to write to your Lordship 
by the ‘ Robust,’ I have now only to request you will read two 
pamphlets, which Mr. Carter will send you. I do not wish that 
the contents of these pamphlets should be made publick, Lord 
Cornwallis' conduct on his arrival in England will I hope make 
that unnecessary, otherwise I shall depend on my friends to do 
me that justice they, I am sure, must think I deserve; from the 
Minister I am [ fear to expect nothing but ilitreatment. Lord 
Cornwallis tells me his letter was written in a hurry and under 
great agitation of mind, I felt for him and his gallant army, and 
had also my moments of agitation when I embarked my little 
army on board an inferior fleet, and put the fate of this war upon 
80 very unequal a conflict as it must have been in every respect, 
at least till I had formed a junction with Lord Cornwallis. I 
expect to be attacked early in the Spring, and tho' I do not 
ambition this command more than I did, as your Lordship will 
believe, I should be sorry to abandon this army at a time tis 
reduced 80 low and threaten'd, but the instant that it is properly 
reinforced, I hope to have leave to resign it. This command my 
dear Lord is sufficiently arduous with all the support that a 
Minister can give me, what must it be when I am neglected, and 
illtreated, every opinion but mine taken, any plan but mine 
adopted, I am forced into operation planned by others. promised 
support, and unfortunate from that being wantonly withheld 
from me. Iam sure my good Lord you will forgive me if I still 
harp upon that letter of Lord Cornwallis, he says ‘‘that his 
intrenching tools did not much exceed 400 when he began his 
works the latter end of August," whereas by a formal return of his 
chief engineer he had on the 28rd of August 992, but if he had 
not 20 ce n'était pas ma faute for I had sent to Chesapeak this 
year above 8,000. His Lordship did not hint at theleast want till 
the 28rd of August, which I received the 81st, two days after the 


408 


French were in Chesapeak. I should not have been surprised if 
his Lordship or his engineer had not known how many there 
were at the close of the siege, but at the beginning of his works 
he certainly must; why he was so incorrect I cannot guess, I 
ought not to suppose, he had in that or any other part of his 
letter, any intention of casting blame upon the innocent, and 
yet by implieations and misstating of some facts it may I fear 
have that appearance. I fear I shall not have time to write to 
my good friend Sir Charles Tompson, pray give him the pamphlets 
to read, altho’ his friend A s does not appear to have been 
quite so consistent as for the sake of my country, and myself 
indeed I wish he had, but we have nothing to blame but 75 (sw). 





COLONEL LELAND to the Ear. or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1781, Dec. 80th.—It may be no news for you to hear that the 
Duke of Newcastle has resigned for Sir Henry Clinton, being 
able no longer to withstand the calumnious insinuations thrown 
out (and cruelly encouraged) against his conduct. He demands 
a public enquiry, which I am sure will end in his justification— 
an enquiry, the usual stigma (at least meant as such) that has 
obscured the pretensions of every Commander-in-Chief in that 
unhappy country to military fame !—that of our friend is secure 
from danger. The ton of the Court I find is not to applaud 
him; I have seen your relation and neighbour but once (very 
lately), and consider him as an unerring barometer. I have 
seen and known so much within the few years that have passed, 
that, with the sensibility of mind which I very much suffer 
under, a very little would compel me to renounce publie society. 
But these are times that call upon every individual to lend a 
hand—and mine, if worthy of acceptance, shall not be wanting. 
I find from Mr. Tomlinson, whom I met to-day, that you have 
wanted an American general to repell the enemy from your 
woods; a few riflemen would do more good than the justices’ 
warrants. I am released from the Tower and shall go into 
Sussex for a few days. Allow me to request that you will 
accept of my sincere good wishes and also present them to the 
party at Blickling, regretting that I cannot make one. . . . . 

Before I quitted the Tower, your friend V. had been often 
with Laurens? and his release was daily expected to take place 
from his very infirm state of health. 


ARCHBISHOP OF DuBLIN! to THE SAME. 


1782, Jan. 18. The Palace.—(On Lord Buckinghamshire’s 
recommendation has collated Mr. St. Lawrence, Lord Howth's 
son to the Union of Timolin.) I condole with your Lordship 


—— À—M  — MÀ —À P — M— MÓ——MÀ 


* Late President of Congress in America, and taken prisoner in September, 1781, 
on his way to Europe to conclude a treaty with Holland. (See Annual Register for 
1781, p. 142.) 
pH 718 Robert Fow.er, created Bishop of Killaloe in 1771, Archbishop of Dublin 
in . 

















409 


most sincerely on our fatal losses in America, on our more recent 
ones of St. Eustatia and St. Martin, and on the very gloomy 
prospect of our national affairs. How happy ought we of this 
kingdom to think ourselves and how thankfull to Providence for 
having as yet scarce felt the least calamity of war! . . . Old 
Dr. Clements? was buried this day with great parades. The city 
has not yet fixed on a successor, but doubtless they will 
endeavour to choose one who will invariably oppose (as usual) 
the measures of Government. 

. I shall rejoice most sincerely to hear ....... 
that your Lordship's important services here have at length 
been amply rewarded. ; 


Srr H. Cuinton to the EarL oF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


[1782] Jan. 25. New York.—My letters by the Robust and 
Europe will have said all I shall say upon our late great misfor- 
tune. By every symptom from every intelligence we are to 
expect a foreign armament here early in the spring, should it be 
80 and we are not timely relieved our situation may become 
critical, mais nous ferons notre miewr. I have desired Mr. Carter 
to send your Lordship two pamphlets. I do not wish to attack 
any body, but I must not be wantonly attacked. Pray read my 
correspondence with the two admirals, recollect what has been 
said in publick, and then tell me, my good Lord, if that has not 
been the case. The 10th article of Lord Cornwallis's Capitulation 
has occasioned great discontent among the loyalists, the principle 
of discrimination is certainly unwise in such a war. The word 
punish, too, implies guilt, but as all the world must do Lord 
Cornwallis the justice to say he has on every occasion protected 
the loyalists, and that very article was framed to excuse their 
persons and property, I am surprised so much is said of it. I 
have been obliged to send very full instructions to the different 
ports, and General Leslie’s Proclamation shews what is necessary 
to be done there, I hope these will have the effect we wish for. 
The defection of the militia and loyalists in general as well within 
our ports as without will be most injurious to the King’s affairs. 
Your Lordship will believe I am not more in love with command 
than I was, but I have not the least idea of quitting it in the 
threaten'd state of these ports. My line is very inadequate to 
the defence of them, even against a rebel force, and we were 
masters of the sea. The Minister, forgetting the great detach- 
ments I have sent to the southward, often overrates my numbers 
here altho’ I send him regular returns. That my friends may 
have it in their power to set him right I have sent duplicates of 
those returns to them. Your Lordship no doubt has seen a letter 
of Lord G. G. to me published in a rebel Paper, I should have 
quitted the command immediately on receipt of that letter and 
some others of the same tenor about that time, but I could not 
then with propriety do it, and altho’ the Minister changed his 


* W. Clements, M.D., was M.P. for the city of Dublin and Kings Professor of 
Physick for Trinity College. 


410 


tone soon after, I had resolved if I had succeeded in my attempt 
to succor Lord Cornwallis to have resigned the command to him, 
nor ean I serve with honor or satisfaction under such a M r. 

The Hermione is arrived in Chesapeak with £350,000 for 
W 








Captain Sage of the Royal Artillery will have the honor of 
delivering this; he was with Lord C. at York and has the only 
survey of the ground. 


Sir H. CriNTOoN to the EarL or BuckINGHAMSHIRE. 


. 1782, February 16.—Altho' I am almost blind I will not 
employ the hand of a friend. Sir G. Rodney is a bold man to 
say he wrote to me, he had not even the good mauners to 
acknowledge the receipt of my letters on service; he informed 
Admiral Graves, ’tis true, that his suspicions agreed with ours, 
that La Grasse intended to visit us in the hurrieane months, and 
he faithfully promised to come before him, or at least follow him 
to this coast, why he did not he ean best tell. When Lord G. 
Germain and Lord Cornwallis foreed me into operation in 
Chesapeak the Minister told me that Sir G. Rodney had most 
precise orders to come to this coast the instant La Grasse left 
the Leeward Islands, which was l1 believe the 4th of July, 
instead of which Sir George brushed this coast about the 8th 
September with 4 sail, and sent 4 sail more to Jamaica, and 
14 here with Sir 8. Flood, convinced, ’tis presumed (as Sir 
Samuel was), that La Grasse could not bring more than 16 sail. 
Unfortunate campaign! If the West India fleet had not been 
wantonly witheld from us, it would have terminated at least 
without disgrace, but no more of that. 


BisHop oF CLOYNE to THE SAME. 


1782, Feb. 20. Dublin.—As the enclosed Resolutions of the 
Volunteers assembled at Dungannon made a good deal of impres- 
sion on my mind, I thought they might engage tho’ not gratify 
your curiosity. The paper will speak for itself. The few I have 
heard mention it think it calm and moderate. For myself, I like 
it the less for that reason. If it had more of violence and 
passion, I should fear it less. It partakes the coolness of my 
late acquaintance, Dr. Franklin, and I am persuaded was not 
penned at Dungannon. The resolutions relative to Papists never 
originated there; but any allies are welcome to strengthen the 
party. Grattan and Flood (particularly the former) are foremost 
in support of Gardiner’s Bill which comes on this evening for 
repeal of the Penal Laws. Great as our majorities are within 
doors these Congresses without will probably give employment 
to Administration not of the most pleasing kind. If any further 
progress is made by these Volunteer Legislators, your Lordship 
may depend on hearing the earliest account of it, as I know how 
deeply you must feel interested in the welfare of this kingdom to 
which you have so eminently contributed. 














411 


Mr. Conolly, to whom I shewed the enclosed, looked very cross 
and foretold mischief which yet I hope will never happen. 

Lady Louisa has lately met with an accident by a fall, which 
might have broke her leg, but has only left her a little lame. 


Lonp TowNsHEND to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1782, Feb. 21. House of Lords, past three.—I came to town 
to-day to meet Lord Cornwallis, his Lordship having requested 
me to move for copies of four letters from him to Sir Henry 
Clinton, which he finds are not received at the Secretary of 
State's Office, and which he thinks are very material to him, 
of which he has copies and can authenticate. 

As your Lordship is very justly attentive to Sir Henry Clinton, 
I thought it right to acquaint your Lordship of this request of 
my relation. Lord Cornwallis has already mentioned the business 
to Mr. Knox. The Chancellor is not yet come down to the House, 
and it will probably be some time before I shall make this motion. 


THe SAME to THE SAME. 


1782, Feb. 26. Blackheath.—The letters required, which are 
declared by Lord Cornwallis not to be before the House, are :— 

1. From Lord Cornwallis to Sir Henry Clinton, dated Ports- 
mouth, 24 July, 1781. 

2nd. York Town, 16 August, 1781. 

9rd. Do. 20 August, 1781. 

4th. Do. 22 August, 1781. 

That from Portsmouth was acknowledged by Sir Henry Clinton 
in à letter of 2nd August. 


THE NAME to THE SAME. 


1782, Feb. 91. ‘‘ Peers,’ near 5.—The motion for the 
Papers Lord Cornwallis wished for is put off, another mode of 
bringing them before the House being suggested, of which I 
daresay Lord Cornwallis will with pleasure give you notice. 


Notes on the Clinton-Cornwallis Controversy. By Sir Henry 
Clinton. ‘‘ The enclosures are to be made use of or not, as my 
friends shall judge proper." 


À printed pamphlet (referred to in Sir Henry Clinton's of the 
25th Jan. , 1782) containing '' Correspondence between his 
Excellency, General Sir Henry Clinton, K.B., and Lt.-General 
Earl Cornwallis."9 This is annotated in MS. by Sir H. Clinton. 
The first letter is from Sir Henry Clinton, dated 8 July, 1781, 
New York. The last is also by him of the 2nd and 10th of 
December, 1751, New York. 


‘‘ Annotations for Lord Cornwallis’s Correspondence.” This 
contains 88 MS. notes on the above controversy. 


* This correspondence is elsewhere published. 





412 


The Earu or BucKINGHAMSHIRE to Sir H. CLINTON. 


1782, March 4.—Your letters and several interesting com- 
munications have been delivered to me. Tho’ you may have 
thought me lately rather an inattentive correspondent, your 
friends must have informed you that I have been in no degree 
unmindfull of any circumstance here which might in the least 
affect you. To the best of my judgment the present enquiry will 
end in nothing, but whatever turn it may take the investigation 
of that part of the business in which you are implicated cannot 
but lend to your honor. The opinion of the publick in general 
seems to be, that, as well some of your friends as those of Lord 
Cornwallis have marked too much sollicitude. The real object 
of the enquiry is deem'd to be an attack upon the Admiralty. 
The present interior confusion of this country is equal to the 
multiplyd calamitys of the war. The nation have no confidence 
in the Administration and full as little, perhaps less, in the 
Opposition. Unhappily England bankrupt in genius as well as 
other resources do's not offer one man (we have been ruined by 
distinet Department Ministers) capable of preserving the Empire. 
An exuberancy of declamatory eloquence is to be found in either 
House of Parliament. But an individual where experience, 
judgment, integrity, sound discretion unite is not the produce of 
this season. 

You ought to felicitate yourself upon the appointment of a 
suecessor. Ithink well of Sir Guy Carleton, yet should in every 
light have lamented the exchange had there existed any longer a 
probability of your being supported by a force equal to your 
spirit and ability. Lady Buckingham will rejoice in seeing you. 
Nor can there be a doubt of your reception being in general such 
a8 the man can claim who has exerted himself in all which 
depended upon him to maintain the honour, dignity, and 
authority of his country. 


(Draft.) 


Tromas CoNoLLx to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1782, March 10. Castletown.—You could not have disposed 
of ** Runner” in a better manner than you have done and I make 
no doubt but that he will carry Lady Howe very well. I am 
only sorry that by Louisa and me forgetting to answer your 
letters upon his subject you have kept a useless horse so long. 

I know you do not like to hear unpleasant news and I could 
send you none from hence that would have pleased a person of 
your quick feelings and anxiety for those you love, I have there- 
fore on purpose been silent. I shall only say that the expenses 
of this Administration as far as promises go, for we have not yet 
got the Bill, has not produced a better effect with the Nation, 
the Parliament, and the Volunteers than the more honourable 
and economical system adopted by yourself; and I much 
fear that Government to-morrow will think themselves obliged to 
give way and concur with Mr. Yelverton’s motion for ‘‘ quieting 














418 


possessions held under English Acts of Parliament,” which will 
lead to declaratory resolutions after the recess, which they will 
then not be able to stop, as the instructions from Grand Juries 
and Volunteers will be so numerous and compulsory. The 
natural consequences of this you can foresee as well as any man, 
Poyning's, Mutiny Bill, ete., must be given up, and all will be 
sett down to the Mutiny of Dungannon, a mutiny that has been 
fostered by the Patriots, by professors of patriotism in both 
kingdoms, and which would never have existed had the resolu- 
tions of the House of Commons in your time and the Address 
to the Lord Lieutenant been complied with. 

This is an engine that for the future will always be made ‘use 
of here till Great Britain is strong enough to support this 
Government and her own, and God knows when that day will 
come. 

We propose being in London if the Congress at Dungannon 
and the Parliament will permit me in first week in May, and I 
will attend Caroline as a chaperon in Kensington Gardens when 
she is not more agreeably provided with one. Loves to her 
saucy face and likewise to dear little Emily whom it is impossible 
to forget. 


The Earut or BUCKINGHAMNSHIRE to the BrsHoP or CLOYNE. 


1782, March 27.—Neither indolence nor the want of leisure 
have prevented my writing, but the train of melancholy ideas 
relative to this devoted Empire which still sueceeding in my 
mind must unavailingly flow from my pen, rendering my letters 
equaly unpleasing to the composer and the reader. 

It is not enough that France, Spain, Holland and America 
should unnaturaly unite for the annihilation of England, that 
the shortsighted Court of Petersburg and the ungratefull House of 
Austria should persevere in the coldest neutrahity. But Ireland 
also, tho' now oblig'd in the extreme, must augment her 
embarrassments and aggravate her distress. Yet let your patriots 
indulge what flattering day dreams they may, experience will 
fully prove that independence cannot be maintained with a most 
limited revenue, or unrestrained commerce asserted without a 
frigate. Can they suppose that when they got rid of the 
remaining phantom of English shackles (it is no more) and that 
the triumphant fleet of the House of Bourbon sails unmolested 
through either channel, that the Western Ports of Ireland will 
be permitted to meet the trade of French Ameriea, or that the 
infant fishery which it was my cordial wish to cherish can either 
be earry'd to material effect with exclusive advantage to their 
countrymen ? 

If hereafter England, Ireland and Scotland should become 
provinces to France, an idea scarcely now so improbable as our 
present situation was a very short period since, Ireland will 
searcely prove the object of predilection, and when the political 
insinuation and old connection of your Northern neighbour are 
consider’d, possibly ‘ La Garde Ecossaise’ will be prefer'd to 


414 


‘La Brigade d'Irelande. This reasoning may appear superficial 
and trivial yet it flows from a heart warmly zealous for the 
interests of England and Ireland. 

The change of ministry has made no alteration in our fortune 
and the intelligence from the West Indies, tho' arising from no 
error of theirs, has tarnished the trappings of our new 
Governors. 

Being neither in the councils of the setting or of the rising 
suns my information cannot be deem’d sterling, but itis surmis'd 
that you will have a new Lord Lieutenant, and that the Duke of 
Portland, if such is his inclination, will have the preference. Poor 
Irwine is reckon'd amongst those who are to retire, the loss of his 
Irish emoluments will be a severe blow to that liberal and most 
well tempered man. Mr. Conolly’s intended English journey is 
a pleasing reflection to me. I wish you were of the party, as it 
will ever be a satisfactfon to me, either in a publick or a private 
light, to avail myself of your excellent understanding. 

(Draft.) 


JoHN FosrER? to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSRIRE. 


1782, May 27.—Our House met to-day. The Duke of Portland 
came in state as on the opening of a session and made the 
enclosed speech. 

Mr. Grattan, seconded by Mr. Brownlow, moved the enclosed 
Resolution for an address to his Majesty. Mr. Ogle, seconded 
oy Mr. James Stewart, moved an address of thanks to his 

race. - 

On Mr. Grattan's Motion the Recorder objected to the 
paragraph, stating that when “ gratified at these particulars, no 
eonstitutional question between the two nations will exist 
which can interrupt their harmony,"—as it pledged the House 
against ever agitating any constitutional question. Mr. Flood 
and Mr. David Walsh supported him. On the other side it was 
contended that an explicit declaration of our perfect content, and 
a final adjustment of every constitutional question was 
negessary ; that the paragraph did not extend to questions not 
existing, ete. Finding all the house against them, Mr. Flood 
declared he would not interrupt unanimity. Mr. Walsh said the 
same, and the Recorder persisted; but on many entreaties 
being used to him and Mr. Fitzpatrick rising to hope that if they 
did not feel and mean themselves to be pledged they would 
divide, as he could not otherwise tell the real sense of the house 
and his object was a final settlement and compact. Walsh 
declared he would divide. Mr. Flood retired, and on the 
division there were 24 ‘ Ayes,’ and the Tellers—i.e. Mr. Walsh 
and the Recorder—were the only ‘ Noes.’ 

After the addresses Mr. Grattan moved a Vote of Credit for 
£100,000 to raise seamen. He stated it sufficient for 20,000, 
and it was referred. I wished it to be a resolution for 20,000 
seamen specifically ; and then to have voted the sum necessary. 


* In 1785 Chancellor of the Exot Exchequer in r in Ireland. i 











415 


Never was a nation more apparently satisfied and content, and 
I trust the wisdom of Britain will meet its just reward in our 
perfeet affection and support. Mr. Bagnal is to move on 
Wednesday to have an estate purchased and house built for 
Mr. Grattan, the great deliverer, benefactor, etc.  Invidious 
suggestions would insinuate that the Recorder is disappointed of 
being a Judge and Mr. Walsh of being Solicitor General. 

Mr. Grattan, Yelverton, Burgh and the Chancellor are the 
private confidential men. . . . As it was near eleven when we 
broke I fear being late for the post. 


JAMES BRowNE? to the Eart or BUCKINGHAMSAIRE. 


1782, June 27. Sackville St., Dublin.—After the kindness 
with which you were pleased to honour me during your Adminis- 
tration in this kingdom, I should feel myself unpardonable if I 
eould be guilty of any want of attention to you upon any 
occasion ; and I fear I might be thought neglectful if I failed to 
communicate to you the manner of my losing the office of Prime 
Serjeant which you had been pleased to confer on me. 

Immediately on the arrival of the Duke of Portland in this 
kingdom, rumour gave out that our new Lord Lieutenant would 
make vast changes here, would proscribe pretty generally all who 
had been attached to former Governments, would throw himself 
wholly into the hands of what was called the Opposition. 
Accordingly soon after, as it were one of the first acts of his 
Grace’s Administration, I (amongst others) without any kind of 
previous notice received an official letter aequainting me that my 
office was granted to another and that his Majesty had no further 
immediate occasion for my service. I acquiesced, made no reply. 

But my nephew, Lord Altamont, making my cause his own, 
direetly wrote to his Grace and requested to know what offence 
or fault could have given cause for this treatment of his nearest 
relation. The Duke was pleased to answer him that he knew 
not of any offence given by or fault alledged against me, but that 
it had been thought necessary for his Majesty’s service to restore 
Mr. Burgh to that office which he had formerly filled with such 
ability, and it was not at all meant thereby to throw any slight 
on me or on him or on his family. 

Lord Altamont replied that I had never sought for that office till 
Mr. Burgh had resigned it, and that my removal without any 
fault even alledged against me was so evident an injury as he 
could not be insensible of or patient under and therefore he must 
beg leave to resign his Government of the County of Mayo. 

Since that time the Chief Baron of the Exchequer died and I 
am very well assured that the intention of Government here is 
to make Mr. Burgh, Chief Baron, and Counsellor Thos. Kelly 
(à gentleman of great eminence of the Bar, but not in Parlia- 
ment) Prime Serjeant in his room. 


* Hon. James Browne. M.P. for Borough of Tuam. 


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Ft; Agel P420 Costletown. Althongh this kingdom at 
oth dfe nn now nxeept riots at Kilkenny and other parts 





417 


in respect to the admition (sic) of fencible regiments, as they are 
christen'd, into their towns, and that I shall, I hope, be in London 
by this day fortnight to kiss your hands, yet I cannot help 
expressing an earnest wish that you may return here to us as 
our Viceroy, for stay our present Chief Governor will not, being 
so incensed at the coalition between North and Fox. 

I asked him the other day whether he would have thought 
himself bound to resign if Lord Melbourne had succeeded in his 
flirtation with Lord North before Christmas and had brought him 
in. To this I could get no reply, tho’ it is evident to everyone 
that the separation of the Whigs upon my Lord Rockingham's 
death ereated the necessity of a Coalition between two of the 
three contending parties. 

I was always, as you know, a croaker, but the affairs of 
England have turned out more desperate than I ever imagined; 
nothing but a very strong, wise and upright Administration can 
preserve you from troubles which if once begun on your side 
will immediately kindle here, tho' Paddy has got everything he 
has asked, and more I am certain than is good for him, as I think 
it will be some time before his new Constitution will begin to 
work to his expectation. We shall want a man of business, 
prudence and experience, and as I think you perfeetly answer in 
all these points and I can see no other person half so fitt that has 
any chance of coming, I’ must wish for the good of both kingdoms 
that you may be the man. Our loves to Caroline and saucy 
Emily. 


Luxe GARDINER to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, April 27. Phoenix Park.—(Has received so many civilities 
from him that he makes no apologies for troubling him now.) 
The General Election approaches and the Archbishop of Dublin 
has a very strong interest in this county. I have perceived of 
late that his Grace has treated me with some degree of coolness, 
the cause of which it is not necessary to mention to your 
Lordship, but can only assure you that it did not proceed from 
any improper conduct on my part. If your Lordship should 
think proper to write to him on this subject in my favour, I think 
it would have the greatest weight and it would confer an 
additional obligation on me. 


The Earu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to the ARcHBISHOP or DuBLIN. 


1788, May 5.—His friendship for Mr. Gardiner and his opinion 
of his deservings urge him to mention that Lord Buckingham- 
shire's wishes are earnest for Mr. Gardiner's success. 


THe Same to Mr. GARDINER. 


1788, May 5.—Communicating to him the gist of the contents 
of the preceding letter, with his own wishes for his success. 


17118 2D 


416 


How such conduct can be for his Majesty's service is beyond 
my sagacity to discover. Here are two very high offices in the 
Law disposed of and what strength is acquired? Mr. Burgh's 
vote and abilities (to gain which one change was made) are lost 
in the House of Commons, nothing gained there in his room; on 
the eontrary any little weight of my family in Parliament there 
has been very uncommon pains taken to lose. it consists only 
of one vote in the Lords and at present only two in the Coin- 
mons, but at the next election to rise to its usual number of three 
in that House; whence one might compute that this change 
might on any division make the difference of seven voices in the 
Commons and two in the House of Lords against Government. 

Whether the other changes lately made in the law will have 
the same effect, I shall not take upon me to say; but I think I 
might aver with some confidence that a few more such changes 
would overturn any Government I remember in Ireland. 

Your Lordship will I am sure excuse the trouble I thus pre- 
sume to give you, since it really proceeds only from that regard 
and attention which I shall ever pay to one whom I am so highly 
indebted to, that no changes can ever make me forget the esteem 
and attachment with which I am, ete., etc. 


The Ear. or BucKINGHAMSHIRE to the HoNovuRABLE J. BRowNE. 


1782, July 7. Exeter.—Your letter reached me at this place, 
where I have stopped for four and twenty hours in my road 
to an estate which my Irish residence and other circumstances 
have prevented my visiting for several years. 

My concern for your late disappointment is in some small 
degree alleviated by a selfish satisfaction in finding you do 
justice to my lasting regard to those gentlemen whose support 
gave strength and credit to my Administration. My good 
wishes to the late Ministry of this country could not but be 
sensibly affected by the disappointments of my engagements to 
many meritorious Irish gentlemen, by which they disgraced and 
clouded my retreat. With the present Administration I have no 
connection. These cireumstances must evidently deprive me of 
all confidential political communications, and the motives which 
determine measures either abroad or at home must in 
eonsequence be unknown to me. 

But it is impossible for me to learn without surprise, that 
however it might have been deemed expedient to change his 
Majesty’s Law-Servants in Ireland, the arrangement was not 
settled in a mode to avoid the disobliging so able and meritorious 
a gentleman as yourself and so respectable & family as Lord 
Altamont's. 

(Draft.) 


Mr. Coxnozzx to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1783, April 17.  Castletown.—Although this kingdom at 
present affords no news except riots at Kilkenny and other parts 











417 


in respect to the admition (sic) of fencible regiments, as they are 
ehristen'd, into their towns, and that I shall, I hope, bein London 
by this day fortnight to kiss your hands, yet I cannot help 
expressing an earnest wish that you may return here to us as 
our Viceroy, for stay our present Chief Governor will not, being 
so ineensed at the coalition between North and Fox. 

I asked him the other day whether he would have thought 
himself bound to resign if Lord Melbourne had sueceeded in his 
flirtation with Lord North before Christmas and had brought him 
in. To this I eould get no reply, tho' it is evident to everyone 
that the separation of the Whigs upon my Lord Rockingham's 
death created the necessity of a Coalition between two of the 
three contending parties. 

I was always, as you know, a croaker, but the affairs of 
England have turned out more desperate than I ever imagined; 
nothing but a very strong, wise and upright Administration can 
preserve you from troubles which if once begun on your side 
will immediately kindle here, tho’ Paddy has got everything he 
has asked, and more I am certain than is good for him, as I think 
it will be some time before his new Constitution will begin to 
work to his expectation. We shall want a man of business, 
prudence and experience, and as I think you perfectly answer in 
all these points and I can see no other person half so fitt that has 
any chance of coming, I' must wish for the good of both kingdoms 
that you may be the man. Our loves to Caroline and saucy 
Emily. 


Luke GARDINER to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, April 27. Phoenix Park.—(Has received so many civilities 
from him that he makes no apologies for troubling him now.) 
The General Election approaches and the Archbishop of Dublin 
has & very strong interest in this county. I have perceived of 
late that his Grace has treated me with some degree of coolness, 
the cause of which it is not necessary to mention to your 
Lordship, but can only assure you that it did not proceed from 
any improper conduct on my part. If your Lordship should 
think proper to write to him on this subject in my favour, I think 
it would have the greatest weight and it would confer an 
additional obligation on me. 


The Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to the ArcHBISHOP or DUBLIN. 


1788, May 5.—His friendship for Mr. Gardiner and his opinion 
of his deservings urge him to mention that Lord Buckingham- 
shire’s wishes are earnest for Mr. Gardiner's success. . 


THe SAME to Mr. GARDINER. 


1783, May 5.—Communicating to him the gist of the contents 
of the preceding letter, with his own wishes for his success. 


17118 2D 


418 


The ArcHBisHop oF Duzn to the Earz or BuckKINGHAMSHIRE. 
(Private and. confidential.) 


1788, May —. The Palace.—I had last week the honour of 
your Lordship's very obliging letter desiring me to interest 
myself in favour of & man who has not the least pretention to 
any civility from me, he having shewn me none, but on the con- 
trary disrespect, and in some instances marked it very strongly. 
He is besides considered by many of the Clergy as the avowed 
promoter of every project which can injure the rights of our 
Established Chureh, or advance those of any (other) religious 
persuasion. Such a man therefore, your Lordship may be sure, 
cannot be countenanced either by me or my friends. And his 
soliciting your Lordship to apply to me in his favour, without any 
previous application to me, can be considered by me in no other 
light than looking on me as & cypher, and thus adding a fresh 
insult to those he has repeatedly shewn me ; it plainly avowing 
that altho’ he was conscious his behaviour to me did not entitle 
him to the most distant hopes of my countenance, yet being armed 
with Irish effrontery he wou'd wrest it from me by applying to 
your Lordship, whom he hoped I wou'd not refuse. Nor wou'd I 
refuse your request cou'd I consistently with the feelings of a 
gentleman and man of honour grant it. But his behaviour 
having been so flagrant I flatter myself your Lordship will highly 
approve of my determination to assist his opponents. At the 
same time allow me to assure you that I shall be happy to oblige 
you (as I have always) whenever I can do it consistently with 
honour. Ishou'd have immediately done myself the honour of 
answering your Lordship's very obliging letter had I not been 
fully employed in my troublesome Visitation. My best wishes 
attend all your Lordship's family. Lord Temple is very impatient 
to leave us; he told me this day Lord Northington was to set out 
for Ireland on the 26th, and he hoped to be released from his 
shackles on the 1st of June. 


The Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to the Rev. Mr. Euuior. 


1788, ——.—I do not live in such habits with your new Lord 
Lieutenant as to render the solliciting any favour of him however 
trivial either natural or easy to me. He is generaly deemed a 
man of sense; the gentleman appointed to be his secretary 
is highly esteem'd, and from my own observation seems able 
and well-informed. 

They are both of them new in business, but if my Irish 
intelligence is correct will have early opportunitys of acquiring 
experience. Lord Temple is thought by those who know him 
well to be particularly fortunate in his recall? as in a twelve- 
month those flowers might have faded which now will strew the 
path of his retreat. 








* The Earl of Northington was appointed to suoceed Earl Temple in the Vioce- 
royalty on the 8rd May, 1783. 











419 


Ireland in my opinion sustained a loss in the Duke of Portland. 
Without any apparent brilliancy, his understanding is sound 
and direct, his principles most honourable and his intentions 
excellent. Peace has in no degree remov'd the anxiety of think- 
ing men. (Connections have been so much broken, faith and 
professions violated, publie character so invidiously analysed, 
every species of subordination 80 industriously reprobated and the 
minds of the multitude so decidedly vitiated that the establishing 
an administration to govern steadily at home and to negotiate 
respectably with foreign powers cannot be the operation of a 
short period. 

(Draft.) 


The EanL or ÁLTAMONT to the Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1783, June 6. Westport House.—(Requesting Lord Bucking- 
hamshire's intercession with Lord North to further his claims to 
the Ribband of the new Irish Order.®) 

The stigma thrown upon my nearest friends by the Duke of 
Portland avowedly for their support of Lord North's Adminis- 
tration gives me a claim upon his Lordship. 


The Earu or BucktncHAMsHIRE to the EARL or ALTAMONT. 


1788, June 20.—(Is obliged to refuse his request.) Since my 
return to England I have had no zommunication with Lord North 
excepting an exchange of the most distant civility. 

Lord Altamont’s letter to Lord North was therefore sealed 
unread and delivered at Lord North’s house. 


The BisHoe or CLOYNE to the Earu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, Sept. 21.. Cloyne.—If Mr. Conolly has not undertaken 
to explain to your Lordship the circumstances which prevented 
me from writing for so long a time, I could scarcely have 
mustered up resolution to write even now, but from the mere 
awkwardness of breaking, should have protracted a silence, at the 
recollection of which I am equally amazed and ashamed. As he 
has mentioned, I will not dwell on the several severe accidents 
which affected my body and mind to such a degree as disqualified 
me to think on business the most necessary, or to enjoy what at 
another time would have been most pleasurable. I could not 
otherwise have permitted a correspondence to be interrupted from 
which I derived so much honour as well as pleasure. More than 
once I was in hopes of having it in my power to begin a letter 
with an account of my having obeyed your Lordship’s commands 
in favour of Mr. Ogle, but the clergy appear to me as long lived 
as I do to some of them; the effect I flatter myself of our 
regularity. 

his week produces no events, or worse than none; for your 
Lordship will be sorry to hear that your friend, Lord Shannon’s, 
general interest is nearly overset by the democratical spirit now 


* That of St. Patrick. (See Annual Register, Vol, XXVI, 280.) 


420 


prevailing. Longfield, who is monstrously ungrateful, has beat 
him in the City of Cork, and he is in great danger in the county. 
His borough interest remains, and indeed is increased by Lord 
Midleton’s complimenting him and Mr. Ponsonby with the 
borough of Midleton, but still the dignity of the Shannon family 
is shorneof its beams by the loss of a general influence over so 
great a county. Your Lordship sees the proceedings of the 
Dungannon Parliament, and can foresee its consequences better 
than I can. If the Bishop of Derry? mends the State and Lord 
Charlemont the Church, our Constitution will soon be a curious 
one. For my part I am content with the present with all its 
faults, and hope Government will resist any further innovation. 


The Fart or BuckrNGHAMSHIRE to the BisHor or CLOYNE. 


1788, Oct. 5. Blickling.—Your Lordship cannot have forgotten 
how much it was my wish in every reasonable instance to further 
the prosperity of Ireland and must consequently do justice to my 
feelings at the ruin and confusion which the wickedness of some, 
the absurdity of many, and the folly and ignorance of more is 
bringing forward. 

If English Government is discreet they will not interfere 
unless call’d upon by the most respectable individuals of the 
country, and if those individuals are wise, such a call with the 
strongest assurances of effectual co-operation will not be long 
delay'd. It is scarcely to be conceiv'd how much the hearts even 
of the most liberal-minded Englishmen are ulcerated at the 
return made to their benevolence, and, indeed, to their submission. 
The Bishop of Derry seems to have thoughts of becoming a Right 
Revd. O. Cromwell, and if his cassock was to be searched possibly 
& breviaire similar to that of Cardinal de Retz might be found. 

Happy at all times to hear from you, a letter at this interesting 
period will be more particularly agreeable. 

The English Treasury has scarcely ever been placed in more 
honourable hands than the present; they ought, and I cordially 
hepe that they will be supported. 

Lord Shannon's disappointment gives me real uneasiness. 

(Draft.) 


Lorp Ross to the EARL or BUCKINGHAM&8HIRE. 


1788, Oct. 15. Dublin.—I received the honour of your letter 
of the 2d, and am very happy that I have it in my power to 
acquaint your Lordship that this day the disagreeable business 
which was between Mr. Conolly and Mr. Montgomery has been 
settled. Yesterday Mr. Montgomery came to town. The 
moment I heard of it I went to him with a message from Mr. 
Conolly, but before I could see him the Chief Justice had bound 
him over, and the moment Mr. Conolly appeared he was also bound 
over. This day two of Mr. Montgomery’s friends, a Mr. Brooks 


a 





* Frederio Hervey, since 1779 4th Earl of Bristol. He had been made Bishop of 
Cloyne in 1767 and translated to Derry in 1768. 








491 


and a Mr. Boyd, met Mr. Staples and me and it was agreed that 
upon Mr. Montgomery allowing he had misconceived Mr. Conolly 
everything should end there. Accordingly they both met in the 
Speaker’s Chamber and parted reconciled. 

I need not tell your Lordship how very uneasy this business 
has made me and how happy I am to have it over. As I was 
certain that you must have the same feeling upon this occasion, 
I would not delay one moment in letting you know the event. 


The BrisHoP or CLoyNE to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, Oct. 18. Cloyne.—The very particular pleasure which I 
received from your Lordship’s last kind letter occasions you the 
trouble of this with hardly another idea in it. In this remote 
corner I have scarce any medium of information but the news- 
papers, which hitherto have told lies only on one side. I am 
glad, however, to see in the last ‘‘ Freeman’s Journal ” a tolerable 
paper in answer to the two first resolutions of the Dungannon 
meeting. They are so easily reduced ad absurdum that there is 
no great merit in doing it. Nor indeed any great use, for an 
Irish Presbyterian Volunteer is above human reason. But the : 
author has taken what to me appears a better line. He proves 
that those resolutions carried into execution must put all 
government and property into the hands of the Papists. This, 
which was intuitively clear to every understanding but that of a 
demagogue, may probably disunite the heterogeneous body of 
reformers and give to Government its proper superiority. How- 
ever proper it may be for English Administration to wait till they 
are called upon by the great men of this country as the best 
means of securing their co-operation, I could wish they would 
not delay sending over our complement of troops. I think it but 
respectful in Parliament to have their guards ready to return the 
salute of armed petitioners. Mr. Conolly croaks as usual. He 
is very apt to guess right, but I hope will prove a false prophet. 
Our friend the Dean of Cork who has inlivened a few days of my 
retirement, begs your Lordship’s acceptance of his best compli- 
ments with mine. I must again repeat my thanks for your 
letter of forgiveness. Your Lordship is a better Christian than 
I am, for I have not yet forgiven myself for the appearance of 
inattention. 


The BisHoP or CLOGHER® to the EanL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, Nov. 7. Dublin.—Your Lordship I fear will be ready to 
conclude from the length of a silence which cannot be defended, 
and for which I most seriously condemn myself, that you once in 
your life at least conferred very solid favors on a very undeserv- 
ing man; and that he who had the honor of being considered 
your first ehaplain during the greatest part of your residence in 
this country, has turned out a very ungrateful and good for 





* The Right Revd. Dr. John Hotham, Bishop of Ossory, was made Bishop of 
Clogher in April, 1782. 


429 


nothing fellow. Yet this, my Lord, I will venture to say, is not 
yet the case. I have, and shall ever retain, the warmest sense 
of all your goodness to me, and with your Lordship's permission 
will venture to hope, notwithstanding all interruptions in the line 
of correspondence, that your favourable opinion of your old 
servant will continue during your life ; as my gratitude to, and 
sincere friendship for, my noble master and benefactor most 
certainly will to the last hour of mine. Your Lordship cannot be 
a stranger to the general situation of this country; I will not, 
therefore, attempt to describe it. It is indeed beyond description, 
and if I be not more mistaken than ever I was in my life, the 
Island must be fought for in a much shorter time than is 
commonly imagined.  Palliations will not do; we impute to 
timidity and politieal impotence every expression of friendship 
from your side of the water, and insolently rise in our expressions 
and demands on every concession. On Monday next is to be the 
meeting of the delegates from each province in the heart of the 
metropolis, for which purpose the Bishop of Derry arrived in 
town this day, escorted by & squadron of Derry Volunteers. I 
narrowly missed seeing his publie entry, but &m told that the 
Right Reverend Father in God wore a purple coat faced with 
white, and on his head a gold laced hat with a cockade. He was 
received at Lord Charlemont's by different corps of Volunteers 
under arms, and takes up his residence at Mr. Fitzgerald's, who 
went out to meet him this morning about & couple of miles, in 
great pomp and splendor of equipage, &c. I am, as I believe 
your Lordship will do me the justice to allow, far, far indeed, 
from a man of blood. But should I live to see the day when all 
authority is lost, when armed associations prevail in every part, 
when treason is publiely spoken, written, printed and avowed, 
when rebellion seems popular and meritorious, when the people 
of principal property and consideration in a country dare not 
speak their sentiments or take a part towards.its preservation, 
when its national assemblies sit in silent and tremulous expecta- 
tion of the resolutions of a self-constituted and illegal one to 
decide perhaps on the expedience or necessity of their further 
existence and its Government stirs not a finger towards their 
support, should it be my misfortune to live to see an Island in so 
deplorable a predicament, I should almost if not altogether be of 
opinion that a thousand good troops stationed in each of its 
provinces, and a dozen or twenty frigates hovering about its 
coasts would be the most expeditious and effectual way of bring- 
ing its infatuated inhabitants to reason. Mais changeons de 
matiere, et de plume. If Lady Buckingham and Lady Emily have 
not entirely forgotten me, they will perhaps think it is high time 
that I should enquire after and present my best compliments to 
them both, which with your Lordship’s permission I take this 
opportunity of doing very cordially and earnestly. I might even 
add some expressions of love, but whether they would come so 
decently (even from an old Ecclesiastic) thro’ the channel of a 
father and a husband I am not so certain ; it might be thought 
rather too much upon the brogue. 











428 


I have the pleasure to assure your Lordship that your two 
centurions (to wit, Mrs. St. George and Mrs. Molyneux) are both 
in good health, and for aught I know as handsome as ever. The 
same may be said of Lady Brandon. Elle va toujours son train, 
and Queen Ann’s motto (or Queen Elizabeth’s) will suit her 
Ladyship admirably, ‘‘ Semper eadem," which a wicked wag once 
put into English thus ‘‘ worse and worse." My old flame 
Harriet Fitzgerald, now Mrs. Grattan,? hath produced unto her 
husband a daughter, and I am told (for I have not seen her this 
winter) looks most deplorably. Messrs. Grattan and Flood are 
still both alive. Their quarrel it is said is at an end, but how .it 
can be 80 according to the code of honour, as it is called, I con- 
fess, tho’ a dealer in mysteries, I cannot comprehend. Mrs. 
Elliot gave also a daughter to her spouse not long since, and they 
Bay seems not the worse for it. As to Elliot himself, it gives me 
very singular and real pleasure to be able to acquaint your Lord- 
ship that a more steady and exemplary clergyman does not exist 
in his Majesty's dominions. He 1s entirely clerical from head to 
foot; attaches himself closely to his parish and according to 
every account I can procure is really a credit to the gown. But 
no wonder, for Elliot is a good man at heart, and has more 
than a common share of understanding. He very sincerely 
lamented to me his not being able to pay his duty to your Lord- 
ship at Bliekling, when in England last year, and the more so 
as Mrs. Elliot does not every day see so noble a country seat. 
Whilst on the subject of ladies producing daughters, I am really 
sorry to add that my landlord's wife, Mrs. Gardiner in this 
street, was also brought to bed some time ago, but is I believe at 
this moment breathing her last. Mrs. Hotham sent to enquire 
after her half-an-hour ago and the answer was returned that her 
strength was exhausted and that she could not live an hour. 
Were it not for this last piece of intelligenee, which is certainly 
of the melancholy cast, I should now wind up this interruption to 
your Lordship by observing that I have proceeded in this letter 
as might naturally be expected from a man who has just hired a 
very tolerable man cook, as I have done this fortnight. I have 
given your Lordship two courses. In the first you found I 
believe something to chew upon ; the second produced, according 
to the rules of cookery, the Volaile, or as we have it in the 
Hebrew, the Volatile, the light, airy, delectable and picquant. 
But alas I have not as yet a confectioner, so that in the article of 
dessert I must fall short. But I think I know my man and that 
I have to deal with a practical one, &c. 

P.8.—What says your Lordship to the petition lodged in form 
against the city of Clogher for an undue election ? Such I assure 
you is the case, and in these times I will not pretend to say 
what may be the consequence, but I do venture to affirm that 
the election was, perhaps, the most constitutional one in the 
kingdom. It has not yet disturbed, nor shall it disturb, my rest 
for five minutes. I take the liberty of troubling your Lordship 


* Henry Grattan m. Mies Fitzgerald in 1782. 


424 


with two more packets by this mail. The one is a letter for my 

friend Harry, who informs me he is now at Blickling; the other 

is a pamphlet sent from the Press, which promises to make a 

noise, and may serve to show your Lordship that my gloom in 

the first sheet of this letter was not wholly without foundation. 
Mrs. Gardiner has just expired. 


The BisHop or CLovNE to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, Nov. 22. Dublin.—The inclosed paper will give your 
Lordship an idea of the object of our National Conrention ; 
though you will have more trouble in reading it than I intended, 
by the mistake of the person who cut it out of the ‘‘ Dublin 
Evening Post" of this date. If I could have formed any judg- 
ment of the probable event of this extraordinary meeting, I 
should before this time have communicated it to your Lordship. 
At present the conjectures are various. Mine, on which I do not 
much rely, is that all who have any thing to lose, sincerely wish 
that they had never engaged, and would be happy to see the 
Convention closed. The division of the Popish interest has 
produced what appears to me a happy effect. Had they all 
supported Lord Kenmare and counterfeited an indifference with 
regard to the right of voting, there would have been no check on 
the demands of the Presbyterians, to extend it to all Protestants 
in the several Counties possessed of a certain freehold right to 
vote with all the Borough Towns. But the weaker part of them 
under the guidance of Sir Patrick Bellew (an intimate of the 
Bishop of Derry) honestly declared their wishes to enjoy a right 
of voting, alarmed the Presbyterians and made them narrow 
their claims, to avoid, on one side the danger of admitting 
Papists to vote and of course by their numbers gaining the 
Government of the kingdom, and on the other, the risk of 
alienating their popish allies by excluding them only. This 
confusion of schemes will I hope disperse the Babel-Consultation, 
and send them back to their several homes to talk a variety of 
unnecessary nonsense. 

Everything depends on the firmness of Government. If our 
ministers have good nerves, they have, I think, nothing to fear, 
but a few more regiments would do us no harm. Mr. Conolly 
was the only delegate who did not attend the meeting, or make 
any apology for non-attendance. It would be well for this 
country, that there were more men of equal decision. 


S[ackviLLE] HaMrLTON? to the EaRL or BuckINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, November 27. Dublin Castle.— The condition of Ireland, 
though singular and in a certain degree critical, is, I hope, not 
yet so serious as it appears upon paper, and I trust there is more 
than sufficient good sense and moderation to balance the 
absurdity of a few. The Right Reverend Oliver is by no means 

* Seoretary to the Lord Leuten See also Ed. Ti } i - 
N^ Pat My ord Lieutenant. See Ed. Tighe to the Ear! of Buckingham 


425 


an object of apprehension, the ridicule which so justly strikes your 
Lordship is much stronger in the eyes of every one upon the 
spot, where a thousand additional cireumstances heighten it and 
make him the jest ofevery company. If he goes no further than 
calling some of our knights and esquires drunkards and whore- 
masters, his preaching will have the usual effect; but if he 
attempts to take away Mr. Pery’s bauble I think he will meet 
with a stiff resistance and possibly find a cracked skull. No; 
a much abler man is the Phlogiston that keeps the metal of the 
convention together, without whom they would speedily crumble 
into dust. The Volunteer of Derry is of no consequence. He 
of Winchester is, but not sufficiently so, to make us all forget the 
happy state of our Constitution or to hazard the fate which 
your Italian epitaph records. This with the determined firmness 
. of Government to support the Constitution, will not suffer me 
to have the slightest despondency upon the event. 


The Brsxop or CLOYNE to the Ear, or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1783, Nov. 9. Dublin.—The interest your Lordship takes in 
the welfare of this kingdom must make you solicitous to know 
the event of (what is called) the National Convention. 

This evening Mr. Flood moved for leave to bring in a Bill for 
a more equal representation in Parliament. The motion alarmed 
our sleeping Administration; who expected (if they thought 
about it) such a motion to come in two months after Christmas. 
Being alarmed they came to a resolution (inspired by Mr. C—y) 
to oppose the motion, originating from an armed body conrened 
for the purpose of aweing Parliament. Yelverton, Attorney 
General, took this ground and maintained it well. Flood in his 
answer was 80 tiresome and spoke so little to the point that I 
own (perhaps I should blush for it) I was tired and came home 
to dinner before I heard the decision. Your Lordship will 
excuse my giving my ideas of the transaction. If Flood had 
intended the success of the measure, in my opinion, he would 
have sent down the plan fixed on by the Convention to the 
Country, to get it confirmed and recommended by the several 
counties convened by the Sheriffs. Which recommendation 
might be conceived by those who have known nothing of 
Country meetings, to contain the senses of the people. But this 
would not answer his purpose, who is immediately going off to 
England, and hopes to carry with him an importance derived 
from having all Ireland at his back to shake the present ministry 
in England, which was the real object of the late meeting at 
Dungannon, originated like the former from English parties who 
chose to fight their battles on Irish ground. At present Govern- 
ment and all the great men of the country are united and bear a 
firm countenance, and therefore for one I have not the least fear 
of insurrection. 

To talk nonsense costs nothing to fools; but to act, that is to 
risk life and property, will make even fools consider. If they 
were to rise they are unprepared, disunited, have neither money, 
magazines or anything to render them formidable. 


426 


I wish we had a few more regiments. Your Lordship knows 
it is too much the system (if it can be called the system) of English 
Ministers to be neglectful of this country. The House of 
Commons is still sitting. If it sits too late to give you the 
division, J promise you a triumphant majority. To-morrow you 
shall have the division. 


The BisHor or CLoyNE to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, Nov. 80. Dublin.—I am happy to be able to make 
good my prophecy, by last night's post, that there would be a 
triumphant majority against Flood’s motion for leave to bring in 
a Bill of Reform of Parliament. It was negatived, 157 to 78. 
The House then came to the following resolutions :— 

Resolved, that it is now become indispensably necessary for 
this House to declare that they will maintain the rights and 
privileges of Parliament against all encroachments whatsoever. 

Ayes 150; Noes under 70; several members being gone away. 

Resolved (on a motion by Mr. Conolly), that an humble 
address be presented to his Majesty to assure him of our attach- 
ment to his royal person and government, thoroughly sensible of 
the blessings we enjoy and determined to preserve the present 
happy constitution inviolate at the risk of our lives and fortunes. 

Mr. Flood, Brownlow, and about thirty of the opposition (after 
a little whispering) seceded and the resolution passed without a 
division. One No by Grattan, who is now the contempt of all 
parties, and the disgrace of them too, by having an unanimous 
grant of £50,000. 

Resolved, that a message be sent to the Lords on Monday to 
request their concurrence in the address. House broke up 
between 3 and 4 this morning. 

As I have the resolutions only from Mr. C—’s memory, they 
may not be exact verbatim, but your Lordship has the meaning 
and principal expressions. I sincerely congratulate your Lord- 
ship on this transaction, which, by its decision, will in my 
apprehension restore quiet to this Country—and I the more 
warmly congratulate you from the important share our friend 
Mr. Conolly had in it. Everybody now applauds his wisdom as 
well as firmness, in never attending the illegal Convention. 

Had the moderate men of property and character absented 
themselves, the few violent men of rank would have been 
ashamed of their shabby companions and the meeting would 
have become ridiculous. Their presence gave it dignity and 
made it formidable. Adminstration were timid, misled by Grat- 
tan, Ogle, and Lord Carysfort, a wonderful choice of ministers. 
Yelverton too had been deeply engaged by his former conduct to 
support the volunteer importance. Government strongly urged 
Mr. C—— to attend the Convention. He saw deeper, and obsti- 
nately refused. They now see he was right. Still I wish for a 
few more regiments. The appearance of them would possibly 
prevent a few rash block-heads from being knocked on the head 
—who at present may presume on the weakness of our 
military force. 











427 


Epwarp ‘Tree to the EABL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1784, Jan. 26. Dublin.—An unwillingness to break in upon 
your Lordship in such times as the present has hitherto 
prevented me from acknowledging the very valuable lines 
addressed to me from Marble Hill. The picture is admirably 
drawn, and I must grieve to think that it is too just. 

This day the House of Commons met, and. after some hours 
passed in ordinary business, Mr. Molyneux, who is a new member 
and rises upon every occasion, proposed an address to the King, 
approving of the overturn of the Coalition. Mr. Fitzgibbon 
moved an adjournment to Feb. 9th, and professed a dislike to 
entering into the Parties of the other country. 

Mr. Conolly did the same in his short manner, and this last 
motion in the end was carried without a division. 

As there were not forty members present when the question 
was proposed, if Mr. M had understood Parliament he 
might have prevented an adjournment to Feb. 9th, by making it 
necessary to adjourn to to-morrow. 

I understand that the Lord Lieutenant © is as easy as any 
man can be in his situation. Your old friend and servant, Mr. 
Sackville Hamilton, speaks of him with great respect. I could 
not refrain from reading your Lordship's favor to him and 
Mr. Foster, and both were as much pleased with the description 
as the subject would allow. 

My little boy has undergone two fevers since September last. 
During December he was twice in extreme danger, from whence 
Quin and Sir Nathaniel Barry and Dr. Charles Quin have at 
last restored him. 





Sir Tuomas Durrantt to the EaARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1784, Feb. 25. London.—Your attentions to me have been s0 
frequently repeated as to render it difficult to vary the terms of 
expressing my acknowledgement. 

The very novel political scene now before us cannot but be 
extremely embarassing to those whose opinions are form'd upon 
the principles of the Revolution. The important part of the 
question is not whether Mr. Fox or Mr. Pitt are to be Ministers, 
but whether the Crown is to support an Administration in 
opposition to a majority in the House of Commons. 

The House of Lords have indeed step'd forth, yet there was 
every reason to believe, previous to the assiduous circulation of 
the Crown's abhorrence of the East India Bill, that it would have 
pass'd by a majority of at least one third. 

That Bill is generally conceiv'd to have occasion’d the disgrace 
of the Duke of Portland, yet it is somewhat whimsical that the 
first of the Cabinet who received his dismission was Lord Stor- 
mont, tho’ he and his unkle, Lord Mansfield, had both voted in 
opposition to it. It is also confidently asserted that when the 


* The Duke of Rutland was appointed to succeed Ld. Northington Feb., 1784. 
+ Of Scottowe in Norfolk. 


428 


Bill was submitted to his Majesty's deliberation, previous to the 
introduction of it in Parliament, he never hinted even his dis- 
approbation. If Mr. Pitt can firmly establish himself he stands 
forth Minister of the Prerogative and the immediate creature of 
the Crown, triumphant over the House of Commons, and 
with a tolerable foundation for depending upon the com- 
plaisance of the other House. Mr. Pitt’s disinterested disposal of 
the Office of Clerk of the Rolls commands the general applause, — 
it was a noble flight of young ambition. At his age with such 
abilitys, with such expectations, the pinnacle of political great- 
ness almost within his reach, it might also be deem'd a measure 
of the most judicious foresight and the most deliberate wisdom. 

The friends of the present Ministers are fond of contrasting 
the virtues of Mr. Pitt's private character with the excesses of 
Mr. Fox. Mr. Pitt is undoubtedly not accused of gaming, 
extravagance, or any other particular vice. It is rather 

roblematical whether a man will make the better Minister for 

aving uniformly kept the ten commandments, and would not it 
be possible to find in history instances of those who, apparently 
correct in their private conduct, have atehiev'd the most capital 
publick mischiefs? With respect to the immediate subject of 
your letter, I shall only mention, tho' without presuming to 
dictate to a better judgment than my own, that it is my deter- 
mination to omit no opportunity of manifesting my attachment 
to the constitution on the principles of the Revolution, which 
words begin and conclude my letter. There is a report of a 
conciliation between the contending partys, but the difficultys 
seem insurmountable. 


The BisHop or CLOYNE to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1784, May 16. Dublin.—Our suspense is at end, I wish I 
could say comfortably, but the minds of the lower people are 
distracted, and Administration seems bewildered and irresolute. 
The volunteer spirit has worn out in people of rank and fortune, 
who feel that they had gone too far; and is transferred to such 
as have nothing to lose. Numbers of the mere mob of Dublin, 
in absolute rags but provided with arms, are constantly drilled, 
sometimes late in the night. It can scarcely be doubted but that 
some foreign money is circulated amongst them, but unless they 
are countenanced by people of property I should hope our good 
neighbours the French would not take on themselves the entire 
support of this ragged army. The associations to purchase Irish 
manufactures have set our looms in motion for the present, but 
without greater frugality in the master and industry in the 
workman the relief will be only temporary, and I despair of 
reformation whilst the manufactures are carried on in Dublin. 
Your Lordship will wish to know the operation of our new 
judicial polity in respect to appeals. Nothing can be worse, it 
surpasses even our apprehensions. At the beginning we had 
some hopes, but the Ely cause extinguished them. Before it 
began, the judgement of many, very many of our Peers was 








429 


anticipated by those who speculated on the sure standard 
principles of kindred and county influence. Those of the Judges 
who had been advocates for the parties continued 80, and gave 
the same opinions with the same warmth as they had formerly 
at the Bar. 

The only Law Lord in the House did not shine on this occasion 
in any particular. Many peers voted who had not given any 
attention to the pleadings; some who had scarce ever been in 
the House during the trial. What added to the distress of those 
who were anxious for justice was the difference of opinion 
amongst the judges, on the sole point of law In point of 
numbers there was a balance on the side of Hume; but after 
eonsidering in the best manner that I could the comparative 
experience and the manifest partiality of individuals, the real 
weight of authority was to my apprehension in favour of Loftus, 
and after studying the case with & degree of labour beyond any I 
ever exerted in so short a time, I was and am convinced that 
justice was on that side. I committed my arguments to writing 
and submitted them to some judicious friends, who were of 
opinion that I ought to deliver them, which I did without devia- 
tion. I mention this detail to your Lordship to account for the 
conduct of a Bishop of your making, in not following the Law 
Lord. Indeed, his Lordship's opinion was unfortunate with 
regard to its influence on our benches, as out of nine present not 
one was convinced by him. In the last appeal from him he was 
equally unlucky with regard to the Judges, who were unanimous 
in reversing & material part of his Decree; which was in truth 80 
obviously contrary to justice (in the adjustment of an account) 
that a merchants' clerk could have corrected it. I was too sick 
of the Ely Cause to attend any other—Lord Bristol has been 
for some time quiet and sick— perhaps for that reason—quiet 
does not agree with his constitution. I should apologise for not 
having wrote before, and now for having wrote a letter of such 
unreasonable length. In my next I shall give some account of 
the situation of Buckingham Hospital, which from the distressed 
state of this country has not gone on in the manner I could 
wish, though no exertions of mine have been wanting. 

I set off for Cloyne to-morrow. 


The Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to the DUKE or 
NORTHUMBERLAND. 


1785, Jan. 27.— Sir Richard Heron has lately informed him that 
the Duke of Bedford had expressed a wish in relation to the 
donative of Werrington. His answer however was that Werring- 
ton was at this time in the possession of the Duke of Northum- 
berland and that he could enter into no negociation upon the 
subject. Thinks it right to inform the Duke of this. 


The Due or NoRTHUMBERLaND to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1785, Jan27. Northumberland House.—Is very much obliged 
to Lord Buckinghamshire for having communicated to him the 


430 


application made to him concerning the donative of Werrington, 
and for the appointinent to that preferment of the Duke's friend. 
The Duke would be glad to buy that living, if Lord Buckingham- 
shire is inelined to sell it, as it is so immediately adjoining his 
property as to make it a very desirable object to him. 


The Kart or BUcKINGHAMSHIRE to the Duke or 
NORTHUMBERLAND. 


1785, Jan. 29.—Has no thoughts at this time of disposing of 
Werrington, but the Duke may depend upon its remaining in its 
present situation as long as he shall wish it should. 

Draft. 


The BisHop or CLOYNE to the Earn or BuckINGHAMSHIRE. 


1785, March 28. Dublin.—A series of distressing circum- 
stances in my family have prevented my writing to your 
Lordship for along time. I had nothing of a publick nature to 
communicate, having been shut up in the country; nothing 
private that was not calculated to distress my friends. 

On my coming to town, a month ago, I had the mortification 
to find that partly from the want of money, partly from want of 
zeal to follow your Lordship’s good example, Buckingham 
Hospital, though completed and partly furnished, is yet 
unapphed and stands a monument how ill the nation diserved 
your bounty. 

It has been the object of my attention, if it should be found 
impracticable to apply it to inoculation, how to convert it to some 
charitable use, and preserve to the founder the credit due to him. 
Two modes have occurred to me, either to transfer it to the 
Governor of the House of Industry, as a place to receive and 
educate the children of beggars who ought to be separated from 
the vagrants; or make it a Lock Hospital for venereal patients. 
The latter is most popular, most easily practicable and by being 
a separate charity would make your foundation stand single and 
not merge and of course be as it were lost, in a more expensive 
establishment. But I cannot think of taking any step without 
your Lordship's previous approbation. 

As I propose visiting England in less than a month's time, I 
should wish to be favoured, as early as it is convenient, with 
your Lordship's commands. 

It will be a particular pleasure to me to pay my duty to your 
Lordship, but as the health and spirits of my family and other 
business determine me first to Bath and Bristol, I must defer 
that honour till my revolution brings me towards London. 


JEREMIAH Ives to THE BAME. 


1786, Sept. 12. Norwich.— . . . Your Lordship in con- 
fidence is pleased to ask my opinion relative to the ensuing 
eleetion. . . . Avery good friend of your brother'shas given 


me an accurate account of the state of the canvas ; and allowing 


481 


all the doubtful and neutral votes to be in favour of Sir Thomas 
Beevor there will then remain a considerable majority in favour 
of your brother.? So much depends on the management on the 
day of election . 

Your family interest is now at stake, it must now be established 
or it will receive such a check as will not be easily recover'd. 


The Revp. Jonn STRAcHEY to the Earu or BuckINGHAMSHIRE. 


1786, Oct. 26. Newman Street.—The Parsonage House and 
other buildings upon his glebe at Erpingham! being compleated, 
he desires, as he is required by Act of Parliament to ‘‘ insure the 
* game against accidents by fire at such sum of money as shall 
** be agreed upon by Ordinary, Patron and Incumbent,” to submit 
to Lord Buckinghamshire a description and estimate of the 
premisses. 


Earz or Exeter to the Hart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1786, Dec. 25. Burghly.—Is commissioned by Mr. Walsing- 
ham and Lord Vernon to enquire whether he will do them the 
honour of belonging to the Sunday Evening Concert Society. 
Their entertainments have met with general approbation. 


E. B. Herne to THE SAME. 


1786, Dec. 80. 82, Edward Street, Manchester Sqr.—Requesting 
the favour of a wild turkey to give a friend. Has not now the 
opportunity he had when he lived in Norfolk to get one. 


The Dean or Norwich [Pamir Lrovp] to Eann or 
BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. ' 


1787, Jan.—Mr. Gay has, I trust, acquainted your Lordship that 
it was impossible for me to obey your Lordship's commands in 
respect to Hempstead. That living was disposed of at the General 
Chapter, which is the regular manner of doing all businesses of 
that kind. The Chapter was held on the 16th of December last, 
and the living of Hempstead given with the Vicarage of Wighton, 
which was also vacant, both together they make a very inadequate 
provision for a very worthy clergyman whose name is Tickell; he 
is brother to Mr. Tickell, a Commissioner of Stamps and author 
of the pamphlet “ Anticipation ;’’ and his character and behav- 
iour are such that I flatter myself your Lordship will not 
disapprove of the nomination. 


BrsgoP oF CLoyNE to the Earu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 
1787, Jan. 28. Dublin.—Before this letter comes to your 
Lordship’s hands, I hope you will have received from my printer, 


*The Hon. H. Hobart was returned M.P. for Norwich, Sept. 1786, in succession to 
Sir Harbord Harbord, created Lord Suffield. 
Hn Norfolk. 


483 


Mr. Cadell, a copy of a pamphlet of mine on the state of the 
Irish Church. The anxiety in which I passed the summer in 
the midst of outrage, and the unremitting labour of attending to 
the distemper of our clergy, and at the same time preparing to 
state their rights to the publick, must apologize for my not com- 
municating to your Lordship a detail of those enormities which 
filled the newspapers and yet were not fully stated. Nothing 
could be more disgraceful or more full of public dangers than the 
situation of the entire province of Munster for eight months 
past. Yet in Dublin the tone was all is peace. In this situation, 
convinced fully of the contrary, I came forward, a forlorn hope, 
and this day four weeks past produced boldly the real state of the 
Church and country. Hasty as the composition was, the subject 
bore it up, and the sixth edition is this day exhausted. Till 
Parliament met my nerves were on the strain, but the sanction 
which my state received from the Lord Lieutenant’s Speech and 
the Addresses of the two Houses relieved me from apprehension 
of being thought rash in giving the alarm. The motives for 
reprinting the pamphlet in England are stated in the preface. 
Much could I have wished to tell your Lordship all my fears, 
which perhaps your better knowledge would have dispelled, but 
they could not all be safely committed to the post. At present as 
the danger is seen it therefore grows much less, and the friends 
of the Protestant interest are somewhat easier. Whatever may 
be your Lordship's judgement on my reasoning, you will, I 
flatter myself, find in my little tract a zeal and a spirit to fill that 
station which I owe to your Lordship’s goodness. It will not 
bear your critical eye; but your biass to the constitution in 
Church and State may make you favourable. 


Epwarp Trang to the EaARL or BuckinGHAMSHIRE. 


1787, Feb. 21. Dublin.—In spite of the low state of this 
wretched country your Lordship’s kind permission ought to have 
been sooner attended to. 

I have been here three months and during the whole of that 
time new calamities and new outrages have been brought from 
many parts of the Island by almost every post. If I should 
transcribe the feeling, well-wrought speech of Ross from the 
fourth act of Macbeth it would scarcely be too much. 

The Bishop of Cloyne’s book as he himself declared is soft, 
cool and mild in comparison of the real distresses not only of the 
Clergy but of all good subjects. | | | 

At length, however, I hope and believe the reign of this devil 
is almost finished, as the leaders of Parliament and indeed every 
person concerned in or connected with the State or Property of 
the Country feel it necessary, as well they may, to express almost 
unanimity and to exert a very strong hand. The Government 
appears to be firm, able and resolved; and opposition is 80 
exceedingly trifling, in all senses of the word, that it is little 
more than ‘‘erceptio probat regulam." I fear the consequences of 
the concessions to P. . . . of 1778 and 1780 were not fully weighed, 








488 


and I am sure all the concessions and proceedings which tended 
to disunite these realms were highly mischievous to property, to 
energy, to safety. But it was the madness and, I think, the folly 
of the day. 

The Parliaments have four great subjects—a Riot Bill, a 
further Police Bill, Commerce, Education. The last is, I think, 
the greatest of all. | 

Till people of all sorts are brought up with some sort of prin- 
ciples there cannot be any hope of security, and lying, thieving, 
dirt, laziness and spirituous liquor will carry the day. The first 
Bill has been under discussion three days and Dr. Quin would 
not allow me to stir from my chamber, for I had a real fever, 
though, thank God, but & slight one; and the account from 
Parliament of only thirty opponents to the principle of the great 
measure has restored me. (192, v. 80.) 

There have not been any private plays since I arrived, but the 
Attic Theatre (Lady Ely's) are getting up ‘‘ Every man in his 
Humour," ‘‘ King Lear,” ‘‘ The Miser," with your Lordship's good 
suggestions, and ** The Fairies." I do not hear of any more. 

I must not conclude without assuring you that I entirely 
concur with your sentiments with regard to the drama com- 
municated in your last favour of November, particularly in 
regard to the false taste of the old writers in many particulars, 
especially in punning. 

P.S. My love to Lady Emily if you please. 


Mayor THE Hon. Rosert Hosart to (his Uncle) the EaRr or 
BucKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, Jan. 25. Dublin.— Everything proceeds so smoothly in 
the political line of this country at present, that was it not some 
time since I wrote I should not think myself justified in troubling 
your Lordship with a letter. Next to politics, scandal is the most 
productive source of literary correspondence; but the troops have 
scarcely taken the field, nothing hitherto has arisen worthy of 
communication. However I am confidently of opinion that, 
notwithstanding appearances, things before long both in the 
political and scandalous line will be in such a state as to render 
the word ‘‘smooth "' inapplicable. 

The gentlemen, styled patriots in the newspapers, availing 
themselves of the popular prejudices have, I believe, to a man 
(except Conolly and Grattan) offered their services to my Lord 
Lieutenant; but his unfortunate adherence to economy has 
provd incompatible with their views, and they already begin to 
murmur. They cannot desert the interests of their country 
gratis, and so many are in pay that it is impossible to add to the 
number. 

Your Lordship’s experience in this country must have con- 
vine’d you that a patriot selling his vote is like a girl selling her 
maidenhead ; the first deviation from virtue can only be obtained 
by love or money. No man can love the Marquis of Buckingham. 
consequently he must pay largely. 

17118 2 E 


434 


The Duke of Leinster and the Lord Lieutenant have had 
several interviews. Their politics suited to a hair, but the 
substantial consideration, l understand, has failed. ‘‘ Tam 
Jrustra comprensa manus effugit imago." 

One of his Grace's followers in the House of Commons was 
hostile yesterday, Longfield held by fair words, Corry (and he 
influences O'Neil, I might have said directs his political conduct) 
is not yet satisfied, nor is he likely to be. The curious part of 
the history of these gentlemen is that they at all times profess'd 
the greatest personal regard and good opinion of the Duke of 
Portland, but oppos'd him on principles of English Party, and 
now that the most obnoxious man in England to that party is 
sent over Lord Lieutenant they consider themselves as acting 
with perfect consistency in offering him their support. His 
Excellency was wonderfully civil to me, but as he makes use of 
the same words to everybody else, I do not think much of them. 


VICOMTE DE LA HERRERIA to the EaAnL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, Jan. 80. Turin.—Sincehelastsaw Lord Buckinghamshire 
he has represented Spain at various Courts in Holland, Naples, 
and now at Turin, which he will leave in May for Lisbon. He 
was three years in Paris, under M. D’Aranda—“‘ Mais cette deten- 
"tion n'est pas eteé (sic) tout-à-fait infructueuse, car j'ai eu 
‘l'honneur d'y connaitre la belle et aimable Miladi Belmor, qui 
* à titre de sa beauté, de ses belles qualités, et de fille de Milord 
‘ Buckingham faisait pour moi une très précieuse connaissance.” 

(Commissioning Lord Buckinghamshire also to procure for him 
various pieces of Irish linen, both for sheets, shirts, and the 
table.) 


The Earz or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE to VICOMTE DE LA HERREREA. 


1788, Feb. 28.—I6 not surprised at the mistake which has 
caused the Vicomte to address him as the Viceroy of Ireland. 
He is so no longer. It is the Marquis of Buckingham, formerly 
Lord Temple, who now holds that post. 

Lady Belmore has often spoken of him, and takes the 
opportunity of assuring him of her friendship. 


Sir HENRY CnurmNTON to the Eart or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, Aug. 4. Spa.—Had I had anything worthy your Lord- 
ship's notice to communicate you would have heard from me 
sooner. À letter from Romanshoffs army which I have seen 
gives some particulars of the naval action at the entrance of 
Lake Liman. The Capt. Bashaw seems to have conducted 
himself like a blockhead; he grounded his fleet on the sands in 
the entrance, and gallies, gunboats and armed vessels (for there 
was not a single Russian line of battle ship there) nearly com- 
pleated his destruction, he himself, however, escaped with a few 
ships to Varna. Altho’ the Swedes have certainly struck a blow 
in Finland by this time, unless the Danes join them, which I for 








485 


one do not think they will, or the Prussians, or French interfere, 
I am convinced the Turks will sue for peace by October, not that 
I expect that the Emperor? will have great success (perhaps the 
contrary) till the Turks risking an action on the Pruth to save 
Bender are beat and retire à la débandade over the Danube, 
where M. De Romanshoff will probably besiege Bender ; he is too 
wise to undertake it till he has beaten the Serasquier, tho' 'tis 
the fashion to say here that he will. The news of the districts 
nearer home your Lordship has as soon and probably better 
authenticated than we have here. The spirit of liberty stalks 
abroad, everything seems to rest upon what may be the close of 
the contest in F(rance). I leave this about the 20th Sept., and 
after visiting Brunswic shall return to England about November. 


Sm HENRY CLINTON to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMBHIRE. 


1788, Sept. 28. Spa.—When I wrote to your Lordship last it 
was from appearances as they then presented themselves. I 
really thought from exaggerated accounts of Russian naval 
vietories, that Romanshoff would have advanced into Moldavia 
and Wallachia, and opened the door to the Emperor's offensive, 
and that the Turk would have sued for peace behind Mount 
Hæmus and Rhodophe before November; I now believe that the 
Capt. Bashaw has relieved Ocsikoff, and that the garrison has 
probably made a successful sortie, and Romanshoff has repassed 
the Neister to prevent Potemkin's being between the Corps of 
Oxieoff and Bender, or how account for the tardiness of the 
Russians? 'Tis probable the Grand Visir knowing all this has 
wisely made his greatest efforts against the Emperor in hopes 
of bringing him to terms he cannot expect from the Russians ; 
with whom ’tis very unlikely they can make any, as each con- 
tends not for the independence but for the dependence of Crimea. 
The Emperor having failed in his attempt on Belgrade at the 
opening of the Campaign is now blamed for the attempt and. 
the failure; ’tis pity (I now speak only professionally) he could 
not afterwards have made an offensive move, besieged Belgrade 
in form, and covered it by a Corps either at Hassan Massa, or on 
the Morava, that perhaps would have been the best way of 
covering Bannat and Transilvania, but as it was not done, it no 
doubt was not practicable. The Grand Visir in his present 
move has assumed the appearance of offensive (so necessary 
to fill his buletin at Constantinople) without the danger 
generally attending it, unless he is unwise enough to commit 
himself in the open part of Bannat. His operation as 
far as it has gone tho’ it might possibly have met with greater 
obstruction could not have been prevented even by a Eugene (on 
the defensive behind the Save); the Turks by spirited exertion 
and perseverence and great loss have gained the principall 
debouchées into Bannat and Transilvania. I do not, however, 
think they will advance into the open country, much less do I . 


* Joseph II. 


486 


think that the Emperor will attack them unless they do or should 
they retire, nor do I suppose H. I. Majesty will retire over any 
of the branches of the Tamiseh, for if he does 'tis probable he 
will lose Transilvania and his short communication with the 
Danube by Pan Zova. The Grand Visir will probably repass the 
Danube with his Guards to prevent Landon's? undertaking the 
siege of Belgrade, which I am apt to think he meditates.t As 
the Emperor did not find it expedient to attack the Turk in the 
Defilées, and before he had secured them by possession of 
Mehadia}, in my humble opinion he has acted very judiciously 
in not attacking him since, but in trying rather to draw him into 
a country where defeat may be more decisive, but I suppose the 
Turk will be satisfied with holding the Debouchées of Bannat 
and Transilvania, which will oblige the Emperor to keep a con- 
siderable army in each, instead of a small corps which was all 
that was necessary in either before he lost the Debouchées. 

If the Grand Visir, now that he has drawn the Emperor into 
the Bannat, does not immediately make some attempt on the 
right of the Danube, or Landon does not do something at 
Belgrade, or in Bosnia, or on the Morava at Nissa, or Semendria, 
things will probably remain as they are till Romansoff, enabled to 
advance into Moldavia and Wallachia, relieves the Emperor ; no 
direct move of his own can do it I apprehend. Oct. 1st.—By a 
Vienna Gazette of the 20th Sept. it appears probable as they say 
that an action happened at Slatina on the 14th. I cannot 
believe it. The Turk will not surely attack the Emperor in the 
open country, or even advance into it, nor will the Emperor 
attack him unless he does—or that by Romansoff's advancing in 
Wallachia, or Landon's threatening Belgrade or something else 
shall oblige the Turk to retreat, and if he does I do not conceive 
that the Emperor can press him much. 

When the two Imperials met at Cherson they determined on 
measures probably, but they do not seem to have considered the 
means also; the R. army has certainly been ill provided. I 
have not the least doubt but that the siege of Oxicoff will be 
hurried into & blockade, and the great effort will be to save the 
Emperor, who can’t now extricate himself by any direct move, 
unless the G. Visir blunders on the left as the Capt. Bashaw did 
on the right. 


The Duke or Portuanp to the Earz or BuckINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, Nov. 17. London.—The importance of the subject 
which has overcome the difficulties which the uncertainty of the 
time it may come under our consideration had opposed to my 
submitting it to your Lordship's attention, will I hope and 
believe induce you to forgive the anxiety I feel for your presence 
in the House of Lords on next Thursday; at the same time 


* Gédéon Ernest, Baron de Landon (1710-1790), Field Marshal of the Austrian 
armies. 

+ Be e fell before Landon the 6th Oot., 1788. 

1 Or Meadia. 


487 


that I must acknowledge the little probability there seems to be 
of any measure being then proposed in consequence of the 
calamitous and I believe desperate state of the King’s mind. 
The moment when such a proposition may be offered is so 
uncertain that I cannot help risking the danger of being thought 
importunate rather than subject myself to the hazard of appear- 
ing wanting in the attention and sincere respect 1 possess for 
your Lordship by suppressing my wishes for its not being 
brought forward in any shape without your being & party to the 
deliberations it must undergo. A business so perfectly and 
happily novel, so new & phenomenon in the Constitution, an 
occasion so connected and interwoven with the very essence 
of it appears to me to be entitled to the consideration of every 
man and to require the determination of it to be made under the 
sanction of the first and most respectable characters of the 
kingdom. This opinion makes me bold in soliciting your Lord- 
ship's attendance. . . . .. 


Duke or PongrLAND to the EarL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, Dec. 19.—(Acknowledging the important communications 
Lord Buckinghamshire has made to him.) 

*I anxiously wish you to believe that I do not regret the 
injunctions you have been laid under respecting the statement 
of the reasons and that the impression they have made upon 
your Lordship is to me a sufficient proof of their weight." . . . 
Is anxious to see him ‘‘upon this very important and awefull 
subject.” 


Earz or BuckINGHAMSHIRE to the DuKE or PORTLAND. 


(Draught. Undated.)—Though I feel justly sensible of your 
Grace's attention in expressing a desire to see me, yet it is most 
sincerely my wish to decline that honour, as your time might be 
much better spent. You may, however, command me at any 
hour this morning or to-morrow before 1 of clock. Your 
Grace will understand that however strong my opinion may be 
for his Royal Highness rather to accept the Regency under 
restrietions than to risque the eonsequences of declining, yet my 
vote will be very frankly given for his not being laid under any. 


Horace WaLPoLE to the Earu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1788, Dec. 14. Berkely Square.—I am quite confounded by 
your Lordship's goodness and by the honour you have done me 
which I esteem as much as the great curiosity your Lordship 
has been pleased to send me; and I beg leave to return you my 
most grateful thanks for both. I should bring them myself to 
your Lordship's door were I not confined to my house by a 
great cold, but I shall have that honour the first moment I am 
able. 


488 


The letter will be very valuable in my little collection tho’ 
certainly it was more worthily placed in such a seat as Blickling; 
but as your Lordship is more pleased in conferring favours than 
in possessing curiosities, I will only say that you could not have 
honoured any man with such & present who would be more 
sensible of such & distinction and who is more proud of being 
with the greatest respect and gratitude, etc. . . . 


GEORGE SELWYN to the Earz or BUCEINGHAMSHIRE. 


1790, Jan. 22. Cleveland Court.—You should not be surprised 
if you find me, as I am, a little vain upon being able to assist 
your recolleetion of anything that is ingenious, either in an 
antient or modern writer. The passage in Pliny, which dropt in 
our conversation the other day, was one which struck my fancy, 
itis now more than fifty years since, when I first read Mr. 
Rollin's work, called ‘La Manière d'Enseigner et d'Etudier les 
Belles Lettres." I read it for the second time not a month ago. 
What made me remember it, was a remark of Mr. Rollins', which 
says that ‘ Ob unam hanc culpam," seems as if Pliny had some 
idea of original sin. Of that and of other parts of Sacred 
History they had some imperfect knowledge no doubt. Only 
they regarded that as fabulous, which we are instructed to believe 
is not 80. 

It is the preface to the Seventh Book which I wish your Lord- 
ship to read over again, and then you may, if you please, cast 
your eye over some of the subsequent chapters, which will enter- 
tain and surprise you. I have long wish'd to have an edition of 
Pliny with copperplates, because, after | have found the name of 
a fish, bird, beast or plant, in three or four languages, I am still 
at a loss to get a precise idea of it. 

Squilla is call’d a Shrimp, and is so I believe; but when 
Juvenal speaks of a Squilla being serv'd up in a dish which 
would hold a Turtle, it cannot be the same. Yet those on the 
coast of Africa and near Alexandria were certainly of a greater 
size than some, and brought at a great price, for those at Rome 
who kept expensive tables. 

Pliny’s account of the alliance, offensive and defensive, between 
this fish and the Nacre de Perle is very amusing. 

But to return to that passage which was first mentioned, can 
there be so admirable a picture drawn as that of a new-born 
infant? And how beautiful is his remark upon that helpless 
state! There is another in Juvenal which I admire equally :— 

'* Primos incipientem. 
Edere vagitus et adhue a matre. subentem.” 

I have been too often in a nursery at this early period, since 
my acquaintance with Lord Carlisle, not to be struck with this 
description. 

P.S. The first time I ever saw your Lordship was in Lady 
Suffolk’s appartment at Leicester House in King George Ist’ 
time, and there used to be Dr. Arthburnot (sic) (Arbuthnot ?), 
whom perhaps you may still have some remembrance of. 








489 


How happy he would be and how able to explain some of 
Pliny's Natural History, which, as extraordinary and improbable 
as his accounts may be of some things, is to this day very 
valuable and full of great learning. . 

There is a French translation, as I am told, not ill done, and 
I have seen one in English by an old Doctor, but it is not worth 
the money asked for it. 


Exrract of a LETTER from ‘‘a very intelligent man" enclosed 
by Lon» BuckrNGHaMSHIRE to Lorp HaAWwKESBURY. 


1792, Oct. 14.—Not having the honour of being personally 
known either to Mr. Pitt, Lord Grenville or Mr. Dundas, your 
Lordship wil excuse my taking this liberty of troubling you 
upon a subject of publick import. 

In this part of England, and it is said in many other Countys 
the crop of wheat has been very indifferent, so bad also in 
quality that the millers assert they cannot manufacture it with- 
out a mixture of old corn. A very disagreeable spirit prevails 
amongst the common people, which in this neighbourhood is most 
assiduously fomented and ifin addition to the increasing price of 
every necessary consumption, bread was to become dear, the conse- 
quential dissatisfaction may produce very serious mischief. The 
only preventive measure is an immediate stop to the exportation. 
This 18 stated merely to do justice to my own feelings, not with 
a presumption that my judgment can have any material weight. 


Lorp Hawkessury to the Earu or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1792, Oct 15. Addiscombe Place.— Acknowledging his letter of 
the 14th and will not fail immediately to communicate it to the 
rest of His Majesty’s servants. 


Ducxesse DE BrRoN to THE SAME. 


1792, Oct. 18. Richmond.—(Thanking him for a basket of 
game. 

‘Elle a bien du regret qu'il n'habite pas dans ce moment sa 
maison dans le voisinage de Richmond, le temps n’aurait pas été 
favorable aux promenades sur l’eau, et il aurait été difficile de 
répéter celle de Twicknam, mais elle se serait flattée d'avoir 
d'autres occasions de le rencontrer." 


Lorp WALPOLE to THE SAME. 


1792, Dec. 28.—Enclosing a letter from Mr. Aufrere which 
describes the good effects which have been attained in the two 
Hundreds of Happing and Tunstead in having requested the 
assistance of the farmers, etc., in those two Hundreds. ‘‘ I hope 
I may flatter myself that in conjunction with your Lordship, Mr. 
Bulwer and other friends we might have equal interest with the 
farmers, etc., in this Hundred to act in like manner and with 
equal good effect. Perhaps it might be worth your Lordship’s 


440 


attention how far it might be advisable to connect the two 
Hundreds of N. and S. Erpingham, that they may act together. 
By this means the number would be more formidable in all times 
and in all events of any riot whatever, on pretence of the high 
price of provisions, etc. . . . . 


Lorp HawkEsBvRY to the EARL or BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 


1792, Oct. 28. Addiscombe Place.—I defer'd acknowledging 
the receipt of your Lordship's letter of the 19th till Y had been 
in Town, to attend several meetings expressly appointed for 
taking into consideration the propriety of prohibiting the exporta- 
tion of wheat; upon duely weighing the information received 
from all parts of the kingdom, the King’s servants do not yet 
think themselves justified in taking the measure ; but I conceive 
that the circumstances on which they mean to found their advice 
to his Majesty in this respect are likely soon to occur; in 
which case the exportation of wheat from the kingdom will be 
prohibited by order in council. 


MISCELLANEOUS ADDENDA. 


SuBsipY Rozz ror NorFroLk on the occasion of the 
KNiaHTHooD of the Buack PRINCE. 


[1347] 20 Edw. III.—Assessment of subsidies for the county 
of Norfolk made by Nicholas de Castello, Edmund de Bacons- 
thorpe, William att Park, Roger de Dersyngham, ‘‘ collectores 
auxilii xl sol. de singuilis feod. militum domino Regi concessi 
in comitatu predicto ad filium suum primogenitum militem 
faciendum." 


Writ oF HENRY Carte, of Hevingham. 


[1489] 17 Henry VI. Wednesday, St. Agnes.—Testamentary 
Deed of this date, reciting & feoffment (inter alia) of manors, &c., 
in twelve parishes and elsewhere in Norfolk, to William, Bishop 
of Salisbury, by name of Master William Askewe, elerk, William 
Yelverton and others, to the use of his will. Declares his will to 
be (inter alia) Sale of certain lands for payment of debts and 
legacies (his wife to have Skernyng manor for life on condition 
of releasing her dower therein). An enquiry to be made as to 
what lands in Hevingham, &c., were held in fee and not entailed. 
These to be held by his wife Dionysia for life, and the reversion 
(with the reversion of Skernyng) to be sold and the proceeds 
'' per executores meos pro anima mea et animabus eorum quibus 


441 


teneor fiant in missis et aliis piis operibus caritationis." The 
entailed lands are to be confirmed to the tenants in tail by deeds 
indented, security being taken that the tenants in tail do not 
impeach the rest of his will. He gives to Dionysia, his wife, the 
eustody and use of his best missal and at her death he desires 
that it be delivered to the churchwardens of Hevingham 
(propositis ecclesie de Hevingham predicta) ‘ad deserviendum 
Ibidem in capello beate Maris in ecclesia predicta in perpetuum 
et dum durare poterit." A hundred marks from the sale of the 
" Crown" in Norwich left him by his late wife, Katherine, is to 
supply remuneration for his servants and distributions among the 
poor and celebrating masses at the executors' discretion. "There 
is to be no general ‘roga’ or distribution at his funeral. (Seal.) 


1562, 3 Eliz., 8 July.—Charter from the Queen to Sir Nicholas 
Bacon's free school at Redgrave, Suffolk. Finely illuminated. 
Fragment of seal. 


N.D.—From Mr. BuLLER. ‘ ARMEs.”’ 


A shield. 
1st and 4th Quarters, Hobart. 
2nd, Lyhart. Arg. A Bull passant. 
Sab. armed and unguled or, in a border 
sable bezanté. 
9rd, Hare. Gu, 2 bars or, a chief indented of the 2nd. 
The arms on the stone chimney-piece (at Blickling) are the 
famous Sir John Fastolf's, impaling those of Tibtoft or Tibtot, 
whose daughter and co-heiress he married. 
Fastolf: Quarterly or, and az; a bend gules; 8 cross crossletts, 
or, 
Tibtot: Arg. a saltire ingrailed gules. 


A packet of private letters on business addressed to the 2nd 
Earl of Buckinghamshire during the period 1760-1791, for the 
most part relating to his estates at Blickling, Beer Ferris, 
Marble Hill, and a house in Bond Street.—(1745) A letter from 
John Hobart to his grandfather, W. Britiffe, mentions his father 
Lord Hobart’s permission to him ‘‘ to goe abroad," and his refusal 
to allow him more than £400 a year.—A draught letter from the 
2nd Earl of Buckinghamshire to Miss H. Pitt, with her answer 
(both undated) apparently relating to a proposal of marriage.—An 
address to the Norwich electors (undated). The conditions 
attached to the marriage portions given by the 2nd Earl of 
Buckinghamshire to five young women of Norwich. (See Annual 
Register for 1762, p. 71.) 

There is a plan for roofing over with a dome the outer court at 
Bliekling (1785); with an estimate (£187 18s. 7d.) "for the 
stucco work of the ceiling and entablature intended to be done in 
the great room at Blickling,” (27 April, 1779) William Ivory being 
the designer, and William Wilkins of Norwich proposing to execute 
by hand the ornamental parts. In the same year Wm. Ivory 





442 


furnishes designs for the frieze and cornice of the State Dressing- 
room at Blckling.—In March, 1767, according to accounts 
furnished by Wm. Bailey to the Earl, ten workmen are employed 
at Blickling in pulling down the ‘old Hall’ for at least a 
fortnight, under the directions of Mr. Ivory. Bailey relates that 
he is selling sheep at a guinea a head, and that the butcher is 
supplying the house with meat at 4s. a stone. 

A packet of letters (1764-1788), of too trivial or indefinite 
nature to be separately catalogued, from the following :— 

Harbord Harbord, E. Bacon, of Erleham (or Earlham), Sir 
John Turner, the Earl of Eglingtoun, the Marquis of Tavistock, 
Charles Yorke, Dr. Lloyd (Dean of Norwieh), W. H. Cavendish, 
Robert Fellowes (of Shottisham), the Earl of Rochford, the 
Prince de Masserano (Ambassador from Spain in 1777), the Earl 
of Suffolk, the Earl of Hillsborough, Lord Ludlow, Viscount 
Barrington, Mr. John Carter, the Earl of Ely, Lord Lifford 
(Lord Chancellor of Ireland), Capt. William Elliot, Mr. Thomas 
Johns (of Exeter) Mr. (afterwards Sir Thomas) Durrant (of 
Seottowe), the Earl of Clanbrassil, the Earl of Sandwich, Mr. 
Thomas de Grey, Mr. Edward Tighe, the Marquis of Buckingham, 
Mr. Gay, Mr. Sweetman. ) 

Draught letters from the Earl of Buckinghamshire to the Duke 
of Northumberland, Lord Carberry, Lord Orford, Mr. C. 
D'Oyley, Lord Howe, Luke Gardiner, Mr. Crowe, the Bishop of 
Cloyne. 

Fragments of Letters (copies) from the Marquis de la Fayette 
to Sir Henry Clinton, and also from the latter to the Marquis. 


CHarez Frezp House. 


1574.— Corporation of Norwich to Sir Thomas Cornwallis. 
Conveyance of the wall between his garden and the orchyard. 

1609, 24 Feb.—Corporation of Norwich to my Lord Hobart. 
Feoffment of the orchard called the Chery Yard near Chapel Field 
House. 

1670, Feb. 24.— Corporation of Norwich to Sir John Hobart. 
Lease of Chapel Field Croft with all the land within the wall and 
the Tower next St. Giles Gates, for 50 years at £16 p.a. 
Reserving right for the citizens of ingress &c. as often as the 
case should require for taking musters and mustering men and 
horses and exercising them in military discipline. Also for 
pitching tents, &c. for such musters; and for the erecting of 
butts of the earth to be there had, and for shooting at the said 
butts and twelve score mark. 

1670, May 4.—Order of the Mayoralty Court of Norwich to the 
churchwardens and overseers of St. Peter Maneroft, and St. 
Giles, not to put any persons into the towers in Chappell a field, 
without consent of Court. 








( 448 ) 


INDEX. 


À 


A... . General, in North America, 
388 


Abbes : 
John, of Buxton, 44. 
Richard, of Aylmerton, 99. 
Abbot, George, Archbishop: of Can- 
cx . ; 
Abdiel, Lord Barrington an, 250. 
Abell, John, of Lyng, 98. | 
Abercorn, Ear! of. See Hamilton. 
Abingdon : 
letter dated, 164. 
Aston, 164. 
Abraham, Thomas, of Blakeney, 107. 
Absentee Tax. See Ireland. | 
Accounts, annual, of Sir J. and Sir 
H. Hobart (1678-1696), 129, 130. 
Acle (Norfolk): 182. 
an abuttal of, 72. 
the “ Pounds," a piece of water 
at, 57. 
Papists at, 145. 
Acts of Parliament : 
for abrogating Oaths of Supre- 
macy, &., 185, 136. 
army (Irish), 402. 
relating to burial in wool, 144. 
for disarming Papists, 136, 
Church preferment (Irish), 346. 
Highway (Charles II., 22), 164. 
exportation for Ireland, 381. 
of Navigation : . 
in Telation to Russia, 229, 


280, 288. 

in relation to America, 292, 
for settling the militia, 124. 
relating to navigation of 

ames, 341. 
relating to Parsonage Houses, 
Perpetual mutiny (Ireland), 

401. 

relating to Plantation Trade, 


Beptennial, proposal to repeal. 
65 


Stamp (American), repeal of. 
260. 


Acts of Parliament—cont. 
of Tonnage and Poundage, 


of Uniformity, certificate of 
compliance with, 130. 

Wool, 302, 331. 
Adair, Captain of ship Winchelsea, 
Adam: » 40 

* nepos episcopi, . 

Prince. See Czartoryaki. 

Richard son of, 26. 

ie Schipper, 18. 
Adams, Sir illiam, 195. 
Adderbury, letter dated, 241. 

Charles Townshend at, 241. 
Addey, Mr., at Norwich, 271, 312. 
Addiscombe Place, . letters dated, 


439, . 
Addresses to the Lord Lieutenant 
(Ireland) (1777-1780), 377-378, 
Adelphi. See London. 
Admiralty, the, 157, 160, 172, 256, 
825, 330 


an attack on, 412. 

letter to, 318. 
Adyolf, John son of Roger, 27. 
ZElurie, Emma daughter of, 17. 
African ooast: 

deaths on the, 845. 

turties on the, 488. 
Agar: 

Charles, Bishop of Cloyne, 

Archbishop of Cashell (1779), 


343, 379. 

James, created Lord Clifden, 
348, 3879. 

family, dissatisfaction of, 343. 


r. . 
Agnew Brigadier-General, 805, 323. 
Aide, John, 182. 

Aikin, Dr., 384. 

Ailesham or Ailsham. See Aylsham. 
Ailmer son of Godwin, 18. 

Aix (in Provence), letter dated, 339. 

an:' 


son of John de Reinham, grant 
of villeins by, 18. 

seal of, 4, 19. 

—— — Simon son of, 47. 

Will. son of, 10. 
Alan, armiger, 11. 
Albany (N orth America), 326. 
Albemarle, er! of, &c. See 


eppel. 
Lord. See Monk, George. 
Lady, 167. 168. 
Albemarle, H.M.S 


.SS., 137. 
' Alberghi, Paolo, a noted player, 276. 


444 


Alborough, William, of Sharrington, 
Alborough (Norfolk), landowners in, 


Alby (Aldbey), (Norfolk), 101. 
landowners in, 141. 
Alcocke or Altcocke : 
Katherine, 91. 
Martha, of Foulsham, 92. 
Philip, of Knapton 97. 
Aldborou Edwar arl of. See 
Stratford. 
Aldeburgh (Suffolk), camp at, 353. 
Alderford (Aldretord), (Norfolk), 
landowners in 
Alderford, Bartholomew de, 19. 
Aldman William, 4 
Alexander : 
fiius Eluuriz, 12. 
the porter, 13. 
Ca nus de Sancta Fide, 17. 
Alexander, William, Earl of Btir- 
ling, in America, $11. 
Alexandria 
Alger, ‘William, 17. 


Anne, of Walsingham, 118 o 

E., and his Vermonters 

—., separates himeeld 
Congr 388. 

James, E t f Aylsham, 101. 
John, of Swannington, 94 
of Lammas, 104. 
Stephen, of Holt, 106, 110. 
Thomas, of Great Witchingham, 


— , of Saxthorpe, 104. 
Almacks’, 824. “Pe 


the Macaroni at, 254. 
* Almanzanis," a reci for, 176. 
Alnwick William, Bishop of Nor- 

wich, 'Manorial Court of, 81. 

Alquen, a messuage, 41. 
Altamont, Earl of. See Browne. 
Altcocke. See Alcocke. 
Altholf : 

John son of Robert. 28. 


edm 





Althorp, aru 
Alrechirche, youn de, Archdeacon of 
Suffolk 
Alvered, Ste han, de Ryveshale, 16. 
Alvington (Al vingetun): 
omas de, 

William, 54. 
Alyett, Ralph, 41. 
Alyngton, William, Esq., of Cam- 


bridgeshire, 54, 55. 
Ambay (North America), 811. 
America: 
260, 261, 275, 280, 291, 292, 295, 
300, 905, 906, 810, 
911, 312 8928. 839, 941, 963, 


xo 896, 309, 408, 413. " 
riti 1 towar 8, criti- 
sed, 380. E 40, , 292. 


rere 418. 


= his brothers Thomas and 


INDEX. 


America—cont. 
North, British Colonies in. 
———, an appareil de force neces- 

sary in, , 
, aspire to 

10 





independence, 


——, British dominion threa- 
tened in, 898, 399. 404, . 
3m. command of the forces in, 


aged , 
———, Bovereignty asserted over, 

277, 279, 281 . 
—, y French Colonies in, 239, 


—— y Frenoh floot in, 305, 339, 
m , 407. 


£migration to, discour- 


=i Fen licy towards, 
o 801, 312, 327 


——., lists and extracts of papers 
relating to, 260, 261. 

———, signatures to protest 

against repeal of Stamp Act 


or, 

——, ' trade with, 239, 240, 301, 
302, 303, 304,' 806, 307, 309, 
910, 418. 

811, "312. “hé, TT ^ 394 
326. 342, 36 98.0, 36 981-2, 


386. 387, 388, ry 396-410. 
American : 
administration, 384. 
Islands, importation from, 308. 
patriots, English, 393. 
privateers, 300, 312, 378. 
question, the, discussed, 282. 
rebellion, 288, 296, 305. 
, notes on the commence. 
ment of, 291-292. 
Bervice, adventurers in, 312. 


taxation, George Grenville on, 
275 





troops, expenses of, 275. 
Americans, the, their plan of cam- 
paign, 
policy towards Ireland, 310, 343. 
Amherst, [Jeffery], Lord (1779), 979. 
Amicius, Master, 12. 
Amphitrite, French convoy, 306. 
Ampleford, Henry, of Holt, 106. 
Amsterdam, 152, 
Ancaster, Duke of. See Bertie. 
Anderson, Henry, of Berney, 117. 
Andrew, son of William, 42. 
Andrews: 
Christopher landowner, 91. 
Ralph f Groat Witchingham, 
lan owner 
Thomas, of Weston, landowner, 


Anketell, Robert, 55. 
Annaly, ‘Lord. See Gore, John. 





INDEX. 


Anne: 
Queen, 306, 


308, 423. 
the Cearins, 198, 200, 202, 206, : 


of Cleves (Cleev ys), property at 
West Somerton, 74. 
Annes, William, churchwarden at 


Blickling 29. 
nome Francis, Viscount Gler- 
awly, . 

Antelope, H.M.S., 180. | 

Anfieipation, “a piece of ridicule,” 

the author of, 431. 

Anti-Ministerial Club in Albemarle 
Street, . 

Antingham (Norfolk), 81, 97. 

Antrim, Earl of. See Macdonnel. 

Anwyta, 9. 

Apedall, Thomas de, 49. _ 

Apis, ‘the new,’ at Cambridge, 287. 

Apoditeh, James, of Morston, 106. 

ey, Sir en, Deputy Lieu- 
tenant for Norfolk, 125. 

Appleby, Walter de, clerk, 50. 
Appleton (Norfolk), 142. 

Papists at, 145. 
Aquitaine, Edward II., Duke of, 50. 
Arbuthnot : 

Admiral, 392. 

Dr., 438. 

Archangel, 233. 

Archangell, H.M.S., 139. 

Archbishop of Armagh. See Stone 

and Robinson. 
of Canterbury. See Abbot and 
Stafford. 
of Cashel. See Agar and Cox. 
of Dublin. See Fowler, 
of York. See Kemp and Mark- 


m. 
Ardfinnan Camp, letters dated, 854- 


b. 
Arensburg (Russia), 233. 
Argeville (France), 
broke at, 238. 
Argyll, Duchess of (1763). 178. 
Ariston, Joseph, 93. 
Armagh : 
Archbishop of. See Archbishop. 
M.P. for (1781), 400. 
Armenian trade: 
with Persia, 224, 225, 235, 236. 
with Russia, 225, 234, 235, 236. 
Armenians, “thieves and villains,” 


236. 
Armestead, William, of Morston, 


Armestrong, Thomas, of Holt, 110. 
Armiger, Gabriell, 183. 
aptain of Militia, 137. 
Armine or Ayermine, W., Bishop of 
Norwich, 81. 
Arms in Norfolk, 130, 132, 144, 145. 
taken to the Tower, 147. 
Arnald, Roger son of, 47. 
——, Gervase and John 
sons, ibid. 


his 


Lady Boling- 


| 
| 


445 


Arnold [Benedict], in America, 315. 
Richard, witness, 44. 
Walter, attorney, 64. 

Arragon, the Lady Catherine of, 
her tenants ot the Honour ot 
Clare, 

Arthur, 
139. 

Arthburnot. See Arbuthnot. 


Robert; naval commander 


| Artillery : 


— —— ee —— —— —M— — ——— — — — ———— —— 


in Íreland, 355. 
field for the American war, 336, 


Arundel, my lord of. See Howard, 
Thomas. 

Arundel, reports of landing near 
(1746), 156. 

Arundell, —, 160. 

Ashby, Sir John, Vice-Admiral, 138. 

Ashill (Norfolk), Papists at, 145. 

Askew or Askewe, William, Bishop 
of Salisbury, 43, 440. 

Askham, Mr., 165. 

Aslacton (Norfolk), deed relating to, 


Asshly, Isaacke (Guestwick), 92. 
Assistance, H.M.S., 139. 
Assise : 

breaking the, punishment for, 


record of (for wrongful disseisin), 


Assizes : 
regulations for (Norfolk), 122, 


Norwich, 286, 354. 
Assurance Company. 
Astle, Thomas, 53. 
Astley, Astly, Asteley : 

s. Dorothy, 96. 

Edward, Ensign 

Militia, 125. 

Sir E., $53. 

Edward, of Guist, 92. 

Sir Edward, 287. 

Sir Jacob, of Melton Constable. 

105; 124, 195, 132, 133, 136, 


See London. 


in Norfolk 


——, Deputy-Lieutenant for 
Norfolk, 1o5. 


— —, his regiment of foot, 124. 
——, reinstated on the Com- 
mission for the Peace, 132, 


189. 
Sir John, 137. 

Astrachan : 
an English factory at, 235. 
lambs wool, 172. 

Atchurch (ad ecclesiam) : 
Walter son of John, 22. 
William, 22, 37, 42. 

Athboy (Ireland), M.P. for, 374. 

Athill or Atthill : 

Andrew, of Saxlingham, 110. 

William, landowner, 91. 

Atholl or Athole, Duke of. Se 


Murray. 
Atholl Highlanders, 330, 348, 362. 
want colours, 


446 


Athow, Richard, of Briston, 109. 

Atilia, rent of, 778. 

Attic Theatre "plays at ine, 488. 

Attlebridge (Norfolk k, 190 

Attorney General, t (1745), 157. 
(1762), 245. 


(1768), 248. .— 
(1774), his opinion on Boston 


riot, . 
(Ireland) (1779), 348; refutes 
Grattan, 363. 
(1783), 400, 425. 
Attwode or Atiowode, John, 22, 24. 
Audeley, Philip, 68. 
Auckland, Lord. See Eden. 
Aufrore, Mr., on Norfolk politics, 


Augusta, man-of-war, 324. 
Augustus III., King of Poland and 
ector of Saxony, 192-208, 210, 
211, 215. 
Aula, Adam de, witness, 47. 
Auncell, Edmund, ‘husbondman,’ 44. 
Austin Friars, 159. 
Austorgius, ior of Horsham St. 
Faith’s 10,1 
Austria, "d. 
House of, 371, 418. 
policy of, ' 871. 
(in 1778), 293. 
—— (in 1789), 418. 
Austrian : 
army, 435, 496, 
service, the, 397. 
trade with St. Petersburg, 234. 
Austrians, the (1746), 159. 
Auteyn, Robert. See Hautaine. 
Averagium, 61. 
Averas, Sir Roland de, witness, 47. 
Aviz, Walter, de Einford 
Avonmore, Lord. See Yelverton. 
Ayermine. See Armine, 


Aylesford : 
See Finch. 


Earl of. 
Lady 
Aylmer, Matth. 139. 
Aylmerton (Norfolk), landowners in, 


Asiam (Ailsham, 
CHE 85, 67, 81, 





Aylesham, 
101, 


144 
rbruery' at 
Duchy anti? 
Duchy of. 
landowners in, 
lawne, the, at Blickling, 320. 
manor of, 
military stores in church porch 


See Lancaster, 


of, 1 
Papists at, 144. 
vicar of, distrained, 21. 


, 27. 
Aynse, Wiliam, of ' Hevingham, 44. 





INDEX. 


B 


‘Babel Consultation,’ a, 424. 
‘Bacchus Hall,’ at Hagley, 242 
Bacon : 
Sir Edmund, 112, 125 
Edward, of farlh ham, M. P., 242, 
248, 967, 354, 442. 
——, commissioner of the Board 
of Trade, 
Dorothy, 115. 
Lord uoted, 176. 
Sir Nic olas, us free school at 
ave 
Samuel, 106. 
William, 102. 
Baconsthorpe (Bakenesthorpe, 
unsthor 9» 58, 102. 
Edmund 440. 
Bacton or Backton, Norfolk, 94. 


Bak- 


Bafield-oum-Glandford, landowners 
in, 106. 

Bagg. Francis, 126. 

Bagnal, —, M.P., in Ireland, 415. 


Bahamas, the, 959. 
Bailey, William, 442. 
Bailiwick, the: 
of Duchy of Lancaster, 81. 
of hundreds in Norfolk, ibid. 
Bainard, William, 47. 
Baker : 
Captain, 150. 
Mr., under sentence of death, 


Bakunsthorpe. See Baconsthorpe. 
Baldewyne, John, 


.Bale (Bathely or Bately), 106, 110. 


Baley, William, 112. 

Balls, Richard, 107. 

Ballinrobe (Ireland), 389. 
Bamfylde, Sir Richard, 285. 
Banagher (King's County), 384 
Bande, John, 106 

Bangor, Lord. See Ward. 

Bangor, J. bishop of. See Egerton. 
Baningham (Norfolk), 102. 

Banat or Bannat (Hungary), 435-156. 
Barbadoes, Commodore Hotham at, 


Barber : 

Jane, Commander - in - Chief 

(Navy), as 

Thomas 
Barbour, John 4 
Bardolf : 

Sir Thomas, 18, 42. 

omas, 11. 

Bardolf Fen, 85. 
Baret, Simon, 52, 58. 








447 


INDEX. 

Barker : | Bates, William 
Colonel, 858. Bath, Lord. ME Pulteney. 
John, 54 Bath, 160, 168, 169, 250, 262, 275, 
Robert, 114. 294, 
Roger, "of Irmingland, 68. letters dated, 262 290, 339, 374. 
Thomas, 64, 101. Bathely or Bately (Norfolk). See 
William, a prisoner, 86. Bale. 


Barnard (Bernard) Castle, 152. 
Barnard : 

Anne, 115. 

family, pedigree of. 65. 
Barneingham Parva. See Barning- 


Anne, 115. 
Jeremy, 102. 
Thomas, 124. ° 
Barney, — 1 
Barney (Norfolk). See Berney. 
Barningham (Norfolk): 144. 
Norwood, landowners in, 99. 
Parva or Stafford, 52, 54, 102 
Towne, 99. 
Barras Louis Comte de (Admiral), 
in West, Indies, 897. 
Barrin 
A miral, at St. Lucia, 342. 
Lady, death of, 252. 
illiam Wildman, 9nd Vis- 
count, Secretary at War, 182, 
970 +857. 847, 350, 367, 378, d 
etters from ' 945-954, 267 
968, 271, 318, 324, 325, 361. 
letters to, 969 
Barron, William, 96. 


arbor 


Sir Naebaolel, physician, 427. 
Barsham or Basham : 
East, 137, 142, 144. 
West, deed relating to, 52. 74. 
Bartlett, Ld. (sic), Commander R.N. 
(1691), 197. 
Barwick. See Berwick. 
Basham, East (Norfolk). 
Barsham. 
Bashaw, the Captain, in Russo- 
Turkish war, 434, 435, 436. 
Basseth, William, 17. 
Bassett, Henry, 107. 
Bassingham singham, 
am) : 100, 
Robert de, 1 
Walter, son 3, Robert de, con- 
firms a grant of salt 13. 
William de, witness, 48, 4 , 
Bataille, William, witness, 18. 
Batavia 
Batch, Flizabeth, at Sparham, 94. 
Bate, Luke, of Saxthorpe, 48, 51. 
Bateman : 
Adam, 265. 
Robert, 48. 
William, 98. 
W., bishop of Norwich, 82. 








See 


Basing- 


' Batteler, commander - in - chief 
(Navy), 139. 
Bawdswell or Baudswell (Norfolk), 


B 
| 


landowners in, 
Baxter or Baxtere : 


Thomas, 
John, 58 
Bayes, Henry. ma 8. 
ayfie ilham, 9 
ayly, Mr., 
Bay-yarn, 'English and Irish com- 
pared, $12 
Beacon: 
Elizabeth, 91. 
Joyce, 148, 
Thomas, 148. 
Beare : 
Richard, 104. 
Robert, ‘102. 
Beauchamp: 
Viscount. See Conway. 
John, Lord (1442), 54. 
Beaufort, Duke of (1779) See 
Somerset. 


Beaufort, ship, 150. 
Beaumont, Basil, 188. 
Beck, Geoffrey de, 47. 
Becke, 99. 
Beckett, (Berkshire), Lord Barring- 
n at 
Beckford, W., Alderman, in House 
of Commons, 272-275. 
Beckhall (Norfolk), letter dated, 128. 
Beckham : 
East (Norfolk), 100 
West, 102. 
Beckham, Samuel 


Bective, Earl of e rr See Taylour. 

Bedell George 144. 

Bede Roll, 2, 

Bedford, "Duke of (1745). See 
Russe 
Lord of (1634-1637). See 
ussell, Francis, 4th Earl of. 


Bedford Level, 165 
Bedingfeld, Beddingfeld, Bedding- 
field, Bedyngteld : 
Anthony, 1 
Adam, 11. 
Christopher, 198, 124, 128, 129. 
Dame orothy, 147. 
Dame Frances, her contract of 
marriage. 82. 
Henry, 90. 99, 116. 
Sir Henry, 99, 198, 129, 142. 
, letter from, 198. 
Mrs. Henrietta, 147. 


116. 
lip, 14s. 


56. 
Thomas, 93. 
Bedlam, 163. 





448 


Beer (Devonshire), 298. 
fishing rights in, 346. 
letter dated, 347. 
Pyke's tenement in. 293. 
rector of. See Short, Wm. 
Alston, 366. 
Feris, manor of, 146, 441. 
—, ' fishery in, 339. 

——, Lord Buckinghamshire's 

right in, 392, 346. 


John 
Relph, 52 
homas, ibid. 


Beeston Regis (Norfolk), 100. 
Beevor, Sir Thomas, a candidate for 
Norwich, 


Beggars: 
expenses of, 79. 
Irish. See Irish. 
lice 


transportation of, 79. 
whipping of, tbid. 
Begvyles, a manor in Winterton, 54. 
Bek, Anthony, Bishop of Norwich, 
31. 


Belache. See Belaugh. 
Belagh, 4bid. 
Belan (Ireland), letter dated, 338. 
Belaselski Prince, 190, 191. 
Belaugh (Belough, Belache, Belagh), 
(Norfol b, d 
Henry 
William do, 17. 
Bele, Hervey, entry of, into homage 
of Horsham St. aith’s, 6. 
Belfast, 891. 
Bel siege of, 435, 436. 
Bel us "Theo ald ‘de, 12. 
1, Belle: 
Edmund, 104. 


——, of Wood Dawling, 96. 
Sir Robert, letters from, 84, 85. 


William, 96. inn 142. 
Bellenden, —, & company given to, 


Bellers, John, 55. 

Bellew, Sir Patrick, a friend of 
Bishop of Derry, 4 

Belmore, Lady, . 

Belvedere, Earl of. See Rochfort. 

Bemund, John, Headborgh of Blick- 
ling, 54. 

Bencoolen (Sumatra), 150. 

Bender (Bessarabia), 435. 

Bendish, John, 90, 99. 

Benetingesker, 17. 

Bengal, 150. 

Benington, Robert, 116. 

Benn, Edward. 195. 

Bennet, the widow, 159. 


Th 40 
Be 
Robert, 28 
te 
B 


INDEX. 


Bentinck William Henry Cavendish, 
Duke of Portland, 274, 
497, 494, 436 297. 
character of, 
Vioeroy of Leland, 414, 415. 
letters from, 436, 497. 
letter to, 436. 
Beren my Prior of Horsham St. 
Faith’ 
Bereaterd: 
George. de la Poer, Earl of Ty- 
rone 
Mr., ‘ho, su 





296. 
‘ Berlin,’ Lord à Harcourt 297, 298. 
Berlin, 174, 
Court o A 2S. 
letter sated, 990. 
Bernard Castle. See Barnard. 
a 26 Governor, letters from and 


| Bernes, Richard, 65 
Berners, Hatton, 133, 
Berney (N (Norfolk), 116. 
Berne Ley (Barney, © or Berneye): 
enry de, 28 


John de, 43 60. 
Katherine wife of, 60. 
John, 194 127; 5129. 


rd, 
Sir Richard, sells | Langley Abbey, 


Ro 58. 
Roger, 'el, 62. 
Sir Thomas de, 60 
Thomas, 111, T 
Bernier, M. ‘de, Minister of Marines, 
letter to, 239. 
Berningham, Sir Nicolas de, 48 
Berningham or Bernyngham. 
p Darningham. 


Berri nel 189. 





See 


Bertie, Robert, 4th Duke of Ancas- 


Bertrand, Prior of Horsham St. 
Faith's, 2, 12. 

Berwick (Barwick), a. 

Berwick, H.M.S., 

Bery John de 5. 

ssborough, Lord. See Ponsonby. 

Betrotha without licence, present- 
ment f 

Betts, Willies, 114. 

evan, Alderman Henry, 879. 

Bialla (Galicia), 218. 

Bickley, Sir Francis. 124, 195. 

Bielinski, F 


Bigge, ohn, 14. 


INDEX. 


Bigot, Thomas, 60. 
Bills in Parliament : 
Army, t (Ireland) 
East India, 497. 
Education, ' 433. 
Eetablishment (Burke's), 363 
for extending Habeas Corpus, 


of Indemnity (1766), 273, 274. 
Mutiny : 
(English), 384 

ish 363-366, 370, 371, 
394, 401 22 

Police (Ireland), 433 

Popery, 

re Possessions held in Ireland, 


&c., 413. 
Reform of Irish Parliament, 420. 
Riot (Ireland), 433 
Septennial, 165. 
Short Money (Ireland), 359. 
Small Debts, 163. 
Stamp (Irish), 350, 351. 
Sugar (Ireland), 370. 


Test, 

Tobacco (Irish), 850, 351. 
Billingford (Norfolk), 91, 144. 
Billington, Robert, 100. 

Billop, Christo her, 138. 
Bilney, Reginald de, 51. 
Bing. See ME 
Bingham 
Bin m (Norfolk) 112. 
Bintry (Bintrye, Bynetre), 9, 49, 121. 
Birch, James, his letter from Cher- 
bourg, 162 
Bird : 
George, 96. 
Lieut.-Colonel, 393. 
Biren or Biron: 
Duchesse de, letter from, 439. 


366, 370. 





Ernest John, Comte de, Duc de | 


Courland XV ., 198-212, 214. 
215, 216, 282. 

——, 'invested with Duchy, 198- 
202, 206, 214, 215. 

——, , renounces it, 201. 

, exile of, 200, 202, "208. 

, recalled by Peter ÍII., 201. 

Pierre de, Prince de Courland, 


—, ‘letter from, 282. 
Birston, "Birstonne, Birstoun. 
Briston, 
Birton, William, 20. 
Biscop, Herbert, 8. 
Bishop's Stortford, Tooke's school 
at, 145. 
Blackbourne, Edmund. 142, 145. 
Black Death, the, 8, 38. 
Black Prince, the. See Edward. 
Blacke, Christopher, 101. 
Blackett, John, 86. 
Blackford. letter dated, 276. 
Blackheath. letter dated, 411. 
Bladwell William, 95 
Blafer, Hugh e. 40. 
Blakeney orto 111. 


17118 











See 


bi 


K 


449 


Blandford, Marohioness of, 175, 176, 

177, 178. 
Blaquiere, Sir John, in Ireland, 381. 
hie ¢ countr untry house taken by W. 


Blaxter, OR al 108. 
Blenheim (Oxfordshire), 283 
Blennerhasset : 
John, 57. 
William 
Bling, Blycling, Blyclyng, Brick- 
1-3, S. 20-30, 71, 82, 102, 130, 
182, 143, 144, 185, 241, 251, 
258, 262, 208, 274, 276, 278, 
286, 288, ) rer , 406, 
407, 408, 1, 442. 
arms taken at, ' 130, '139. 
Borghs, He ad, 24 


Bertrams, a messuage in, 29. 
customary of Manor Court, 22- 


Dygardes, a messuage in, 29. 
Hall (old), pulled down, 442. 
House, accounts of, 87, 88. 
—, improvements in, 441, 


Hundred. roll of Edward I. re- 
lating to, 1. 

Kirkega at, 29. 

Leet Rolls, list of, 21-22. 

letters dated, 405, '420. 

relating to, "441. 

levy for church at, 97. 

Manor, 1-3, 20- 

; urt Rolls, 21-92. 

manorial documenta, 1-8, 20-29. 

mausoleum at, XVIII. 

mill, 29. 

muniments at, 1-3. 

owners of, 1, 2, 3, 21, 28-30, 102, 








reotory of, 2 6. 
rental of, 


|: Blofeld, Bal A or Blofeyld : 


1 
Blofeld (NoHall) 141. 
Blomfeld's History of Norfolk, 2, 


18. 
« Bloomaburys,” the, 351. 
Regi 


Blue Horse. See iments. 


Blue Squadron, 188. 
Blunde, Mirylda la, 39 


"Henry le, 85, 36, 89. 
Simon le 
Blycling or Blyelyng. See Blickling. 
Biyfer, Mathew, 116. 
Boar and Bull, free, 29, 35. 
Board of Conciliation (American), in 
relation to revolted regiments, 


383, 384. 
Bord of Trade: 245, 956, 831, 362. 
representation to Council on 
American affairs, 260. 
report on on commerce with Russia, 


2F 


450 


Board of Works, 349. 

Boat race on the Neva, 183-184. 

Boddy, William, 91. 

Bodham (N orfolk), 
08, 111. 


Bohun (Buun), Humfrey de, 2, 12. 
Boise : 


landowners in. 


Boisnegan, Captain, 160. 
Bokenham or Bukenham Castle. See 
Buckenham. 
Bokenham, William, 138. 
Boiewik, Éobert de, 49. 
oleyn or Bulleyn: 
Bridget, 106. 
Elizabeth, 29, 44. 
family of, at Blickling, 2 
Sir Geoffrey, 3. 29, 30. 
derman of London, 30. 
George, 105, 
James, 106. 
Sir James, 29, 31, 44. 
Thomas, 29. 
William, knight, his will, 29. 
at Mar lingforth, 70. 
William (1469), 55. 
Bolingbroke Bu lagbrooke) : 
Lord. See St. John. 
at Argeville, 238. 
Bolton” ieutenant, 379. 
Bombay, 1 


Bonaventure, “HLM. S., 189. 
Bond or Bonde: 

Dionis, 118. 

John le, 42. 

John, 112, 115. 

Laurence, 113. 

Relph, 36. 

Richard, 118. 
Bondeker, Adam de, 24. 

ndes ; 

Wulmere. 36. 

Wlvive, 38, 89. 
Bon al n, Agnes s, 84. 
Boo hours, at Blickling, 1. 
Book of rates, English, 306. 
Bootle, Sir Thomas, 15 
Booton or Boton Norfolk), 102 144. 

church at 
Borch, Jean de envoy from Augus- 

tus III. 204, 210, 211, 212. 

Borghs, Head 

Sec also a ital Pledges. 
Boscawen, Mr., purchases 








troop, 


Bose, General de, commanding Hes- 
sian Regiment, 
Bosnia, 
Boson, John, 53. 
Bosons manor, 54. 
Boston : 
(Lincolnshire), sluice at, 84. 
(North America), Custom House 
at, 
——, J. P. 8 of, 261. 
——, Minutes of Council at, 
261. 


—» proposals relating to. 290. 
—. riot at, 291, 299. 


| Bourgchier ( Bourchier, 


INDEX. 


. Boston, H.M. Ship, 330. 


Boteler : 
fou 126. 


Henr 

Ralph! Lord Budley 
Botetourt, Lord. ee Berkeley. 
Botheby, Chop " de, 42. 
Bougainville, M. de, 299. 
Bouillé, Count de, at St. Lucia, 342. 


" Boult, Thomas, 114. 


Bourbon, House of: 
protection by, of Ireland, 395. 
their treaty with the ' Rebel 
Colonies, 327. 
triumphant, 406, 418. 
Bouchier) : 
Cardinal, Lord Chancellor, 
Lord, 65. 
, Humfrey son of, 65. 
—, indenture re- 
lating to Wymondham, 65. 
Johane, wife o Humfrey, 65. 
Bourke, John, 1st Baron Naas, 379. 
Bourne, Mr., Chancellor of St. Pat- 





Bowthorp Hall (Norfolk), 145. 
' Bowzer, William, 388. 

Boxer, William, 112. 
—. Boyd: 


Mr., at Dublin, 421. 
, surveyor of Donaghadee, 


318. 
Wiliam, Earl of jiiimarnoek, 
risoner 


taken 
Boyle, PE , 2nd Fail of Shannon, 


letters from, 956, 379. 
family of, 





^ Boyne, battle of the, 911. 


Boyne, Edward, Commander-in. 


ief (Navy), 1 
yton, ‘manor of 54. 
Bozeat (Northamptonshire), 
in relation to lands at, 
Bozoun, Simon, prior of 
Trinity, Norwich, 70 
Bradfeud, Henry de, 
Horsham St. 
lease 
Priory 
Bradfeid, Edward, 97. 
Bradie or Brady 
Elizabeth, 101. 
John, 101. 
Brakne, extent of manor of, 72. 
Brame, J ames, 106. 
bra. on Bramton (Norfolk), 44. 


deed relating to, 72. 
Brampton : 


Robert, 44, 

Thomas, 55. 
Bramston, Edmund, 162. 
Brandeston (Norfolk), 90 
Brandeston, Godfrey de, 49. 
Brandon, Lady, at Dublin, 428. 
Branfill, Champion letters from, 

150, 151, 157, 158, 159, 160, 163. 


letter 
Holy 
porter to 


aith's Priory; re- 
po of & messuage to the 


INDEX. 


Branicki or Branitzki, the Great 
General of Poland, 198, 209, 216, 


Braniski, M., 218. 

Branteston, Henry de, 38. 
Branthwayt, William, 124. 
Branton (Norfolk), manor of, 85. 
Brathwaite, Mr., at Southampton, 


360. 
Braunche, John, 54. 
Braunde, Mr., 150. 
Braunthonne or Branton, Andrew 


de 
Bray drcland), 390, 393. 
Braybroke : 


Robert de, Bishop of London, 69. 


Roger Mallory de, at Matlask, 


69. 

Breame, William, 114. 
Breese or Brese : 

Augustin, 96. 

Martha, 106, 

Thomas, 93. 

William, 37. 
Breinter, Gregory, 115, 
Brekes, Roger, 29. 
Brennecat, Walter 19. 
Brereton, John, 197. 
Brest 363. 

d fleet at, 337, 404 
Breswin, Austin 


Bretiff, pans ! See Britiffe. 
Breton, William, owner of manor of 
Stratton, 78. 
rett : 
Anthony, 96. 


Nathan el 94. 
Brettenham, Clement de, 52 
Brewers, presentment of, 7. 
Brewes: 

Robert, 56. 
Thomas, . 
Brewse, Dominus de, 
Brewster : 

ICM ET 

John, 89, tr 121, 129, 182, 143. 
Brickling. See Blickli ling. 
Bridewell, 168. 

Bridges, Captain 188. 


46. 


Bridget, John, 199. 
Bridgewater : 
rl of, Frances daughter of. 
See Eg on. 
Duke of, ibid. 
Brie, Robert 


i de 
‘Brigade dl-lande. ? 414. 
Briggs, George, 160. 
Brighmer, John, 102, 108. 
Brighton (Brighthelmstone), 312. 
Brindall. See Brundall. 
Bringloe, John, 127. 
Briningham, landowners in, 108. 
Brinton, landowners in, 110, 112. 
Brisstune. See Briston. 
Bristol: 281, 294, 430. 


address from, relating to export 


of corn, 
election at, 
Queen Wheater at, 259. 
George Grenville at, 250. 
White Lior Club at, 259. 


| Briston (Birston, Brisstune, 


451 


Bristol, Earl of. See Hervey. 

Bristol, Thomas, Bishop of. See New- 

ton, 

Bristoll, H.M.S., 199. 

Bris- 
tone, Birsto toun, yrston, 
Burston, Byrsten) (Norfolk): 
45, 48, 49, 50, 52, 54, 109-112. 

landowners in, 109. 
Manor Rolls of, 45. 

Briston, Roger de, 47. 

, Simon son of, 47. 

Simon de, 48, 49, 50 





' Bristow: 


Elizabeth, afterwards Countess 
of Buckinghamshire, 170. 
W., 147. 


Mr., 170. 
Britannia, H.M.S., 187. 
Britiffe, Britaff, Brytif, 

Bretiff : 

Anne, 100, 101. 

Clement, 108. 

Edmund, 100, 102, 104, 108, 124. 


Mr 
Philip, 108. 
Robert, 147. 
Simon, 110, 126. 
William, 441. 
British Empire, dest nen. of, a 


menaoe to Europe, 405 
Brookdish or Brokedis, Reginaldus 


Brockdich, grant of land in, to St. 
Faith’s monastery, 17. 
Brodrick, George, 4th Lord Midle- 
ton, in Ireland, 420. 
Bromholm (Norfolk) : 74, 
Clement, the prior of, 78. 
seal of, 78. 
— — convent and church of, 78. 
deeds relating to, To 
Broomhedge (Ireland), 29. 
Brotheroross Hundred (Norfolk), 81, 


Brytiffe, 


Brown, Browne, Broun: 
“ss Anthony, his swan marke, 


roperty at Boston, 84. 
jeutenant, 

Co oncl. 355, 379. 
Daniel, 93, 

Francis, 113. 

Sir J., 379. 

Hon. James, 379. 

—, for Tuam, 





letter 





110. 

John, 109, 112, 141. 145. 
John, Lord Westport, 379. 
John Denis, 3rd Earl of Alta- 

mont, 379, 415, 416. 
, letter from, 418. 
, letter to, 419. 
Peter, 87. 
Richer, 98 
Robert, EUR Pas, 
Roger, 98. 
Simon, 87. 








452 INDEX. 
Brown—cont. Bulley, Robert 

Thomas, 91, 101. Bulleyn. See Boley 

Thomas, Bishop of Norwich, 31. | Bullingbrooke. See. ‘Bt. John. 

William, ensign, 110, 127. Bulwer : 

William, sheritf of Norwich, 81. Edward, High Collector for 
Brownlow : nstor , BU, 92. 

. See Cust. Mr., 320 
Right Hon. Wiliam, M.P. ., in Koger, U2. 


rish Parliament, 391, 400, 
402, 414, 426. 
Brudenell, George, Duke of Mont- 


agu, . 
his garden on the Thames, 341, 


Bruhl, » ome de, 192, 198, 194, 195, 
his claim to Polish nobility con- 
tested, 193, 
Brun, Walter le, Te 
Brundall (Brindall, 121. 
Brunham, Robert , 58. 
Brunville, Ysabell, entry of, into the 
homage of Horsham St. Faith's, 
Brunswick (America), 311. 
action at, 
Brunswick (Germany), 435 
Brunswick : 
Duke of (1781), 389 
Prince Li X65. 9277. 
Brus, Rel 7. 
Brydges, QE ne ames Earl of Carnarvon, 


Brag William, 58. 


Brytiffe Brytif. See Britiffe. 
Brzese, Palatinate of Poland, 218. 
Brzortouski, General, 
Buccleugh, Duke of. See Scott. 
Bucke : 

Dennis, 116. 

Robert, 90 


Buckenham (Bokenham), Old, Castle, 
63, 64. 


Buckenham, pedigree relating to the 
title of, 5 


Buckingham, Marquis of. See Gren- 
ville 
Buckingham Hospital, at Dublin, 


Buckinghamshire : 
Caroline, Countess of, 288, 295, 
1, 39 , 922, 841, 348, 349, 

$50. 362, 387, 413, 417. 

Elizabeth, Countess of, 170. 

Mary Ann, Countess of, 170, 171, 
172, 174, 175, 176, 179, 182, 
183, 185, 187, 191, 253, 
269, 278 274, 275. 

Earl of. See Hobart. 

s papers, 
Buckinghamshire, 69, 
estate in, 170. 

Grenvilles in, 262. 
Buckler, Robert, 114. 
Budgell, E 146. 
Buis, Nicholas, 19. 
Bukeskin, Walter, 49. 
Buleman, pre 3. 4 $ 
ulger, convic of murder, 329. 
Bullard, Mr. 


Thomas, 102. 
W. W., 
——; letters from, 269, 332. 


Elizabeth, 95. 

William, 95. 
Bunbury, Mrs., cause of & duel, 294. 
Burbage (Leicestershire), 55 . 
Burdett : 

Lady, niece of Countess of Kil- 

are, 

Sir William, distress of, 348. 

Burel : 


Peter son of William, 20: 


William, 1 » 20, 
William, son of Hervey, 2. 
Burford, H.M. S., 138. 


Captain, letter from, 384. 

Hussey, Right Hon. Walter, 
M.P., 358, 360, 363, 400, 402; 
415, 416. 

Thos. de (Colonel), letter from, 


Burgh (Burrough, Burrow) (Norfolk), 
landowners in, 102. 
Castle Church, 62. 
Parva (Norfolk), landowners in, 


Burghe Robert, Proctor-General of 
the naistory of Norwich, 57. 
Burghl Y 48 (Sr rthamptonshire), letter 

date 
Be 
Colonel, proposal of. for raising 
a regiment, 377. 
General, in America, 311, 316, 
318, $24, 3 
despatch from, 315. 
Burke, Edmund, 273, 963. 
Burkes, the two Mr., 261. 
Burlingham, Thomas, 108. 
Burlington Bay, transports in (1745), 


Burnham: 88. 


Thorp, Bailiffs account for, 70. 
Burr, Burre: 





Robert 101. 


Burritt, J ohn, 1 
Burrish, Mr. letter of (1740), 281. 
Burrough. - See Bu rgh. 


Burrow, 





INDEX. 


Burston, Simon de. See Briston. 
Burton : 


365. 
—— (Colonel), 
Burwode, John, 20. 
Bus, Nicolas, 10. 
Bushe : 
M.P. 


Gervase, for Kilkenny, 
3 


Mr. 
Bushop 82. 
Bushy p, Robert Lord North at, 299. 
Bute. Lord. See Stuart. 
Butler : 
Brinsley, 2nd Earl of Lanes- 
borough, 378. 
Lady Katherine, 379. 
Lad Mar 379. 
Michael, 165, 110 
Robert, 109. 


Gom, 


Butley | Battole) St. Mary of, deed 
relating to, 74. 
Buttefant John, 130. 
Butterfield, 1 
" Buttered Pease,’ tune of, 177. 
Butts, Mr., vicar of Langley, 62. 
Buun. See Bohun. 
Buxton (Norfolk), 29, 44, 73, 102. 
deed relating to, 71. 
Buxton John. 109. 
whoffal » 
Bylaugh Bocbve, 90, 121. 
BE ÎThomas], Recorder of Lon- 
on 
Bynetre. See Bintry. 
Byng or Bing: 
George, afterwards Baron Byng. 


George, M.P. for Middlesex, 
letter from, 367. 
Boeken tithing of, 79. 


Alice 

Richard, 
Byron, Aduiral d in West Indies, 343. 
Byrston. See Briston. 
Bzewieski, Count, 218. 


C 
Cadell, Mr., a printer, 432. 
Cadogan Charles Sloane, 9rd Baron, 
letter from, 906. 


Cesar, ship, 150. 
Cailly, Thomas de, 68. 
Caineto, Sibyll de. See Cheyney. 


458 


Caistor (Castre), 54. 
Caldecotys, manor of, 54. 
Calder, master gunner at Yarmouth, 


Caldewelle Mill, near Thurning, 15. 
Caldewode, Robert de, 22. 
Calth or Calthorp: 
lan owners in, 108. 
manor 
Calthorpe or o althorp (Calethorp) : 
Sir Christopher, of East Bas- 
ham, 123, 194, 125, 133, 187, 


Capt. J ames, of West Basham, 
137 


James, 111. 

ger de, 
William, 65. 
Calys, Margaret, 


sister to Henry 
Catte 


Cambridge: 287. 


nr eee 


| 


" Archévéque de, 221 
Clare Hall, 145. 
St. Peters College, 27, 54. 
Cambridge : 
r., 175. 
Richard Owen, letters from, 264, 
288, al, 


Cambridge, H M.S., 138. 
Camden (North America), 387, 388. 
Camden, Ohancellor. See 
Pratt. 
Camera, John de, 16. 
Camp Benedict, 75. 
Campbell : 
John, Lord Torn afterwards 5th 
Duke of Il, 
Lord Frederic JT 288. 
Colonel, of the 52nd, 324. 
Canada : 940, 315 
French  oriticism 
licy towards, 
Canadian Army, 296, 
Canadians, the, best subjects of 
the Crown in "America, . 
Cancalle Bay, France, action in, 351. 
Candler, James, a Popish Recusant, 


Cankewelle, Baudwine de, 50. 


on English 
240, 


Canterbury : 
George, Archbishop of. See 
Abbot 
See Staf- 


J ohn, " Archbishop of. 


* Capital Pledges : D: 
at Blickling, 26 
at Horsham St. Faith's, 7, 9. 
peni also Borghs, Head. 


P'john, 87. 
William, 88. 
Capon rent, a, 7. 


Cappe: 

Agnes, 8. 

Nicholas 48, 49, 50. 
Cappelmann M. de, 191. 


Captain, H. » 188. 
Carberry, Lord. See Evans. 


464 


Carbonel, Beren arius, steward of 
the manor of St. 7, 10. 
Carbrook (Kerebrok), Domus de,’ 36. 

Cardeston. See Kerdiston. 
Cardwell, Mr., 321. 
“ Cardynal, my Lord, ” the Chan- 
cellor. See Bourgchier. 
Careter, John le, 16. 
Carleton (Carlotune, 


59, 
Banyards, Manor Rolls 5d. 62. 
Bastwyk, "Manor Rolls ol, 59 
Carleton : Si 
ir 


Karletune): 


succeeds H. 
Walter de, 14. 
Carlingford, Bay of, 319. 
Carlisle, city of, 152, 158. 
Carlisl 2s Cfr Bishop of. 
Lyttelton. 
Earl of. See Howard. 
Carlisle House, an elegant place of 
publie entertainment, 


See 


Carlow, Lord. See Dawson. 
Carmarthen, Marquis of. See Go- 
0 


Carmichael, John, 3rd Earl of Hynd- 
ford ; ambassador to Russia, 


letter from, 244. 
Carmichael House, letter dated, 244. 


Carnarvon See Brydges. 
Carolina, Bouth, 

Carolinas, the, North America, 
Caroline : 


See, Buckinghamshire, Countess 


of Anspach, Queen of George II, 
conversation with Lady Suf- 
folk, 166-170. 
Carpenter : 
ward, 22 
William, the, 14, 
Carr or Carre: 
Wilton? 98. 


Carrickfergt us, 108. stable for, 356. 
Carrow Abbey (Norfolk) : 
Cellarer’s accounts 7" 70. 
deed rating 71 
Carryer, John, 1 
Carter : 
Dawn or Daun, John, 58-59. 
Helen, will and probate of, 2, 


Humphrey, 102, 125. 
John. 443. 
Richard, 138. 

Mr., a messenger 
Henry Clinton, 
Carteret, John, Earl "Granville, 148, 


from Sir 


157, 158. 
Carysfort, Lord (1789. See Proby. 
Cashell: 348, 
Archbishop. " See Oox and 


Aga 
Archhishopric of 343. 
Caspian Sea, the, 


= 


| Castel 


INDEX. 


Castello, Nicholas de, 440. 
as 
Abraham, 182, 141. 
Castle Dermot, Mr. Champayne pre- 
sen 336. 
Castlebar, 389. 
Castle Guard, 
Castle Martyr letter dated, 356. 
Castlereagh [Emily] 1, Lady, 166. See 
also Hobart. 
Castleton : 
Elizabeth, 90. 
William, Prior of St. Faith’s, 20. 
Castletown, letters dated, 386, 412, 


Oastlety, W., at Horsham St. 
Faith's, 6. 


22, 37. 


; Caston (Northamptonshire), 161. 
Castor : 


John, 106. 
Robert 109. 
Castre, in ogg. See Caistor. 
Catelyn or we eine, Sir Neville, 
125, 127 
Caterine, Nicholas, 25. 


Catesby, Sir William, 55. 
Catherine Il, Empress of Russia, 
294,187 Passim, 232, 237, 293, 


asks for English Act of Parlia- 
ment, 

description of. 171. 

offers mediation to Dutch (1781), 


polis, in Courland, 195-212. 
reviews her fleet, 184. 
Catherine yacht, the, 140. 
Catholics, Roman. See Papists. 
Catte or Cat, Catt, Chat, Kat: 
Dionysia. wife of Henry, 440. 
e 3 3 3 
nry le, 57, 49. 


Henry le, 

Herbert, 40. 

——, Aida wife of 3, 40 

—, will of, at Hevingham, 3. 
Katherine, 

Margaret, 43. 

Peter le, 41. 

William, 40. 

Lauretta wife of 41, 42. 
William le, 34-96, 38. 39, 41, 42 


Cattes Manor : 
in Horsted, 44. 
in Hevingham, 8, 30, 31, 32, 43. 
customaries of, and rentals, 32. 
Book of Demesne Lands of, 82. 
Catteway, John, 142. 
Catton or Cattone, 16. 
Catton : 
Roger fil. sacerdotss de, 16. 


Ral , 
Catts, Anthony, 116. 
Caudwell, Mr., 321, 





INDEX. 455 
Caulfield : Chapman: 
James, 4th Viscount Charle- dmond, 104. 
mont, 389. Henry, 92. 
—, “ ‘mends the church,” 420. . John, 92. 
Mr., 378. Nicholas, 90. 
Cavan, Earl of. See Lambart. Robert, 92, 104, 125. 


Cavanagh, Nicholas, evidence of re- 
lating to Ruesian commerce, 237. 


Cavendish : 
sury, 256. 


W. H., 442. 
William, 3rd Duke of Devon- 
shire, 157. 
William, 4th Duke, 245, 252. 
—-, letter from, 


pole relations with the Wal- - 


po ath of, 253. 
Caversham (Oxfordshire), 301. 
Cawsey, John, 96. 

Cawston (Causton) (Norfolk), 


Court Rolls of, 70. 
landowners in, 108. 
manor of, 35. 
rioters at, 269. 
Cawston, J ohn de, 25. 
Ceoil : 
Brownlow, 9th Earl of Exeter, 
letter from, 431. 
William, 2nd Earl, 85. 
William, 5. 
Cecily relict of Richard the baker of 
St. Faith's, 1 
Chaineto, Ralph de. See Cheyney. 
Chambers, Richard, of Bawdswell, 
90 





35, 


Chamberlayne : 
ward, 126. 

Richard, of Hackford, 93, 100. 
Champayne, Rev. Mr. brother to 

Lady Paget, 339, 386. 

Champlain, Lake, 296. 
ME a of St. Patrick (Dub- 
"Bourne appointed to, 


Chancellor : 
the Lord (1745). See Yorke, 
Philip, Earl of Hardwicke. 


: Charles Edward, 


Lord John, Lord of the Trea- . Charlemont, Lord (1781). 


Seth, of Foulsham, 91. 
S enGer, of AS 95. 


See Caul- 
field. 


Charles V. of Germany, 206. 
Charles Christian, of Saxony, 195-7, 


199. 
his claim to Courland, 201-7. 
his property in Courland se- 
questered by Russia, 195-7, 


‘the young Pre- 
tender,’ 148, 154, 160. 
Charles, galley, H. “LS. .B., 189. 


. Oharlestown, 388, 


summoned to surrender, 296. 
capture of, 368. 
Charleton, letter dated 


| Charlotte, daughter 0 of foal of Hills- 


borou 
“ Chasse Marine,” Lord Harcourt’s, 


Chat. See Catte. 
Chategrave. See Chetgrave. 
Chatham : 
Lord. See Pitt, William. 
Countess of, 285. 
Chatteris, Fen drainage near 


165. 
Chaungedelond, land called, 18. 


rt, 110. 
Chelmsford, letter dated, 151. 
Chelsea, Cadogan and Stanley pro- 
perty at 


| Cheltenham, 238. 

. Chent. See Kent. 

. Cheny. See Cheyney. 
Cherbourg, letter dated, 162. 


(of Ireland), See Hewitt, James. . 
Chancery order in, relating to Sir . 
John Fastolf and Sir Geoffrey 

Boleyn, S 


Chantry, tbe, letter dated, 289. 
Chant, Stephan le, 18. 
Chaplain : 
ia, the, 
William, the, 8 39. 

Chaplains of the parson of Blickling 
(Richard), accused of usury, 26. 
(Richard and Robert), prose- 

cuted for assault, 26. 


Cheremetef, Count and Countess, 
Cherkasoff or Cherkasow 
Baron J. B. de letter from, 254. 
Baroness Elizabeth de, 954. 
Baron, letters from, 190, 294. 
Cherlton or Cherletone: 


Robert de, 52. 
Thomas de, 51. 
. Cherson, 436. 
Chesapeak River, .the (North 
America), 396, 400, 402, 407-8. 


| Chesapeak Bay, 399, 401, 410. 


| Chesapeak, 


Chapelfield or Chaplyfield. See Nor- — 
wich. 


899. 
letter dated, 400-401. 


Cheshire cheeses, price of, 210, 
Chesneto. See Cheyney. | 
Chesney. Ibid. 


Chesteny, Francis, 111. 
Chester, ‘Capt. (of 86th Regiment), 


Chetgrave or Chategrave or Chatt- 
grave, extents of, 61, 73. 





456 INDEX. 
Chetwynd, Mr., 176. Clements: 
Chever, Richard, 29. John, 138. 
Cheyney (Cheny, de Cheyny, de Right Hon. H. T., letter from, 
Chaineto, de esneto, de 
Caineto, de  Kaneto, de Robert, 374. 
Chesney). Clere : 
family of, » 2 8, 10, 11. Dionicia, 73. 
Margaret d 9, 11. the family of, 147. 
Sybi] d , at Blickling, 2. 
Turgys de, 11. Edward, 29, 65. 
Chichester, in arms (1746), Bir E., sells Blickling, 82. 
hief Justice, Lord, of Da and. 
See Coke, Hobart, and Popham. 
Child, Mr., "179. 
China, 150. 
Chinnery, Dr. (Bishop of Kiilaloe), 
Chitleburgh : 
Dr., . 
Robert, warrant against (1696), 
Cholmondeley, George, 3rd Earl 


of Cholmondeley, signs Order of 
Council (1745), 148. 
Christiana, William son of, 34 
Christine, daughter of William Bas- 
set, 17. 
Church ales, 20. 
Churchill: 
Charles, 378. 
rge, 138. 
George, 4th Duke of Marl- 
borough, 283, 378. 
———, protests against Repeal of 
Stamp Act, 260. 
Rev., —, 179. 
Churchman, Sir T. ? at Norwich, 270. 
Chusser, John le, 24, 26. 
Circular Letter, with Bede Roll, 920. 
Clanbrassil, Earl of (771 1778), 
See Hamilton. 
' Clanricarde, Earl of. See De Burgh. 
Clare : 
County, 384. 
, Lieutenancy of. 313. 
Hall. See Camb ridge. 
Honour of, 74. 
Clare, arl of. See Fitzgibbon, 
Lord. See Nugent, Robert. 
Clgromont, Duke of Newcastle at 


Clark, Clarke or Clerk : 
aptain of t the jBuifisure, 188. 
n the, 38 2. 
John son of ie, 94, _86, 88, 41. 
John, 115, 142. 
Richard, rector of Intwood, 102, 


Walter, of Newton, 19. 
William, 98, 102. 
Clavering, Lady Diana, 186. 
Claxton, 132. 
Claxton, Hamond, 127. 
Claybourne : 
Henry, “Cater,” 88. 
James, of Hindolveston, 93. 
Cleaveland, yacht. 140. 
Clelia, romance of, 169. 





A —M ဗ e a naÓ— 


Sir John de, 2 
Sir John, 29. 
, Advowson of Blickling con- 


Sir au de^ 47. 

Ralph, 

Robert, s. 

William, 78. 

William de, 48. 
Clerk: 

of the Market. office of. 81. 

of the Pells (office of), 428. 
Clermont, Lord (1778). See Fortes- 

cue 

Cleveland Court, letter dated, 438. 
Cleves (Cleevys). Anne of. See Anne. 
Cley, Cleye (Norfolk) 110. 

andowners in, 110. 

letter dated, 353. 
Cleyton, Dame, "of Thorpe Market, 


Clifden (Kilkenny), 343 
Clifden, Lord. See Ager, James. 
Clifford, Lord, 378. 
Clinton-Cornwallis controversy, 401, 
402, 407, 408, 409, 410, 411, 412. 
Clinton: 
Lord, J.P., letter to, 38. ag 
Sir Henry, 824, 326, 
368, 404, 407-8, 411, 484b, A, 
letters from, 381, 
| 888, 396-398, 399-400 401, 407, 
409, 410, 411, 434, 485. © 
——, "lettore. to, 380, 891, 403, 
411, 412. 
——, pamphlet and notes by, 
411. 


Thomas, Earl of Lincoln, 268, 401. 

Clinton (Fdward), Sir E. Fynes and 

Lord Clinton and Saye. Lord High 

Admiral of England, 74. 

Clipston (Northamptonshire), the 
hospital at, 160, 

Clive, Col., sends wife and treasure 
ome, 165. 

, English officers’ opinion of, 


16/ 5. 
Clogher : 879, 421. 
Bishop of. See Hotham. 
Dean of. See Woodward. 
Clogher, Deanery of, presented to 
Mr. Keating, 
city of, a disputed ‘election at, 


Clonfert, 155. 


Bishop of. See Cumberland. 
Clonmel Camp, 


894. 
letter dated, 333, 335. 








INDEX. 


Clonmell, Lord. See Scott, John. 
Clopton 69. 
Cloyne Bishop of. See Agar, Wood- 
and Hervey. 
Cloyne. 343, 379, 429. 
letters ated, 419, 421. 


885. 
Clucke, Tend, 102. 
Coren” ‘the, 330. 


Constantine de, 63, 64. 
Elizabeth, 65. 

John de, 764. 

Sir John, 63, 65. 

Margaret wife of Constantine, 


Clynton and Saye, Lord (1552). See 
ca Clinton, ward. 
Caypesby, E "Edmund de, 52. 

Cob Cobbe : 


Martyn, 124, 120. 
Geoffrey, 142, 145. 
Cobham, Lord (1745). See Temple. 
Cochrane, Major, killed at York 
Town, 


"Colonel 129. 
Mrs., 181 
Cockthorpe (Norfolk), 
in, 118. 
Cocus. See Cook. 
Coduham, John, 44. 
Coe, Charles, letter from, 162. 
Coes, the, 162 
Cesar, ship, 150. 
Coke : 


Lord Chief J ustice, 
John, Sheriff of Norfolk, letter 


from, 86. 
Mr., 987. $21, 358 
Mr. and Mrs. ., at Holkham, 320. 
Robert, 
See v Cook. 
Cokefeld, "Bir John de, witness, 49. 
Colbert : 





landowners 


John, 8. 
Sibilla, at Horsham St. Faith's, 
Colby (Norfolk), 68, 108. 


Henry de, 26. 
Henry, son 1 of John de, 24 
John de, 24, 29. 
Colborne, Edward, Norfolk Militia, 


Colchester, dragoons ordered from, 
to Norwich ; 267. 


^ Alan 7. 
Matilda and Sibyll. 7. 
Colebrpoke, Robert, candidate for 
Maldon. 
Colkirk (Golekirke), (Norfolk), 144. 
Coli, Robert 
Collett, John, 58. 
llinges : 
Dr. John, biographer of Lady 
Frances Hobart. xn. 
letter from, 181. 


| 


457 


Collon (Ireland), letter dated, 381. 
Colne (Essex), letters dated, 148, 
156. 


Colne, Stephen de, 18. 
Colonies, British, in America. See 
America and Plantations, 
Coltishall (Coulteshall), landowners 
in, 108. 
Columna, near Moscow, 283. 
Coiville, Geoffrey, ] 
Comber, John, of Thureford, 116. 
Combes, manor rolls of, 72. 
Committee : 
of go ety, letter to the (1659), 


Standing, at Norwich, petition 


to adjust dispute of the Pennsyl- 
vanian line, . 
Common rights, 59, 76, 80. 
Common Council, called (1745), 
Comments House of (England), 237, 


, 260, 
258, 275, 281, 282. 987, 288, 
308, 330, 948, 351, 365, 867, 
Beckford in, 272. 
hearing at Bar of, 129. 
Journals of, quoted, 272, 306. 
and Mr. Pitt, 245, 498. 
prospects of, in 1784. 427-8. 
privilege of members, 247, 248. 
in Ireland. See Ireland. 
Compiègne, despatch dated, 219. 
Compounding an assault, 10. 
Compton, Lady Elizabeth, her re- 
port of Lady Suffolk, XIV. 
Conches, Abbey of, in Normandy, 2 


Coney, Robert, 138. 
Confederation, the general, in Po- 
ud 216, 98 
Congham (Norfolk) Court Roll for, 
Congress (American): 343, _382, 388, 
declares colonies to be free 
states, . 
influence of, in Ireland, 343. 
and the Pennsylvanian line, 283. 
Congreve, Capt., 
Connecticut, expedition to, 306. 
Connel Daniel, of the Pennsylyan- 


afterwards Countess 
Buckinghamshire. See 
Buckinghamshire, 
RS Hon. Thomas, 337, 357, 
, 402, 408, 411, 414, 
419, 490, 421, 424-7, 438. 
—, hints of an Irish peerage 





for, 

. M.P. for Londonderry, 
857. 
——, letter from, 380, 386, 
419, 


Lady "Louisa, 885, 411, 412. 


458 


Constables of the Hundreds, 105, 


Constant Warwick, H.M.S., 189. 
Constantinople, 219, 435. 
Conteshale, John, 54. 

Conts, Prince de, a privateer called, 


a, for Ire- 


220. 
glish 


Convention, National, 
land, 422, 
Convocation Diet of (Poland), 
Convoys and Oruisers in the 
fleet (1691), 140. 
Conway 
Riv ht Hon. Francis Seymour, 
iscount Beauchamp, Earl, 
and afterwards, Marquis of 
Hertford, 982, 354, 379. 


Henr letter from, (398. al, Seo- 
e mour ner 
etary of 256, 268, 267, 


retary of State 
27b, 278, en 286. | 


——, letter E" General Gage, 


Cony, John, a prisoner, 86. 
parson of Burrough 


Cook, Cooke or Coke (Cocus, Coqus) : 
Álan, 7. 
Alexander, 9. 
Anthony, 91. 
Edmond, 101, 110. 
Francis, 145. 

John, 107, 110, 118. 
Mary, 104. 
Ralph, 40. 


Rodbert, 40. 
Roger, 15. 
Thomas, 101. 


William, "i 101, 195, 128. 
ir W 
Sir Willem, 132, 135, 136, 137, 


Cooper : 
Edward, of Thimblethorp, 95. 
William. 


INDEX. 


Cordiberk, a, 118. 
Cork or Corke : 


of Buckinghamshire, 377. 
petitions from merchants and 
traders of, 316 
letters dated, 311, °37 4. 
Cork : 
Bishop of. 
Dean of. 


See Mann. 
See Erskine. 


| Cornelys, Mrs., at Carlisle House, 
| Cornwall, Sir George (sic), 375. 


Cornwall, Hobart property in, 146. 


| Cornwallis, Cornewallis : 


Lord (1669), 111. 

Charles &rquess, in Ámerica, 
805, 311. 362, 382 387, 388, 
389. 396-9. 


——, capitulation of, 400, 401, 
402, 405, 407, 409, 410. 


and Clinton Controversy. See 
Clinton. 
Sir Thomas, 442, 
Coronation, H.M.S., 188, 139. 
Corpusty (Oorpesti): 4, 18, 46, 51, 52. 
Adam de, 47, 
Hugh de, 46, 47, 48, 51, 62. 
John de 
Richard, "the baker of 47, 7. 
Robert son of Adam de, 4 
Roger de, 48. 
Steingrim de, 47. 
Corpusty cum land- 


Irmingland, 
owners in, 103. 
Corry, Isaac, M.P. for Newry, 400. 
Cory, Thomas, sheriff, 81. 
Cosenage, 66. 
Costessy, Cossey (Coosye) (Norfolk) : 
swans at Blackwater, 122. 
Papists at, 145. 


Cotaris, in Hevingham, 34. 
, Cottereli, Mr., 371. 
. Cotton: 


La her “Terrass” on the : 
Thames 


, 342. 
Coote, Charles, Dean of Kilfenora, 


Copeman: 
Robert, of Barton, 92. 
Thomas, | of Great Yarmouth, 
Thomas agent to Lord Bucking- 
hamshire, 319. 320, 891, 953. 
Copland, Bridget, of Elsing, 91. 
Copping, John, of Shropham, 145. 
Coqus. See Cook. 
Corbett : 
Capt. A[ndrew]. 374, 375, 890. 
——-, letters from, 374, 375, 


387. 
John, account of sheep of, 74. 
Cordel, Bartholomew, 16. 


Andrew, Captain, 138. 
Mrs. Elizabeth, marriage settle- 
ment of, 145. 
Sir J. H., 160. 
Cotts Thomaa, of Bawdswell, 90. 
Couldham, James, 127. 
Couldwell, William, clerk: 93. 
Coulsen William, i 
Coulteshall See ' Geltishall. 
Council, order of. See Privy Council. 
Courl land, Duchy of: 195-212, 215, 
Bill concerning, 215-216. 
and the commission of 1727, 198, 


constitutions of, 198, 199. 202. 
208, 209, '910. '915. 
a fief of the whole Polish Re- 
public. 199, 201, 208, 204, 208, 
, 210, 219, 216. 








INDEX 459 
Courland, Duchy of—cont. Cras or Cres 
protest of Augustus IIL., con- Geoffrey le, 46. 
cerning Russian action ‘in, in Roger le, 49. 
December, 1762, 195-197. Craske, Geoffrey, 34 
-—, Russian exposé relating to, Crass P EC 


197-199. 
—— —, ——, Polish ministers re- 
ply to, 1763, January 10, 200- 


; , Polish Vice-Chancel- 
lors note accompanying the 
reply of 10 January, 1 
, ——, Keyserling's 











reply, 


——, Polish Vice-Chancel- 
lor’s reply to tliis, 205. 
, Russian ministers’ remarks 
on Polish reply, 205-209. 
Russian policy towards, 195-212. 
Courland, Duke of : 
Charles Christian. See Charles 
Christian, of Saxony. 
Ernest John. See Biren. 
Ferdinand. See Kettler. 
Frederic Casimir. See Kettler. 
Prince Pierre of. See Biren. 
Court, Captain, 150. 
Court Christian : 
at Blickling, 26, 28. 
presentment for pleading in a, 


3, 25, %, 
Court of Common Pleas, 248. 
Courtenay, Richard, Bishop of Nor- 


Courtown, Earl of (1776). Sec Stop- 
ord. 
Cove, Charles, groom, 87. 
Covele, Walter de, 19. 
Coventry (Coventre or Covyntre): 
George William, 6th Earl of 
Coventry, 378. 
——, protests against repeal of 
Stamp Act, 260, 261. 
Beatrice, daughter of Lucy de, 


John de, 48. 

John, son of Lucy, of, 49. 

Lucy de, 48, 49. 

Robert son of Lucy de, 48. 
Covy, John, 112. 


Cowper, George, 8rd Earl Cowper, 








x: 
Dr. Michael, Archbishop of 
shell, 378. 


Mr., stamp collector, 260. 
Coxheath, field guns at, 338. 
Coxper, Elizabeth, of Hackford, 93. 
Crab (ship), 150. 

Crabgate, Dalling, 46. 

Cracow, 209. 

Cracow, Bishop of, 210, 220. 
Craddock, Dr. John, 378. 

Craggs Clare. See Nugent, Robert. 
Cranmore (Norfolk), letter dated, 


Cross Creek, 


| 
| 
| 
| 
| 
i 


; Se ot se Orit 


Cremer, Francie, 183. 
Crepping, Creppyng or Oreppingge : 
rgaret, 61. 
Richard de, “bo, 51. 
Sir Richard do, 4 49, 50, 51. 
Simon, pardon to, "50, "61, ui 
Sir Simon de, at Saxthorp, 4 
Simon de, 50, ol. 
Cressy or Cresse 
amily vill. 


John, 107. 


Crimea, the, 4 


Critoft manor. 9 dee Hevingham. 


Crobert, William, witness, 6, 8, 68. 
Grockley, William, 1 10. 
roft 


Thomas ‘de, 48, 49, 50. 
Croket, Avise, 8. 
Crome, John, 98. 
Cromer, landowners in, 97. 
Cromie, Sir Michael, 379. 
Cromwell y Ma Crumbwell Crunqwelle) : 
atilda, 64 
Olver, will granted in name of, 


——, his Upper House, 1x. 
“a right Reverend Oliver,” 420. 
« Oliverian © swords confiscated 


Lord, Pt en A 65. 
Sir Ralph, Lo 


manors in no dharn, 64, 65. 
Cronstadt, 184, 933. 
Cropl ey, William Norfolk Militia, 


Crosbie or Crosb 
John) Lord 11780), 379. 
iliam, Earl of Glandore, 878. 


Roger de, 50. 

Simon de, 40, 47, 48, 50. 
Simon, son of, 49. 

N. America, 387. 
Crow or Crowe : 


Christopher. 124. 
248, 449. 


Crowle 'Mr., 163. 

Crown Lawyers, the, attacked by 
Mr. Pitt, 948. 

Crowne, H. M. S., 189. 


460 
Cubitt : 
John, 91, 98. 
liam, 
Cublesden, William  Trussel de, 
letter from, 75. 
Cucuk : 
Henry, 37. 
John, 37. 
Richard, 35. 
William, 37. 


Cuffe, Otway, 8rd Baron Desart, 
378 


Cuffin, Matthew, 142. 
Cullen, Thomas, of Wells 
mare, 115 
Cullings, Henry, captain, 140. 
Culmore Fort (Ireland), 299 
Cumberland, 152. 
Cumberland (William Augustus), 
Duke of, 158, 156, 157. 160, 246. 
Cumberland : 
Denison, Bishop of Clonfert and 
of Kilmore, 165. 
——, letter from, 155. 
Richard, 155, 810. 
Cummin, Captain, 314. 
Cunningham : 
—, embargoed at Dunkirk, 31: 
Lieutenant-General, 379. 
General, in Ireland, 390. 
Curson : 
Humphrey, 116. 
Richard, of Brampton, 102. 
Thomes, 114 
Wiliam, 43. 
Curtays, Curtis, Curtys or Curteis: 
Francis clerk, 101. 


juxta 


Rich hard, 101. 

Richard, a husbandman, 88. 
William les 16 

William, 


Curzon, Nathaniel, 1st Lord Scars- 


e . 
Cust Brownlow, Baron Brownlow, 


378. 


Custody of an infant under 
manorial law, 8 
Custom House: 
accounts, 809. 
at Boston, N.A., 291, 292. 
in Russia, 


Customs and " Exoise (Ireland), 309 
Customary : 


—- Rippon Hall 32. 

—— Loundhall, 

—— Wymondham Cromwell 65. 
Se. Wymondham Grisaugh, 


—— Wymondham Rokels Lytte- 


ar, 65. 
Cut, William, 9. 
Cutting, Richard, of Binham, 118. 


Csartoryski , Osartoryeki or Zar- 
tory 

Prince Adam, 209. 

Augustus Alexander, 

nnentatre, 416, 219. 

family, the, 198-195, 210, 213. 

(Michael), Great Chancellor of 
Lithuania, 213, 218. 

Prince, Grand Teneur of the 
Crown of Poland, 220. 

Prince, Falatin of "Russia, 192, 


3 


Prince 


D 
Dacke : 
Mary, of Reepham, 94. 
William, ia. 
Daco, Adam, 


Dacre, Elizabeth, Lady (1456), 74. 
Dagney, Nicholas, 118. 
agworth : 
family of, 2. 
manor at PEU VI., VIL., 2. 
Sir Nicholas, 2 

Eleanor, relict of, 21. 
Dalbini, the title of Buckenham de- 


D'Alembert, M., 172. 
Dalling Hall Monceux, manor roll 


of, 70. 
D'Almadovar, Marquis de, Spanish 
Ambassador, letters from, 336, 


2. 
Dalrymple : 
Major (Athol! Highlanders), 330 
Lord ( brings despatches 
from Clinton, 401. 
Daly, Mr , M.P. for Galway, 400, 


Corte at 


Dama di 
Florence 

Danbury N.A., magasine at, 905. 
Danby, "Éarl of (1691). See Osborne. 
Dancers hissed from the stage, 258. 
Daniel or Daniell : 

Abbot of Hulme, 40. 

Richard, 41. 

Robert, 'of Hindolveston, 98. 
Dantsick or Dansig, 215. 999. 298. 

trade of with St. Petersburg, 


sacrificed to Russia, 293. 
Danube, the, 435-6. 


an Italian, 


Peter, 41. 
D. Aranda, M., 434. 


D'Arc 
alias Richard Southwell, 5, 74. 
Mary Ann, petition of, 378. 


INDEX. 


Dartmouth (Ist) Lord. See Legge. 


illiam 2nd gear of, ibid. 
Dartmouth, aM , 189. 
Dashkoff : 


Princess (Catherine), 220 


Pri 220. 
Daubeni, “Hugh, 17 
Daunger, Na of Irmingland, 
68. 


Dautre, Dawtre or Dawtery : 
Leonell, 52. 
William, 52, 53. 
Dawson, William Henry, 1st Vis- 
count Carlow, 343, 345, 379. 
Davies, Thomas, 108. 
Davila’s French History, 131. 


Davy: 
Richard, clerk, 29. 
Robert, 29. 
Dawney, Edward, clerk,. 107. 
Day or Daye. See also Dey. 


family (in Norwich), 354 
Edmond, 


J., 
J ohn, 118. 
Robert, 102, 182. 
Daynes, Thomas, 99. 
Deane : 
Sir Robert, 379. 
Silas, expected i in Holland, 312. 
Dearing, Daniel, 199. 
Dearsley, Mr., 181. 
Dedham (Suffolk). 54. 
Deeds : 
ancient, at Blickling, v., 2-75. 
dates of miscellaneous, 57, 
eL, 62, 64, 65, 67, 68, , 71- 


summaries of, 46-57. 
Deedes, Thomas, of Sidestrand, 98. 
Deep River, N. America, 387. 
Deeping Fenn, 84. 
Defyance, H.M.S., 188. 
De Burgh, John Smith, llth Earl of 
Clanricarde, (8. 
De Grasse, Comte. See Le Grasse. 
De Grey: 
Edmond, of Antingham, 97. 
—, called to the Bar, 164. 
Ed., Major, Norfolk Militia, 
commissioner of assessment, 
112, 125. 
Thomas, 442. 
William, deputy 
(Norfolk), 125, 127. 
Delamere, Captain, at Tavistock, 


Delaval, Sir Ralph, Vice-Admiral, 


Delawarr, River, 805, 311, 324. 
Demund, Robert, son of John, 25. 
Denbigh, Earl of (1777). See Feild- 


ing. 
Lady (1763), 176, 17€. 
Dene, William le, 14. 
Dengaine, Thomas, 126. 


lieutenant 


461 


Denmark, preparing for war (1773), 


Denney or Denny, Edward, 104, 109. 

Dennis, John, of Keepham, 94. 

Denstone, Clement, 64. 

D'Eon, M., secretary to the French 
Embassy, compared with Wilkes, 


De Pree, alias Duningham, 92. 
Deptford, H.M.S., 139. 
peptfond. Ketch, H.M.S., 140. 
Deput Lieutenants for ‘County of 
orfolk. See Norfolk. 
Deputy Lieutenant, his certificate 
of having received the sacrament 


according to the usage of the 
Church of England, 124. 
Derby : 
Edward, Earl of (1777). See 
Stanley. 
Hugh de, 51 
Derby : 283. 


rebel army at (1745), 155. 
Dereham (Derham), Thomas de, 16. 
Derling (in Horsham St. Faith's), 19. 


erry : 
Bishop of (Earl of Bristol). See 
Hervey 
Dean of. - See Emily. 
Derry: 
eanery of, to be “ manu. 
factured,” ' 984. 
races, 200. 
volunteers, 422. 
Dersingham (Dersyngham) : 
Dame Frances Bedingfeld of, 82 
Roger de, 440. 
Desagulier, General, his guns, 336. 
Desart, Lord (1776). See Cuffe. 
D’Estaing, Charles Hector, Comte, 
Governor of St. Domingo, 251, 


in command of French Fleet at 


St. Lucia, 342. 
Despencer, Henry le. See Spenser. 
Devizes, 159. 
Devon, “county of, 85, 285. 
Devonshire : 
William, Srd Duke of. See 
Cavendish 


William, 4th Duke of, ibid. 


Dewing : 

ward, Norfolk Militia, 127. 
Henry, ‘of Hackford, 93. 
“a of Great Witchingham, 


” Blisabeth 116. 

Joh n, 104, 105, 108. 

Mr. 87. 7. 

Robert, of Foulsham, 91.. 
Robert, of Sall, 

Diatson, John, Prior. OF Romburgh, 


Dickleburgh (Dickleburch), Roger 
de, 16. 


462 


in, 

Diem clausit extremum, 65. 

Digby, Admiral, in American war, 
89 


Dickson, Mr., an apothecary in Dub- 
lin, 999. po 7 


Dionisio, Hugo de Sancto, 15. 

Dispensation to Sir John Hobart to 
eat flesh in Lent (1682), 88. 

Dispensator, Roger, 12. 

Dis spensing power, the, of the King, 


Division lists (1777-8), Irish Parlia- 
ment, 378. 
Dix: 
of Aylsham, 144. 
James, 109. 
John, 109. 
Robert, 116. 
William, 110. 
Dolch: 
Robert, 94. 





wife 


of, 24, 

Dolliffe : 

Mary, 148. 

Sir James, of Mitcham, 148. 
; letter from, 161. 
Donaghadee : 

collector of, 318. 

Pier at, 819. 
Doneraile, Lord. See St. Leger. 
Donne, Thomas, 106. 
Doo: 

Godwin le, 22. 

Valentine le, 22. 
Dorothy, Lady. See Hotham. 
Dorrington, ship, 1 
Dorset : 

Earl of. See Sackville. 

Duke of (1745), ibid. 
Dorset, Duke of, s ship, 150. 
Dorsetshire, 257. 

corn riots in, 271. 
Douglas: 

Sir Charles, 379. 

Charles, 3rd Duke of Queens- 





berry, 147, 
Doughty or Doughtey : 
Captain, 180. 
Lieutenant of the 32nd, 389. 
Frances, 
Richa rd, 98. 
Robert, 97, 101, 125, 
William, 101. 

Dover, Captain, 188. 

Dover, H.M.S., 139. 

Dover, Lord. See Yorke, Sir 
Joseph. 

Dowdeswell, Mr., Chancellor of the 
Exchequer and Lord of the Trea- 
sury, 356, 27 9, 280, 281, 282. 

Down, 829 


County, 806, 314, 319. 
Lord Lieutenant of, 337. 
Downham (Norfolk), 
Downpatrick, 898. 
Downs, William, 63. 


INDEX. 


D'Oyley 
*Chancery Case relating to, 75 
(temp. ames I.) 
Mrs., 
Sir William deputy lieutenant 
for Norfolk, 126. 


William, jnr., «hid, 123, 195, 


127. 
Mr., 360. 


Mrs. , administers Hans Stan. 
ley's will, 361 
M Lord Barrington's deputy, 


Dragions. See Regiments. 
Drake, Sir Francis, 382, 366. 
Mer à of fishery rights with, 


letters from 832, 3°6. 
letter to, m 
Drake, H.M. 8., 
Draper, Sir William. 878. 
Drappitt, John, 98. 
Draycott, Miss, marries the Earl of 
Pomfret, 
Drayton (Norfolk), 54, 94. 
Dreadnaught, H.M.S., 138. 
Dreit, Richard de, 12, 
Dresden, 209. 
letters dated, 212. 
Drew or Drewe : 
J ohn, pareon of Harpelee, 53, 


, 58. 
Driby Joan de, Ledy of the Manor 
n Wymondha ham, 63. 
Driver, Richard, 114. 
Drogheda, 386. | 
Drogheda, Charles, Earl of. 
oore. 

Dromolen, 384. 
Dromore, Bishop of. 


Drummond: 
Clinton's A.D.C., 3926. 
Messrs., bankers, 294. 


Drury, Druery or Drewry: 
Dr., 378. ài t 
igree of, 148. 
58. 


See 


See Scroope. 


family, 

John, cler 

Joyce, letters from, i 150. 

Martha, Lady, 148, 

Mary Ann, stlerwerds ‘Countess 
of Buckinghamshire, XIV. See 
Buckinghamshire 

hoard Vere (Captain), 379. 


ae Thomas, M.P., letters 
addressed to, 148-165, passim. 
his mother and wife. 148. 
William, 101. 

Dublin : 998, 912, 319, 322, 329. 394. 
336, , 972, 379. 378, 386, 

387, 800, 409, ' 498, 432. 
Accountant General's office at. 


Archbishop of. Dr. 


2: 
a 


See Fowler, 








INDEX. 


Dublin, addresses from, 377, 378. 
Provost of. See Hely Hutchin- 
son 3 


Bay, 38 Street letter dated, 329. 
Castle, 319, $16, 357, 365, 389. 
letters dated. 343, 345, 
949, 352, 356-7, 372, 380, 382, 
387, 389, 890 494. 
Chancery Chamber, letter dated, 


Chancery, Court of, 345. 
civil disturbances in, 978. 
College Green, 
Custom House, 343. 
, letter dated, 
freedom of city conferred on 
Lord Buckinghamshire, 377. 
Henrietta Street, letter dated, 


297. 
Hospital, 378. 
letters dated, 297, 298, 389, 361, 

379, 384, 885, 9, ' 898, 400, 
402, 4.09, 410, ' 490, "421, 424-8, 





306. 





manufactures in, 428. 
merchants, 

mob of, drilled, 428 

‘Mount Street, lotter dated, 310. 
M.P. for, 409. 

Muster office, 314. 

Nassau Street, letter dated, 


the Palace, letters dated, 386, 
408, 418. 


petition from, 317. 
honix Park, a review in, 389, 


——, PE éter dated, 417. 
Royal Hospital, lettera dated, 


839, 
Sackville Street, letters dated, 
377, 415. 
Saint Woolston's, 297. 
Treasury, letter ‘dated. 865. 
Trinity College, 877, 409. 
———, letter dated, 297. 
Volunteers billeted in, 390. 
Duchess, H.M.S., 138. 
Ducie, Lord Chief Baron (1780). 


See 
Moreton. 
Dudewik, Norfolk, ‘campus de,’ 41. 
See 


Dudley and Ward, Earl of. 
Ward. 


Dugdale's Monasticon, quoted, 2, 73. 
Duke, H.M.S., 138. 

Dumbarton, H.M.S., 140. 

Dundalk, letters dated from, 327, 


Dundas, Mr., 439. 
Dungannon : 
Congress at. 413, 425, 426. 
mutiny of, 

* Parliament ” ‘of, 420). 
volunteers assembled at, 410. 
Dunham, Alexander de, witness, 19. 

Dunich, Anabele, 14. 


468 


Duningham, John, alias De Pree, 92. 
Dunkirk, 312. 

Dunleys, in Southwark, 55. 
Dunmore (Ireland), 389. 

Dunmow (Essex), 165. 

Dunning, Mr., 365. 





Durbin, Mr. Alderman, at Stoke, 
Durham: 178. 

Bishop of. See Langlee. 
Durrant : 

John, 101. 

Sir Thomas, of, Seottowe, in 

Norfolk, 427, . 
letter from, 427. 
William, 105. 


Dutch, the, '841, 405. 
their relations with France, 
(1746), 1 
ships in du British fleet (1691), 
140, 141. 


troops in Seotland (1745), 149, 
150. 


Dutton, Mr., at Dublin, 320. 
Duvall, Thomas, of Swaffham, 142, 


Dyer’s Estate at Dunmow (Essex), 


Dyson, Mr., 272. 


E 


Eagle, H.M.S., 138. 
Eagle : 
Francis, 180. 
Mr., 117. 
Ealing: 
arish church at, 147. 
orth, 147. 
Earle: 
Erasmus, 108, 112, 141, 142. 
John, 109. 


N., 
Thomas, 108. 
Earlham or Erleham, near Norwich, 
10, 242, 267. 
Earsham, 145, 442. 
East India Company: 
Committee for Ne the 
affairs of (1766-7), 2 
de 148, 149, 158. 
d indemnification to, 291. 
e with city of Cork, 317. 
Eborall, "Thomas, 80. 
Eborard or Eberard, Bishop of 
Norwich, 2, 39, 40. 
Ecclesia, William de, 35, 36, 38, 40. 
Ecclesiam, ad. See Atchurch. 
Ecton, letter dated, 155. 


464 INDEX. 


Eden, Mr. (Rt. Hon. William, after- 
wards Lord Auckland), 375, 
379, 381, 386, 390, 392, 894, 
400, 401. 
character of, 390, 401. 
discussion with, 
Edes, Margaret, 95. 
Edgar, H.M.8., 138. 
Edgecombe, John steward 
Edgcumbe, Richard , 2nd lod Edg- 
cumbe (1766 ), 278. 
Edgfield (Eggefeld) (Norfolk), 52, 


landowners i in, 111, 
ur be Pretender's Army at, 
1 
Edmund: 
the carpenter, 27. 
Edward, 144. 
Edmunds Isadora, 104. 
Edridg, Thomas, of Buxton, 102. 
Edward tbe B Black Prince, knight- 
hood of 
Edward, fort. on the Hudson River, 


Edwards, Bridgett, 105. 

Egelunde, 1 

Egerton : 
Lady Alice, vir. 
Lady Frances. See Hobart. 
Francis Duke of Bridgewater, 


J ohn, ' Earl of Bridgewater, vrmn., 


143. 

John, Bishop of Bangor, pro- 
tests against repeal of Stamp 
Act, 200. 

Peter 

Fegefeld. ' Ree Edgfield. 

Eglinton, Henry, landowner, Bawds- 
weil, 90. 

Eglintoun, Ear! of. See Mont- 
gomerie. 

Egmont, Lord (1765. See Perceval. 

Egmore (Norfolk), 115. 

Egremont, Earl of. See Wyndham. 

Einford Walter Avis de, 

Elden, Edmund, 98. 

Election expenses in Norfolk, 129. 

Elibank (Ellibank), Lord (1751). See 


Ot award, of Port Eliot, 378. 
Mr., embanks Rivers Tamar and 
Tavy, 289. 
Elizabeth : 
Czarina, 197, 201, 202, 208, 206, 
207, 208, 299 293 


——, supports pe Charles of | 


Saxony, 202, 203 
ady or Princess, 
Queen. her opinion of ^f Bristol, 959. 
Fhzabeth, H.M.S., 138. 


rs., 428. 
Miss, at Covent Garden, 179. 
Rev. letter to, 418. 

, ‘character, 498. 

Sir G., 

William (Captain), 879, 442, 





Ellis : 
John, Dean Prideaux's letter 


to, 
J ohn, 98, 101. 





, letter from, 860, 361. 
Eilys, Mr., 343. 
Elmhan, William de, 52. 
Elmham. South (Suthelmhem), 43. 
Elphin, Charles, 378. 
Elsing vr Eisingo (Norfolk), land- 
owners in, 83, 91, 99. 
Elton, Captain, in Persia, his his- 
tory, 230, 231, 235, 236. 
Eluuriz, a witness, 12. 
Elwin: 
Thomas, of Thurning, 95. 
Peter, sen. and jun., of Thurn- 
ing, 95 


y: 
cause, the, 498, 499 
Earl of. See Loftus. 
Lady, her theatre, 493. 
Elys, John de, 74. 
Embargo : 
"pon export of corn: 
, by Royal proclamation, 
| 966, 270. 
——, by order in Council, 440. 
upon, export of provisions, 317, 


aan John, of Northrepps, 98. 


Lady. See Hobart. 
Rev. Edward, Dean of Derry, 


384. 
Emperor, the (Joseph II.), 312, 435, 


Empire o£ the Ocean, the, prophecy 
" bg 


"Henry, 108, 106. 
William, miller, 56. 


Engayne 
family, at Blickling, 2. 
John, 22, 24. 





, Flene, his wife 
Engelram, William son of, 1 d. 
England, 181, 189, 370, '985, 395, 
407, 413, 414, 495, 490. 
« bankrupt in genius,” 412. 
migration from, to America, 


oppressed with difficulties, 849, 


public spirit in, 952. 

relations of, with Ireland. 951, 
361-365, 393. 395 

rain ob of, 'prophesied, A, 406, 


English : 
Channel, 362 
and Putoh iie enn in 1691, 140, 


partios in Ireland, 425. 
Ennis, 365 








INDEX. 465 
Enzeli, lake of (Caspian Sea), 285 | Everard: 
Ertham, Ralph de, 10. | son of Hugh, 47. 
Ermylaunde. See Irmingland. | son ee tr iene to 47 
fno, Lord or John Ernest, Duke brother of the {ord Fodbald, 12. 


See Biren. 

Erpingham (Erpyngham) : 
(Norfolk), landowners in, 108. 
deed relating to, 68. 

Manor Rolls of, '99. 
North, Hundred of, 81, 97, 440. 
parsonage house and glebe in, 


43]. 
South, Hundred of, 81, 101, 440. 
view of frankpledge for, 68, 
Erpingham : 
John de, 26. 
Sir Thomas, landowner in Sax- 
thorpe, 4 . 
family of, at Blickling, 2 
» seo or Gaelic dictionary, scheme for, 


Erskine: 
cha spain to Earl of Buckingham- 


Rev. John, 374, 379. 
——., two livings presented to, 


"Dean of Cork, 374, 421. 
Sir William, in American war, 


Escole. See Soule. 

Esning, 129. 

Essay on “ Woman," 247, 949. 
Meson, vu., 54, 73, 131, 147, 148, 165, 


Enos, HMS. 138. 

Estgate, Hamond, 144. 

Estreat of the assessment for sub- 
sidies in the Hundred of N. 








John | de, 1 18. 
William Hamund de, 18. 
Eton, 241. 
Eudo, Clericus, 17. 
Hugene, Prince, 435. 
237, 370, 397, 408. 
» French fleet in, 959, 404. 
independence of America in re- 
lation to, 405, 406. 
independence of Ireland in re- 
lation to, 395, 396. 
situation of, in 1778, 292. 
trade in, 307, 309. 
Europe, the ship, 409. 
Euston, letter ated, 164. 
ans: 


Mr., 325. 
George, 8rd Baron Carberry, 


Evelyn, John, his notice of the Duke 
of Norfolk, x11. 


17118 


Evered, William, 1 
« Eve man in his humour," acted 
e Attic Theatre, 433. 


| Exchange of land (13th century), 19. 


. Expedition, H.M 
. Exneye, 


272, 974. 
Pynstord (Norfolk), 


Exeter, . 

election at, 285. 

letter dated, 416. 

opposition to the Government, 


See Cecil. 
Lady, sister of Lady Frances 
Hobart, 89. 
Exeter, H.M. 138. 
“ Exiter, my lord of ” (1638). 
Cecil. 


Exmouth Chapel built, 388. 
Exvbroist, taking order of, without 
Lord’s ' license, Y. 27 


188. 
illiam, 74. 
Export of corn, 266, 267, 489, 
dresses for relief ‘relating to, 


265, 266, 270. 
embargo upon. See Embargo. 


riots in Norfolk relating to, 267- 
Hundred of, 
Eyre, King's Commissioners in, 3. 


“John of Sculthorpe, 58. 
Lt. Colonel of the POUR regiment, 


Eyward, Robert, witness, 7. 


See 


“homes, 116. 

William 116. 
“ Fairies,” the, performed at the 
Attic tre, 488. 
Fakenham (Norfolk), 52. 183. 
Fanfare, H.M.S., 140. 
Fanmakere, Robert, 28. 
Fanti, Luigi (violin D Blayen, 276-277. 
Farington, “old,” 
Farnham, Lord. See Maxwell. 
Farthing, Peter, 88. 


26 





466 INDEX. 
Fastolf or Fastolle : Finch : 
family of, at hg Heneage, Ist Earl of Notting- 
Sir Joh n, 3 am, . 
54, 55, 56; er. Heneage (8rd Earl of Aylesford) 
——, his coat of arms, 441. protesta against Repeal o 
—, covenant of, with his tamp Act, 


bailiff for farming the manor, 
temp. Henry VI., 56. 
with Geoffrey 





, suit of, 
Boleyn, 
John, Esq., 54 
Bich, 4 


Fawoott, ene sheriff of rich. 


Fayette, Marquis de la, 442. 
Feake, Philip, 106. 

Feazer, Robert, Lv’. 

Fecsor, James 

Feilding, Basil, eth Earl of Den- 


bigh, 3 
Felbrigg (Felbridge) 
landowners in 


letter dated, Br. 


100. 
Felthorp (Feletorp, Feltorp): 


Alexander de, 39. 
Roger de, 16, 19. 
Felton : 
Hamon de, 62. 
Thomas, 110. 
Timothy, 110. 
Fen, John atte, 37. 
Fen drainage, 84, 85, 165. 
letter on, 84, 165. 
Fenn or Fenne: 
Henry, Lieut., Norfolk Militia. 


Hugh, 55, 66. 

N icholas, 118. 

Thomas, 118. 
Fenton Load, 165. 
Ferdinand : 

Duke. See Kettler 

Prince [of Brunswick] (1760), 


Fermor, George, 2nd Earl of Pom- 
fret, m. Miss Draycott, 250. 
Ferreris, Richard de, 40 


16, 


Ferrers 
Lord de (1779). See Townshend. 
Earl (1766). See Shirley. 


Ferrys, ristopher, cook, 87. 
Fethard (Ireland), 835. 
Figge, William, 25. 
Field Dalling or Dawling, 
owners in, 114. 
Fildyngs or Fyldyngs: 
Everard, ! 
William, bb. 


land. 


. 
— ————M——M————————————MM —MMM — ———— — — —— — — M ——— —— — —— 


28 visits "George Grenville, 
2. 
—— —, Lord of the Bedchamber, 


325. 
Daniel, 8th Eerl of Winchelsea, 
President of the Council, 256, 


George, 9th Earl of Winchelsea, 
Lord of the Bedchamber, 325. 
Fincham, John, 108. 


Finchley Common, camp at, 154, 


| Fingal, ancient poetry of, collected, 


“ Fingalian villa” of the Lord Lieu- 
tenant, 390. 
ll, Lord. See Plunkett. 
Finland : 


war in, 434 
Fire ships COO) in the English 
Fi fleet, 1 ;" 100. 
irmary, Mary, 
Fisher (Fyssher) : 
Captain W., Norfolk Militia, 
11, 126. 
Robert, 101, 115. 
Fishmongers the Company of, land- 
owners in t, 110. 
* Fisshus" a, at Gt. Yarmouth, 74. 
Fitts, Richard, 109. 
Fitzgerald : 
Lord C., moves Address (Dublin), 
Harriet marries Henry Grat- 
on . 
M. in Dublin, 492. 
William, 2nd Duke of Leinster, 
325, 357, 358, 379, 386, 434. 
Fitzgibbon John (afterwards Lord 
and Earl of Clare), in House of 
Commons, Dublin, 400, 402, 427 


i "ied 
in Irish House of 
Commons, 414. 
Richard, Ca tain, 139. 

Fitz-Robert, anulph, Lord of 
Lound, 47. 

Fitz-Roger, Robert, 5, 11, 15, 19. 
FitzEoy, Augustus Henry, 9rd 


Duke ot Grafton, 221, 252, 
268, 266, 977-279.284- 286-288. 
his appointment as First Lord 
of the Treasury, 286. 
Fite Simon, Henry, grant of land 
y, 
Fitzwalter : 
Lord. See Mildmay. 
Robert, founder of St. Faith' 8, 
Norwic , 2, 10. 
: charter of, 10. 
Sibyll, 2, 10. 








INDEX. 


Fitzwarin, Richard, 47. 

Fitswilliam, Richard, 7th Viscount 
Fitzwilliam, 301. 

Flagge, the digging of, an offence, | 


Flanders 

defeat in (1748), 1 

troops ordered tul (1745), 149. 
Flatman, John, a husbandman, 88. 
Flaxman, Richard, 110. 
Fleet, British, 146, 164. 

in 1691, 139-140. 

in American war, 342, 383, 396- 

898, 899, 400, 402, 408, "410. 
Fleetwoods, the two Mr., 143. 
Fleg, Roger de, 40. 
Flegge, near Yarmouth, 54. 
Flemming, Count, 218. 
Fletcher, Lt. -Col., commanding 
the 32nd regiment, 339. 


Flight : 
"Charles, of Houghton, 118. 


Robert, 98, 99. 
Flint, Roger, 100. 
Flood : 


Rt. Hon. H., 363, 400-408, 406, 
410, 414, 493, 495, 428. 
——, hostile to Lord Bucking- 
hamshire, 891, 392. 
Sir S., 410. 
Florence, ‘letters dated, 276, 277, 


Florindune, Geoffrey de, 14. 
Flowerdew, John, of Hethersett, 65. 
Foldage, liberty of, 29. 

Fold Course, 87. 

Fontenelle, saying of, 181. 
Footman, Richard, 87. 

Footpaths, presentment as to, 9. 
Forbes: 


3 


228, 
George, 5th Earl, 379. 
George, 6th Earl, letter from, 


‘Irish M. P., 
Ford, El Elizabeth, 116. 
Forester, William le, witness, 6. 
Forster, Mr., 376. 
Fortescue : 

Rt. Hon. James, M.P., Ist Earl 
of Clermont, 327. 344, 378. 

John, Chief Justice, 54. 

Foster : 

John, later Chancellor 
Exch uer, Ireland, 
from, 14. 

; M.P. for Louth, 

Mr., 394. 

——, at Dublin, 427. 

Sam, of Kelling, 111. 

Foulkes, Captain Simon, 139. 
Foulsham, orfolk, landowners in, 


of the 
letters 


358. 





George, 3rd Earl of Granard, 
229. 


467 


' Fountaine (Fountayn, Fountayne) : 


' Freeston, Anthony, Capt., 


Nd ace 388, 208, 418. 
letters to, 387, 4 


Charles James (1783), coalition 
with North, 417, 427, 428, 

Henry, 160. 

Henry, Lord Holland, 160, 186. 

letter from, 1 59. 

Regi inald, 51. 

Foxley “Worfolk), 92 

rami 


Fox 


William, 112, 115. 
France, 161, 216, 217, 219, 238, 290, 
$40, 252, 953, 906, 837, 341, 

844, 378. 

and America 363, 404, 406, 418. 

contest in, 496. 

King of. See Francis I. and 
Louis XV. 

policy of, towards English Colon- 
ies in ' America, 239-240, 305, 


relations of, with Ireland, 395, 


war news from (1777), 324. 
Francis I. . of France, his captivity, 


Franck, Thomas, 108. 
Franckling, Edward, 108. 
Franklin: 

Governor, letter to Mr. Cox, 260. 

Dr., 410. 

———, letter of, intercepted, 301. 
Frankmore, John, Captain 139. 
Fransham Agneta, : at Blickling, 21. 
Frayry, William, 1 
Fraunceis or uon 

Alexander, the 

William, ia. 

John de Spykesworthe, 16. 

Simon le, 1 
Fre, Nicholas, 25. 

Frederic Casimir, Duke of Courland 
See Kettler. 
Frederic II., King 

155, 165, 174, 218, 220, 


298. 
character of, 155, 371. 
letter from, 
Freedom, presentment as to, 8. 
Freeman : 
Capt. of the ship Montague, 150. 
John, Lieut. Norfolk Militis, 
26. 


aplain, 17. 


of Prussia, xv., 
224, 


Freeman, villain claiming to be a, 9. 
Norfolk 
Militia, 126. 





468 


Freethorp Manor in Keswick (Nor- 


folk), rolis, 66 
Frenc 
the, 159, 


406, 435. 
Ambaaeador the, taken prisoner 


(1746), 160. 

at Chesapeak, 408. 

at Dantzick 999. 

at Newfoundland, 252. 

fleet, 161, 252, 397, 389, 351, 306, 
400 


——, in America, 342, 396, 397, 
400, 407. 


399, 404, 
frigates, &e., capture of, 368. 
invasion appr rehended, 137, 
Islands in West Indies, 172. 
Minister, the, in Russia, 172. 
naval engagement with (1777), 


naval tactics, 338. 

privateers, 838. 

prophesy A3 to the, 406. 

trade, , 289, 240, 308-310, 

Frere le, William, presented for 
making and selling a rein, 7. 

Freysell, John, 26. 

Fridenberg, John, merchant, 146. 

Friedrichsham, incoming and out- 
going ships from, 233. 

Frier, Capt., 71. 

Frognall (Captain), 150. 

Froude, Frederick, 
H.M.S. 


Froysel, Robert son of John, 28. 
Fryer, Thomas, 96. 
Fulcher, Richard, 108. 
Fulham, 80. 
re tain E. S78 
in 
Edward d, 149, 1 
Geoffrey, of gpacham, 94. 
Henry, of Brandeston, 90. 
Zachariah, of ood Dalling, 96. 
Fundenhall (Norfolk), 148. 
Funnell, Ralph, 90 
Furnese, Henry, buys Gunnersbury, 


commanding 


Futter : 
Humphrey, 127. 
John, 127. 
Fygge, Robert, son of Simon, 28. 
Fyn, Simon, 9b. 
Fyncham, John, 565. 
Fynes, Sir E., Knight (1552). Ser 
CI inton, Edward. 
Fynderne, William, esquire, 54. 
Fyssher. See Fisher. 


INDEX. 


G 


Gabbet, Colonel, a duel with, 291. 

Gage, General, "letter to, 260. 
letter from, 261. 

Gaifer, Bishop's ,chaplain, 40. 

“ Galen's Head," 221. 

Galfridus. See "Geoffrey. 

Galitzin, Prince (Alexander Michael- 

Vice-Chancellor of Russia, 


Gall, "Edmund, 104. 

Gallant, John, 96, 110. 

| Gallow, Hundred of, 137. 

| Galiyots and Flutea, Duteh ships, 
1 

Galway Galloway, 150, 318. 

Game bert (Norfolk Militia), 196 . 

Gamble, Robert, letters from, 377, 


Gappe, Robert atte, 74. 
Garard or Garrard : 
Elizabeth, 104, 
Sir Thomas, 195, 127, 133. 
* Garde Ecossaise ” la, 418. 
Gardener, Dr., exchanges Norwich 
living, 
Gardiner : 
—, given a commission, 
244. 


Francis, 182. 

Luke, 379, 417, 418, 442. 

, his bill in the Irish House 
of "Commons, 410. 

———, letter from, 417. 

, letter to, 417. 


^ 493. 
——, ' death of, 424. 
Richard, 391. 
Gardini pit Bert orchestra, 253. 
Gargrane, —, 192. 
Garland, ship, 139. 
Garraways. See London. 
Garrett : 

Mr., 112. 

Thomas, 100. 
Garrick, David, letter from, 297, 


298. 
Garter, the, Duke of Beaufort asks 


243, 








Or, . 
Gates, General, grants favourable 
terms to Burgoyne, 826 
Ticonderoga, 311. 

Gaudentz (Poland), 221. 
Gawdy, Thomas, 57, 126. 


ay : 
Mr (John), 243, 321, 353, 431, 


——,; À conteste Norwich, 
— —, letters from, 267, 707 312. 





Edward of Wood Dalling, 96. 
ohn, . 
Robert, 100. 


William, 


INDEX. 469 
Gedge, Edmond, “Fermer,” of | Gibson, Judith, 116. 
Revonshall, 62. Gideon, Samson, letters from, 148- 
Geistwicke. See Guestwick. 158, 165, 167. 


General warrants, 248. 
Genne neve: Genney or Genny: 
Hliam, 54. 


the elder, 80. 
William, "Sergeant at Law, 55. 
Genoa, 396.” 


the smith, 47, 48, 49. 
Thomas son of, 35 
George I. King "S England, 908, 


George II., King of England, 151, 
166-170, 176, 297-230, 306-8, 310 
317, 318. 

George IT. King of England, 238, 

278, 280-282. 264-286, 988 810, 
339, 340, 352, 407, 414, 493. 
contented with no ministers, 


Regency under, 437. 
George: 
Prince, of Holstein, 201. 
John, Captain, 
Lord. See Germain. 
George, H.M.S., 139. 
Georgetown, North America, 387. 
Georgians, “thieves and villains,” 


Gerard, land called, 41. 
Germain: 
Lord George, 299 , 315, 324, 
326, 351, 967.850 361," 363: 
368, 370-372, 373, 875, 
37 6, 409, 410. 
—-, "letters from, 305, 404. 
letters to, 
959, 856, 857, 358, 359, 903, 
364, 366, 370, 371, 372, 373, 
375, 376. 
Lady Betty, 192. 
German troops in America, 311. 
Germany, British trade with, 309. 
Gernesey, H.M.S., 139. 
Gervase (Gervas, "Gerveys) : 
Sir hot bart., 1 





Geyst. See Guist. 
Ghilan (Persia), 224 ree 
Gibbs, Captain, 894, 


Gibbes' stables, in as lobury Lane, 


Gibny : 

icholas, 48, 50. 
Sibilla, 48. 

Gibraltar, 368. 





| 


Gilbert, Anne, 107. 

Giles : 
Mr., a Spitalfields’ weaver, 176. 
Mr., an emissary to Sir Horace 


296. 

Gillens Thomas, 140 
Gillingham (Norfolk), 145. 
Gilpin, Sam., 
Gimingham, dymingham: 

landowners in 

manor rolls of, 69 
Girdleston, Thomas, 1 Fo. 
Girling, Thomas, Norfolk Militia, 
Gislabert, witness, 12. 
Gisnei, William de, 16. 
Glandford, 106. 
Glandore, Lord. See Crosbie. 
Glanville, J ohn, 139. 
Giean, Peter 123. 
Glennenney Robert, 116. 
Glerawly, Viscount. See Annesley. 
Gloresdale : 
Adam de, 48, 
Stephen, son Py Ádam, 48, 50. 
Glosdale, John de, 48 
Gloucester: 247. 
corn riots in, 271. 
Gloucester : 
[William Henry], Duke 


of, 


See Warburton. 
ir Jobn, 

Devonshire), 289 
oland), 216. 
Gobbet, Ca tain, Alderman, 3o9. 
Gochop, J 


Godf [rey : 
n, Norfolk Militia, 126. 
the Chaplain, 47. 
Richard, 118, 126. 
son of Álan, 1 10. 
son of John, 10. 
Godes, Ral hi E^ 
Goding Ra 
Godolphin, b, 99. Marquis of Car- 
marthen. 325. 
appointed Chamberlain of the 
ueen, 325. 
Godolphin, ship, 150. 
Godsone, Adam, 25. 
Goshen” Ailmer son of, 18. 


E John, 429. 
Thomas, 97. 
Goldamith oF Gouldsmith, John, 110, 


Goldthwaite, Joseph, 261. 
Golowin, Count, 
oltz, Baron de, Polish General, 
letter fr 
Goodricke, “ir John, 378. 
Good Iwyne, widow, of Wood Norton, 





470 INDEX. 
Goold, Colonel, of the 30th, 355. Green—cont. 
Gordon : Henry, 116. 
Alexander, 4th Duke of (1778), Mr., 344, 879. 
letter from, 338. ohn, 58. 
Lord George, 866-368, 370. Richard, 100. 
Col., the Hon. William, letter | Thomas, 54. 
from, 362. William, of Whitwell, 96. 
(Rev.) '"Mr., 276. Greencloth, ‘Board of, 925. 


Hobert, a commissioner of pro- 
visions, letter from, 311 
Gordon Cestle, letter dated, 388. 
Gore : 
John, Ist Baron Annaly, 379. 
Ralph, Karl of Koss, 379. 
——, letter trom, 420, 
Gosfield, "Lord N ugent « at, 294. 
Goslinge, Edmund 
Gosnald, Ánne, 168, 
Gostling : 
Thomas, 88, 


widow, 88. 
Gothier John. Ca 
icholas, 


Gotts 
Gould, Sir Henry, 27 
Goulding, John, for 
Gouthorp (Gowthorp), Ne 
Gourdon, Brampton 
Gourney, Capt., 13. 
Gower : 
Granville, 2nd Earl Gower, 279, 





tain, 138. 


I 
| 
, protests against repeal of 
— Stamp Act, 260. 
John, ond Lord (1745), 157. 
Grafton: 
Duchess of, 253. 
Duke of. See BiteRoy. 
Grafton, H.M.S., 138. 
Graham, Capt., Atholl Highlanders, 
Grame, Mungo, 296. 
Granar 
Countess of, 379. 
George, 8rd Earl. See Forbes. 
George, 5th Earl of, ibid. 
George, 6th Earl of, ibid. 
T 
| 


Granby, d. on” Manners, John. 
Grand, A 
Grange, ohn, 
Granville, Lord (1745) See Carteret. 
Grattan : 
Rt. Hon. Henry, 363, 400, 401, 
408, 410, 414. ” 415, 423, 426, 
493. 


——, address proposed by, 378, 
414. 


———, an estate to be purchased | 
for, 415. 
Mrs. (Harriet Fitz Gerald), 423. | 
Gray or Graye. See Grey. 
Grave lights, expense of, 59. 
Graves, Admiral, 410. 
Green or Greene (Grene): 
of Norwich, 110. 
Bartholomew, 109. | 
Elizabeth, 107. | 
Godfrey, 


General, in North Amcrica, 387, 
888. 


379. | 


Greeneway, Samuel, 197. 


| Greenhoe: 


North, Hundred of (Norfolk), 
81, 112-117. 
South, Hundred of, 81. 
Greenock, "letter dated, 330. 
" Gregorians,” the society of, at Nor- 
wi 242, 354 
Grenville : 
George, 174, 178, 181-183, 185, 
’ 244 , » 209; 
254, 257, 258, 274, 277-281, 
283, 285-288, 994. 
—, ‘letters from, 244, 246, 249, 
254, 257, 261-265, 
272, 274, 977, 285, 287, 288. 
, letter to, 286. 
—| at Bristol, 250. 
a. his Colonial policy, 275- 


——, his opinions of Grafton 
ministry, 263, 264, 

, of Rockingham mini- 

atry, 261. 

, Superseded, 255, 258. 

——, triumphs in the House of 
Commons, 250, 253. 

Mrs. , George, 250, 257, 275, 286, 


illhealth, 259, 262, 
294. 











——, her 
3 


family, 180. 

; reconciled, 254. 

Lord (1792), 439. 

Mr., 181. 

Richard, 2nd Earl Temple, 180, 
260, 260, 262, 205, 273, 274, 
277, 278, 279, "280 494. 

——, ' negotiations of. with Pitt, 
263-5, 


George, 3rd Earl Temple and 
Marquess of Buckingham, 
1348 of Ireland, 417, 418, 


Gresham : 


William, at Intwood, 68. 
Gresham, landowners in, 100. 
Greshaugh or Greisheighe Manor. 

See Wymondham. 
Gressenhall (Norfolk), 83. 
Greswold, Fort, orth America, 


Greville, Mrs., 378. 
Grey, Greye. Gray or Graye: 
—, death at Hillsborough, 329. 





Edward, a Mickelhalle, Sax- 
thorp 

Christe how 102. 

Edmun , Earl of Kent, 55. 


INDEX. 


Grey—cont 
Edmund, Lord de 
Creysford and Ruthyn, À 
George, 101. 
Giles, of Sidestrand, 98. 


Hasty ge 


Griel, Geoffrey, a 


land in Ripetune 

Grimston, 145. 

Grinstoad, East, Sir John Irwime, 
M.P. for, 348. 

Grisius, Robert, 

Grisaugh. See Wymondham, 


Charles le, 182. 

Geoffrey le, 19. 
Grossus, Gocelin, 40. 
Grosvenor, Richard 1st Lord, 260. 
Grotius, his authority quoted, 300 
rue, 97. 

eorge 

ohn, 127. 

Richard, 97. 

Thomas 
Grymmer, Rabort, Norfolk Militia, 

12 


Grys : 
Henry, 24. 
Margaret, daughter of Richard, 


Grysheigh. See Greshaugh. 

Guards, the, in N. America, reduced 
in numbers, 

Guarinus. See Warin. 

Guerehy, M. de 

Guestwick Goistwick), (Norfolk), 92. 

Guet. See Wayte. 

Guibon. See Guybon. 

Guildford, N. America, 388. 

court house, "887. 

Guild of St. Andrew, Horsham, 20. 





471 


. Gunthorpe (Norfolk), landowners in, 
06, 110. 


Gunton (Norfolk): 257. 
landowner in, HA 
letters dated, 
Gunton, Henry, $9, (rane 
Gunvile manor. See Wymondham. 


| Gurnay 0 or Gurney: 


| Guyet. 


Edmund, “Lord of the Manor of 
Saxtho , 45, 52. 

Edward, 

Esmon or Geman, 62, 74. 

M a Norwich ‘manufacturer, 
1 


John, 52, 53. 

William, 'b6. 
Gurnays, in rotten, manor of, 52. 
Gurnel, William, 16. 
Gurquant, Gurwhant or Gurwhan, 

Simon, Chaplain, 52. 

Gustavus III. King of Sweden, 203. 
Guton, in Brandeston, Norfolk, 54 
Guybon or Guibon: 

Francis, 127. 

Sir Francis, xm1., 133, 135-137, 


Sir Thomas, 112, 116. 
iti Wayte. 


| Grand," William, clerk, 55. 
Gymingham. See Gimingham. 


-—-— 


Guildhouse, grant of a, from Prior : 


and Convent of St. Faith's, Hor- 
sham, to John Greye and others, 


Guilford: 
Earl of. 
Lord Kee 
Quist, ess. UN orfoll), 92. 
Augusti, 6 1. 
Gullot Mr., in Devonshire, 332. 
Gundolf, William, 
Guns in the p and Dutch 
fleets (1691), 1 
Gunnersbury ps Gunnaldsbury, 
Estate in North Ealing, 147. 
Gunny, 11. 
Gunnysmede LA Gunnyldesmedwe, in 
Horsham 
Gunthorp, William de, 52. 


See North. 
r, sbsd. 


Gyrlyngton, 
Gyslingham, the Prior of, 36. 
Gyssing, Gysinghe : 
Thomas, knight, at Blickling,20. 
Will. de, 16. 


H 


Heckford (Norfolk), landowners in, 


Haemus, Mount, 435. 
Hagley or Haggley (Worcestershire), 


entertainment at, 241-242. 
Hagon, Haghene, or Hacun: 
n, 


William (presentment for dam- 
age (Horsham), 7 
Hague, the, 221. 
letter from, 860. 
Embassy at. 177. 
Str Joseph Yorke at, 295, 269. 
Haldiman, General Frederic, Gover- 
nor of Canada, 316. 
Half Moon, N. America, 816. 
Halifax, Lord. See Montague. 
Halifax armament, the, in 


9 


Sandy 


Hook, 296. 
Halisch (Poland), reconfederation of, 
219. 


472 


Hall: 
n, 44. 


Joh 
Robert, 101. 
Mr. (Roger), M.P. for County 
Down, 319. 
Thomas, of Alderford, 90. 
Hallman, Thomas, of Hindolveston, 


Halteyn or Haltein. See Hautaine. 

Halton, Sir Thomas, 84 

Hally (or Hawley), Generalissimo of 
English Army (1745), 1 

Hamburg, trade of, with St, Peters. 


burg, 234 
Hamilton: 

David, 251. 
Duchess of, 164. 
Edward, 379. 
Gawin, 
Mr., 349, 390. 
Jack, at Dublin, 408. 
James, 8th Earl of Abercorn, ' 


proteste against Repeal of 
tamp Act 
James, bad Ban of Clanbrassil, 


, letter from, 334. 
Sackville, 364, 386, 875, 497. 
, Secretary to the Lord 
Lieutenant, 377, 424. 
——, letters from, 905, 424. 
, Statement on Irish trade 
by, xvil., 
Hammond, Captain, engages French 
ships, 305. 
Hamon, brother of Walter, 12. 
Hamond or Hamund : 











Mrs. Elizabeth, 143. 

Francis, 0 of S arham, 94. 

John, 107. 

Mary, rage certificate of, 
Mr., 143. 

Robert, 130. 





; of Roughton, 98. 
RT ensign (Norfolk) Militia, 


Williams d de Estrin, 18. 
Hama oden : 

bert, 

(1776), 1 

Mary Conetantia, 179. 
Hampshire: 156, 310. 

New, N. America, 311. 
Hampton Court, H.M.S., 198. 
Hanbury, William, letter from, 160. 
Hancock, a leader at Boston ‘town 

meeting, 290. 
Hanitball, 'H.M.S., 189. 
Hankes, Sarah, 90. 
Hanover, 244. 

and Great Britain, 398. 
Hanworth (Norfolk), 97. 

Hanworth, Richard de, 61. 
Happing, Hundred of, 4839. 
Happy Return, ship, 139. 


A iscount Hampden 


INDEX. 


Hapsal (Russia), 233 
Harbord or Harberd : 
Sir Harbord, 185, 187, 
251, P '267, "287, 


—, ‘letter from, 242. 
———, marria 
———, create Lord i Suffield, 242 


John, 125, er 186, 136, 187, 144. 
1 


242, 
321, 


243, 
399, 


Lady, 2 

Mr. ga Harbord Sir Harbord. 

Phili Lieut.-Col. Norfolk 
Militia, 125. 


Sir William, 251, 287. 

—, letters from, 251, 260. 
letter to, 260. 
Harbords, the, "256. 

Harch, Peter de, 12. 


Lord, $81. 
——, establishment as Viceroy 
in Ireland, 319. 
Mr., at Norwieh, 270. 
Hardekin, Roger, 14. 
Hardenheth, John, messor at Wy- 
mondham 
Hardhend, Nicholas, 60. 
Harding, William, 139. 
Hardley (Hardeley, Hardele), 60. 
Cartulary for, 61 
an extent of manor, 78. 
Hardwick (Herdewyc), 78. 
Hardwicke, Lord. See Yorke. 
Hare, arms of, 441. 
Hare: 
Edric, 





33. 
“ Harlequinade, a droll,” 290. 
Harleston or Harlaton 1 (Norfolk): 
letter dated, 
Harleston fair, TM 
Harleton, John, 64. 


' Harley, Edward, Earl of Oxford, 378 


Harman, Henry, Quarter-Master 
Horse Regiment, 127. 


John, 97, 110. 
Robert, of Trunch and Anting- 
ham, 97, 99. 
Thomas, 98. 
William, 86. 
Harnie or Harnye 
John, of Twyford, 9 
William, of Hindcringham, 113. 
William, of ,arham, 115. 


| Harold (King), 1 


his house at Blickling, 1 
Harpley (Harpelee), 7 
church of, 52, 5 


Harriet: 
Lady. See Hobart. 
Mrs. See Hotham. 


Harrington, Lord. See Stanhope. 











INDEX. 478 
Harris: | 
John,  Capt.-Lieut. (Norfolk) Y Henry, of Bylaugh, 90. 
Militia, 126 Thomas, 8th Earl of Kinnoul, 
, at Beer, 347. b. 
Harsingham. See Hassingham. , Haydon, —, 30. 
Hartiow, Captain of H.M.S. ' Haylett: 
Burford, 138 can catalogue pr Henry 


Hartston, John, of Reepham, 94 
Harvey, Harvy : 
,8 Norwich manufacturer, 
312. 
John, 111. 
Robert, 242, 243. 
Tom, 242. 243. 
Harwich '(H. M. S.), 188. 
Hase, John, of Billingford, 91. 
Hassan Massa, near Belgrade, 435. 
Hassingham (Harsingham) Dyke, 
Haste, Captain, 334. 
Hastings (Hastinges, Hastyngs) : 
Anthony, Capt. H.M.S. Sand- 
wich, 197 





Charles, a reputed ;Papist, 
Ta rrant against, 137, 


Edmund, Lord de. See Grey. 

Elizabeth, of Stodey, 107. 

family, formerly Lords of Gres- 
senhall and Elsing, 83. 

Francis 10th Earl of Hunting- 

on, letters from, 285, 337. 

“letters to, 285. 

Martin, 107. 

Robert de, 





78. 
Robert, of Berney, 116. 

William de, 76. 
Hatsell, J., 378. 


Hautaine, ' Hauten, Autayn, Hal- 
. Halthein, Haltein, Hal- 
teyn 
Agnes, 12. 
Captain, 130. 
Robert, 15, 16. 
Theobald, ' his expedition to 


Jerusalem, > 1L 
—» grant y; 
Walter, 12. 
Hautbois, Houtebys or Houteboys: 
Magna (Norfolk), 104. 
Parva, 
Haveringland, Heverland, 6, 10, 93. 
Havers: | 
Mrs. Elizabeth, a reputed Papist, 
145. 


Thomas, 142. 
Haversham, Lord. See Thompson. 


Hawe, James, ensign (Norfolk) 
Militia, 126. 
Hawes: 


James, 112, 116. 
Thomas, of Erpingham, 103. 
Hawkesbury, Lord (1792). See Jen- 
kinson. 
Hawkins, Sarah, a reputed Papist, 
145. 


«Hobart books, 1 
William, 1 

Haynes, John, servant, 87. 
Haynford (Heinford), 16, 55. 
Heacham or Hecham (Norfolk), 53. 
Heart of Oak, H.M.S., 380. 

Hearth money, 132, 347, 350. 
Heath, Mr., Town Clerk of Exeter, 


| Heblethwaite, George, 116. 

| Heckingham, Hekyngham, 60. 

' Hekingham, Roger de, 16. 

. Heles charity to relieve the poor 


of Plymouth, 276. 
Hele, Sir John, of Wembury, 85. 
Heiesdhon. See Hellesdon. 
Helhoughton (Heletune, Helgheton, 
Hegletune) 
Hellesdon itaylesdon, ,Belesdhon, 
Heylisdune), 12, 
deed relating to, i5. 
Helwyn, John, 
Hely Hutchinson John, Provost of 
Trinity Callens (Dublin), 297, 
358, 363, 364, 377, 401. 
letter from, 340. 
Helyas, Prior, 
Hemerus, presbyter, 40. 
Hemesby. See Hemsby. 


Hemlington, Hemlyngton, decd re- 
lating to, 71. 

Hemlinton, |. Robert, a reputed 
Papist, 


Hempstead Norfolk), 107, 111, 112. 
vicarage of, 285, 1. 
landed proprietors in, 107, 111. 

Hempton Green (Norfolk), 133. 

Hemsby, Hemesby, 28, 54. 

Henin, M., French Resident at War- 
saw, his interview with the 
Primate of Poland, 216, 217. 

letters trom, and to, "219. 

Henley : 

Robert, Lord, Ist Earl of North- 
ington, 177, 266, 286. 

, an enlightened 
minister, 272. 

Robert, 2nd Earl, Viceroy of Ire. 





whig 





land, 418. 
, retires, 427. 
Henniker (Hennekar)  Mr., has 
bought the Dyer’s estate near 


Dunmow, 165. 
Henrietta Yacht, 140. 


. Henry, janitor, 16. 


Henry L., confirmation by, of Blick- 
ling manor to Bishop Herbort, 1. 

Henry, Beatrice, daughtor of Alice, 
building lease by, 8 


474 


Herbert : 
Bishop. See Losinga. 
Mr., marries daughter of Lord 
G. Germain 
Hous”? 9th ier! of Pembroke, 


—, 10th Earl of 
325, 850. 
, ——, his dragoons, 297. 
Roger, son of, 12. 
William, 3rd Karl of Powis, 260. 
Herciator, 88. 
Herdewyc, Vill of. Se Hardwick. 
Hereford, John, Bishop of. See 
Trevenant. 
Herford, Warim de, 38. 
Hering, Walter, 8. | 
Herlynge, John de, 43. 
Hermione, ship, brings specie for | 
& W, 3) 41 0. | 
| 


Pembroke, 





Herne or Hyrne: 


Clement, 93, 124. 
E. B., letter from, 431. 
Emms, 14. 
Francis, 108. 
John, 124. 
Mr. & Mrs., 321. 
Thomas, 143. 
Thomas, mayor of Norwich, 81. 
, letter from, 81 
Heron, in Essex, 148. 
Heron : 
Mr., 319. See also Sir Richard. 
Sir John, 340. 
Sir Richard, 310, 843, 358, 371, 
37 "499. 


——, "letter to, 311. 
——, M.P. for Lisburn, 311. 
Herreria, Vicomte de la, letter from, 


Hertford: 
Lord 





. See Conway. 
Joanna Countess of, 46. 
Richard de, 50. 
, rector of Parish Church 
of Saxthorp, 4 
Hervey or Hervy 
Augustus John, ard Earl of 
ristol, 286, 350. 
Frederic, 4th Earl of Bristol, 
Bishop of Cloyne and of 
Derry 420, #22, og 429. 
escrib bed, 








—, a volunteer. M Derry, 425. 
camerarius, 
person of Stratton, 73. 
son of Henry de London, 41. 
Thomas, 28. 
William, 64. 
Herward, Clement, 58. 
Heselholt, 38. 
Hesse, the Prince of (1746), 161. 
Hessian reinforcements for America, 
296, 388 


defeated in America. 800, 
Hethersett, 65, 72. 


INDEX. 


Hetman, the. See Rosamoweky. 
Heveningham. See Hevingham. 
Heverland. See Haveringland. 
Hevingham or Heveningham (Nor- 


folk): 3, 5,29, 30-44, 73, 104, 
129, B 

abuttal of Andrew Thetford’s 
land in 

‘ Brodlande, 41 

Church, 48 


“9 VY 

extract from account roll of 
(1347-1348), 33. 

deeds relating to 89-44. 

Hevidlonde in 

manor rolls of, ‘30.83. 

Cette manor in, 30, 31, 32, 35, 


book of demesne lands in, 32. 
landowners in, 104. 

rentals and customaries of, 32. 
Critoft or Keritoft in 31, 32, 
; Manor Court rol 31. 
cum Marsham, manor, $1. 
abuttal, 39 

Park Hall. manor in, 31, 32, 43, 


81 
Hen” ro in, 81, 32, 





Regis 
Rippon 


Hewett, "Hewet | or Hewitt: 
Gardner, 194. 
James, Lord Lifford, 327, 340. 
—, Lord Chancellor, 442. 

, letter from, 345, 351. 
Thomas, of Elsing, 91. 
William, 95, 108. 

Hexham, 159. 

Heydon or Heidone (Norfolk), 46, 52 


landowners in, 108. 

letters dated, 269, 332. 
Heydon : 

* Christo her, esquire and knight, 


Henry, 55 56. 

John, 55, be. 

Mary, servant, 88. 

Richard, 

Suzan, gervant, 88. 
Heyles, Robert, 29. 


Heylisdune, Heylesdon. See Helles- 
on 


Heynford, Heynesford, 54. 

deeds relating to, 71. 
Heyward, Francis, of Ringland, 94. 
Heywood, Mr., at Beer, 289, 332. 

J. M., letters from. 298, 346. 
Hickes, Jasper, 189. 
Hickling (Hicheligge), Priory, 54. 
Hickling, Geoffrey de, 12. 
Highlands of Scotland: 

Mr. Shaw's tour in, 398. 

trees in, . 








INDEX. 


Hikelyng, Sir Thomas, Canon of : 


Wayburn, 75. 
Hil, Hugo del, 41. 
Hill : 
Barbara, of Cockthorpe, 113. 
Charlotte, daughter of Earl of 
Hillsborongh, 337 


wr f 

ine Earl of Hillsborough, 
321, 825, 329, 330, 348, 
363, 364, 367, 968, 372. S74 | 





376, 400, 442. 
, Superseded in Board of 
Trade, 256. 
——, letters to, 261. 


letters from, 298, 312-314, 

318, 321, 825, 398. 330, 837, 

347, 350, 368, 370. 380. 
Lady, 313. 

Hill Park, letter dated, 337. 
Hillsborough (Ireland), 8 328, 329, 337. 
hearth money at, 350. 

letters dated, guia "sis 321. 
Hinderingham (Norfolk), ' landed pro- 
prietors in, 113. 
Hindolveston (Hyndolveston), Nor- 
folk, 93. 
Hinks, John, of Bintrye, 91. 
Hipeton, John, son ot Adam de, 34 
Hirmingiond. See lrmingland. 
Hobart (Hubard or Hubbart) : 
Ann, of Edgfield, 
Anne, per era 708), 142, 


Bri adier John, 147. 

Catherine afterwards Mrs. 
Churchill, 143, 144 

Dorothy, daughter of Sir Henry, 
148, 144. 





—,, daughter of Sir John, 


Lady Dorothy, sister of 2nd Earl 
Buckinghamshire. ee 

Hotham. 
Edmund, assessor of Holt, 105. 
Edward, who died beyond seas, 


Lady Emily, afterwards Lad 
Castlereagh, 381, 413, 417, 


422. 
Elisabeth, her burial, 143, 144. 
family miscellaneous — memo- 
randa relating to, 3, 142-144. 
——, arms of, 441. 
——, portraits of, 143. 
——, property of in Cornwall, 
146. 


Frances, Lady, 63, 143. 
. conveyance of Langley by, 





—, , letter from, 89. 

——, her manor at Wymond- 
ham, 63. 

——; portrait of, 143. 

George, Hon. (3rd Earl of Buck- 
inghamshire), 246, 285, 375 


——, secretary to Embassy at ; 


St. Petersburg, 171-173, 246. 


475 


Hobart—cont. 


Henrietta, afterwards Countess 
of Suffoik, xrv., 116, 143, 144, 
146, 166-192, 238, "247, 256, 
258, 262, 286, 288, 438. 

' conversation with 

Caroline of Anspach, 166-170. 

, letters to, 146, 170-192, 


—, ‘her published letters, 238. 
——, marriage settlement, 144. 
—, writings relating to her 

estate at Marble Hill, 146. 

——, her will, 146, 288. 

Lady Henrietta (or Harriet), 
afterwards Lady Ancram, 1, 
175-188, 258, 321. 

Sir Henry, Kt. and lst Bart., 
Chief J ustice hr "ur u La 

VI., 
82. Ma? P3 

, character of, Yao . 

——, letters to, gl 

——, purchase of Bhekling by, 
81-82. 


——, portrait of, 148. 

Sir Henry, knight and 4th 
Bart., 89, 117, 129-132, 135, 
136, 143, 147. 

——, ‘his duel, XII-XIV. 

——, letter to, 181. 

——, list of his wardrobe (1673), 
117-121. 

——, regiment raised by, 147. 

Henry, Ketteringham rectory 
conveyed to, 72. 

, of South Pickenham, will 


of, 85. 
Hon. H.. M.P. for Norwich, 431. 
James , 85. 
Sir a ames, Attorney General, 


———, his portrait, 143. 
Sir J John, 2nd Bart., 84, 85, 143, 














m «dispensation granted to, 


, letters to, 83, 84, 85. 

—, his portrait, 148. 

—, his wife’s (Lady Frances) 
ortrait, 143. 

John, brother of Henry, of 


Sir John, 3rd Bart.. 87 89, 102, 
117, 121, 123, 129 131, 143. 
——, ‘letter to, 88. 
7 marriage certificate of, 





— his house in Petty France, 


——, two portraits of, 143. 
——, Waborne released to, 69. 
Sir John, 5th Bart., afterwards 
1st Earl of Buckinghamshire, 
145-147, 168, 170. 441. 
——, his portrait, i43, 
——., letters to, 146. 
, presents punch bowl to 
| Clare Hall, 145. 


476 INDEX. 


Hobart—cont. Holland : 161, 221, 225, 312, 341, 404, 


John, 2nd Earl of Buckingham- 
shire, 146, 288, 311, 382, 947, 


> 3 


peace with, 406. 
trade with Great Britain, 309. 


375, 301, 
——, corres ondence of, 170- —— St. Petersburg, 234. 
192, 289- —— West Indies, 307. 
——, death of ‘his sons, 995. Holland : 


——, his embassy to Russia, 
170-254, passim, 371 


3 Holloway, —, a Jacobite, 163. 
nd embassy of, to Holy Head (Holyhead), 297. 
——, dismissal of, from office of | Holme, Daniel, abbot of, 40. 
Gentleman of the Bedchamber, | Holmes, Peter, letter from, 384. 
Holstein, 201. 


285. 
——, helps to | to put down riot at | Holt: 


Norpic 

, his trish | history, 391. 
—, M.-P. for Norwich, 298. 
——, his opinion of George 





Hundred of, 105, 110, 112. 

——., the estreat of subsidies for 
(1663), 105-112. 

landed proprietors in, 106. 


Grenville, . Holt, William de, at Blickling, 26. 





_thinistry, 258-259. 

, of Russians, 255. 

— political quarrel of. with 
the 





, of the Rockingham | Holveston: 


family at Blickling, 2. 
Sir James 29. 
the Lady Joan, 21, 28. 


arbords, 184, 185, 187, | Homage, entry into, 6, 8. 


256, 257, 878. Home, Hugh, 8rd Eerl of March- 
——, presentations and  ad- mont, 379. 

dresses to, 877-878. Homes, Thomas, of Briston, 111. 
——, protests against repeal of | Honeworth. See Hunworth. 

Stamp Act, 260. Honington, 168. 
— —, his review of Irish affairs, ) 


376, 391-396, 416, 419. 

y ——, of results of Ameri- 

can war, 404-406, 418, 414. 

, sends engravings to 
Catherine II., 994. 

——, his viceroyalty of Ireland, 








Honing or Honying (Norfolk), 53 

Hoo, Thomas, Lord of Manor of ‘Ine. 
worth, 68. 

Hood, Sir Samuel, in American war, 


| Hoogan, Thomas, Capt. (Norfolk) 


Militia 
297-981 passim, 385. 
John, farmer's boy, 88. | Hooke, Hémoad, of Beeston, 100. 
Lord, infant son of 2nd Earl, 321, ope, 


Miles or Myles, 143. 
ar contract on marriage of, 


———, his wife's portrait, 143. 
Mr. 148, 994, 341, 348, 354. 
Nathaniel, Be. 


Philippa 
lodi burial, 144. 
——, . probate of will, 87. 


| 
| 
—, his portrait, 143. | 
| 


| Horning, Alfred de, 78. 

Horses and cattle, distemper among, 
131, 160, 168 

Horses, English, in Russia, 176. 

Horseydown. See Horsleydown. 

Horsford : 


Geoffrey, 38 ) 
h serviens de 


' Horsfor ford (Horsseford) (Norfolk): 


deed relating to, 72. 
road to, 12. 


Robert, letter from. 433. | Horsham r1 Faiths’ : 


Hobart papers, the, 76-147. 
Hobson, Thomas, Capt.. H.M.S. St. | 
Michael, 188. | 

Hockston, letter dated, 161. 

Hogan: | 
John, servant, 87, i 
Robert, 97. 

Holcot : | 
Matthew, 142. ! 
W. , witness, 7, 8. 

Holdinge, John, * his mark," 89. 

Holebeche, John de, 16. 

Holkham or Holkem (Norfolk), 319. 


manor of, 2, 5-20, 129. 

Chirchecroft in, 14. 

oross in churchyard of, 2. 

church of &t. Andrew, 20. 
——, a cleyme of wood from, 81. 

——, Priory of, 2, 3, 5-20. 
———, extent of Priory lands of, 


Richard, Lord Prior of, 6. 
John Stokes, Lord Prior of, 3, 


history of Priory, 2. 
Manor &coounts of, 5, 6, 129. 
rolls and deeds relating to, 5-20. 


letter dated, 319. — Hor sleydown (Surrey), 55. 
landed proprietors in, 118. : Horsseford. See Horsford. 





INDEX. 


Horstead (Horsted), 44, 137. 
Horton, Captain, H.M.S. Bristoll, 


Hosa, Henry de, 11. 
Hoskins, Ben., (Captain, 
Monk, 138. 
Hospital, master of the, 26. 
Hoste, Captain James, 142, 145. 
Hotham : 
Commander at Barbadoes, 342. 
Dr. John, Bishop of Ossory and 
of Clogher, 421. 
, letter from, 421. 
Lady Dorothy, sister to the 2nd 
Earl of Buckinghamshire, 175, 
176, 259, 2 
Colonel, 171, 172, 173, 175, 177, 
182, 186, 254. 
Mrs. Harriet, 175, 176, 180. 
Mrs., 423. 
Houghton (Norfolk), 
prietors in, 113. 


H.M.S. 





landed  pro- 


Captain John, Norfolk Militia, 


Elisabeth, 106. 
John, 106, 127. 
Judah, 106. 
Robert, 132. 
Houteboys parva. See Hautbois. 
Houtebys, Magna, ibid. 
Hovell, Hugh, 132. 
Hoven, Landhofmeister of, 195. 
How, Dowager Lady, 327. 
Howard : 
n. Charles, marriage settle- 
ment of, 144 
Henry 7th Duke of Norfo!k, 
Lord Lieutenant of Norfolk, 
xmnr., 132-137, 
——, bis Palaos at Norwich, 


133, 1 

He "ah Earl of Suffolk 
"and Berkshire}, 260 

3, 274, 988, 989, 314, $15, 

316, 378, 442. 

——,; 'death of, 848, 349. 

—À,; ill at Bath, 947. 

letters from, 304, 339. 

Frederick, 5th Earl of Carlisle, 
374-376, 879, 384, 386, 438. 

—-, Vioeroy of Ireland, 974- 
97 6, 881. 

Henry, conveys Verdon to Lon- 
don, 89. 

Bir J ohn, Lord Howard, 55. 

Richard, 37. 

Thomas, 14th Earl of Arundel, 


Walter, 130. 

William, 180. 

William, let Viscount Stafford, 
261. 





477 


Howe, G General Sir William, 329. 


in America, 300, 305, 311, 
| 815, 316, 318, 929, 394. 


——,; "letter from , 995. 
(1789), 412.' 
[3s ard rd Howe, 296, 305, 


311, 358, 378, 442. 
Howes, Howse, or House: 
Richard, 86. 


Thomas, a reputed Papist, 145. 
Howlett, Anthony, of Foxley, "92. 
Howlyn, William, clerk, 53. 

parson of Plumstede, 73. 
Howth, Lord. See St. Laurence. 
Howys, Thomas, 64. 

Huber: 
Andrew, 43. 
John, 4. 


Hubert, “serviens” of St. Faith's, 
13. 


Huby: 
orothy, a var aed Papist, 145. 
Henry, «bid 
Thomas ibid, 141, 145. 
Hudson, J ohn, 1 
Hudson's River, “the, 815, 316, 324. 
Hu emayden, William, 16. 


chaplain of St. Faiths’, 13, 29. 
Medicus, 19. 

Nepos Bertrandi Prioris, 12. 
Nepos Prioris, 12. 

Nicholas, son of, 26. 


William, 
14. 


3 
Hullerd, Roger, 25, 26. 
Hulm. See Ho 

Humbleyard, “Hundred of, Escheat 


Roll o 
Hume B john], Bishop of Salisbury, 


trial Talating to, at Dublin, 429. 
Hundred Roll of Edward I. . relat- 
ing to Blickling, 1. 
Hunewyne, Robert, 48. 
Hungary, 218, 
the Queen of (Maria Theresa), 
55. 


Hunnolwesbrom, & field called, 14. 
Hunstanton (Norfolk), 187. 
Hunt: 
Edward, 379. 
Robert, bailiff, 88. 
Robert, assessor of Hempstead, 
105, 107. 
Thomas, of Sharrington, 109. 
William, 109 
Huntingdon, 85. 
Huntingdon, Earl of. See Hastings. 
Hunworth (Honeworthe), (Norfolk) 


a revenue officer, 


landowners in, 108. 
Hurrel, Mr 
Hurton, John. 109. 
Husbandry and Huswiefrye, lack of 
apprentices to, 76. 


478 


Husbond, David, 55. 
“ Husbond ” of a tenement, 8. 
Hutchinson : 
J ohn Hely. See Hely Hutchin- 


Richard, 99. 
Huuitewelle. See Whitwell, 


Hy 
John, Captain (Norfolk) Militia, 


Thomas Villiers, 1st Lord, super- 
ed as Postmaster, 256. ; 
, protests against re o 
Stamp Act, 9260. pee 
Hylingtune, William de, 14. 
Hyndford, Karl of. See Carmichael. 
Hyndolveston. See Hindolveston. 
Hyntewode. See Intwood 
Hyrne. See Herne. | 





I 


Ilchester (Somerset) a House of 
Correction at, 79. 

Ilminster (Ilmyster), (Somerset) 
orders relating to the relief i 
the poor made at, 77. 

relating to rogues at, 78. 
Ilford (Essex), 1 
tee. (Italy), 276. 


P john, 24, 96, 27. 
Robert, 26. | 
Impeachment of rebels (1746), 161. 
iquin, Lord. See O'Brien. 
Te 
i regulations relating to, 


in American war, 315. 
Indies : 
East, 252, 391 
West, 275, 306 810. 349, 350, 
351, 391, 898, 406. 40 414. 
Ingestre (Staffordahire), 337 ) 
Inglose or Ynglose : 
Hen 
enry, 29, 54, 55, 
Ingoldsthorps, Sohn” of Blickling, 
Ingworth (Ingeworthe), (Norfolk), 
Manor Rolls of, 68. 
landowners in, 104. 
Innis, Captain, commanding Queen’s 
Dragoons, . 
Innishannon, letters dated, 339, 334 
Inniskillen, Lord (1778). 379. 
Inowraclaw (Poland), the palatin of, 


Intwood (Intwode, Hyntewode): 130. 
Manor Court alls and deeds re- 
lating to 
arson of 14 


f, 14, 


INDEX. 


Inverness, repairing the Castle of, 
Ireland ; 1598 254, 283, 298. 299, 310, 


$25, ' 326-8931, 388-340. 


376, 382. 413, 414, 416, 418, 

419, 490. 495. 
Abeentee Tax for, 319. 
Board of Revenue in, 310. 
coast defences of 
coasting trade of, 890 
Commander in f, 299. in. 

Irwine. 
compared with Hanover, 308. 
Constitution for, a new, 417. 
customs and excise in, ” 309-310, 


Deputy Keeper of the Rolls for. 
327 


Deputy Quarter Master General 
or, 

duel in, 294. 

Earl of Buckinghamshire ap- 
pointed to, 297-298. 

House of Commons in, 297. 343, 
394, 400-408, 410, "418, 414, 
416, 426, 497, 432. 434. 

——, "petitions to, 316-318. 
——, speaker to 297. 
mobilisation in, 385, 836, 374. 
migration from, to America, 


Parliament of, 306, 943, 361, 
368, 366, 371, 381, 898, 394, 
412, 413, 416, 421. 495, 426, 

, 432 ' 488. 


pensions for, 809, 314. 385, 401. 

Post Office in, 349. 

Primate of. See Stone and 
Robinson. 

Prime sergeant in, office of, 415. 

Quarter-Master General for, 


relations with England, 392-396, 


Roman Catholics in, 327, 343, 
222, 368, 377, 395, 996. 421, 


taxation in, 309, 310. 
timber in, 322. 
trade of, 301-304, 300-810, 317, 


See 


vl s of. See Lords Lieu- 


tenant. 


Irish : 


absentees, 808, 352, 396. 

Acts of Parliament, 802-306, 3416. 

armed associations, $51, 356, 
357, 358, 492. 

beggars, 79. 

à not to be allowed to land, 








INDEX. 


Irish—cont. 

Bills before the House of Com- 
mons, . 

ù Church, 418, 420, 432. 
fisheries, 978, 406, 406, 413. 
House of Lords, 416, 499, 432. 
industry, 395. 

Militia, 397. 
er, a new, 419. 

patriots, 862, 413, 433. 

Presbyterians, 491, 

treason, 422. 

Volunteers, 366, 376, 389, 390, 
391, 395, 410, 412, 413. 421, 
429, 496. 498. 


Irmingland (Irminglond, Hirming- 
ond, Irmyngland, my- 
laund) (Norfolk): 

Arnold 

Geoffrey 2 RÀ 47, 48. 

Godíre de, 47, 48, 
"rtolonew, i his brother, 


l 2 47 y^ ^b, 50 
an d son ». John de, 28 
Boger de, 47. 


Irmingland: 49, 50, 51, 52, 56. 
deeds relating to, 68. 
house at, formerly “ Symneles," 


manor rolls of, 68. 


rental of, 
Irwine ur Irwin, Sir John, Com- 
mander in Chief in Ireland, 
801, 312, 374. 
letters to, 315. 


letters from, 299, 314, 315, 316, 
323, 324, 339. 
342. 948, 354. 355, 368, 376, 
377. 378. 
Isaac, William, 145. 
Isted : 


Ambrose, letter from, 166. 

Mr., 160. 

Phillppa, letter Bom. 152, 
ippa, letter from, 

Italy C 


Italian trade with St. Petersburg, 
294. 





Mud wd Iteringham: 47, 49, 


59 
deed relating to, 71. 
landowners in, 104. 
Ivard, Edward, 197. 
Ives: 
—, at Norwich, 242, 243, 312. 
Jeremiah, letter from. 430. 
John, of 'Foulsham, 91. 
r., 364. 


Ivo 
"Robert, of Sparham, 94 
William, designs stucco work at 
Blickling, 441, 442. 


Iwan III., Czar, 188. 200, 908. 


en 


479 


J 


* Jack's" death, at Paris, 251. 
Jacob: 
an infant alien, 100. 
Captain-Lieutenant, 334. 
Jamaica, . 
packet, a, 316, 399, 410. 
James Galley, H.M.8., 189. 
James River, North America, 362, 


James II., his robes, at Dublin, 311. 
James Francis Edward. the “ Pre- 
tender,” 7, 148, 150, 154, 160, 


his son. See Charles Edward. 
Janssen, Mr., 149. 

Japan jars, 174. 

Jay, John, 182. 

Jeslous, William, of Swannington, 


Jeckes : 
John, of gaverland, 93. 
Robert 
Jeffreys, J des x 
Jell, Robert, 97. 
Jempson, John, 90. 
Jenkins, Judge, his comparison of 
Hobart and Coke, VIN. 
Jenkinson, Charles, afterwards Lord 
Hawkesbury, 944. 
superseded as Secretary to the 


ury, 
letters from, 439, 440. 


Jenn 
Catherine, of Intwood, hae 
William, of Intwood, 
Jenypher, John, 


Jennys: 
ichard, 101. 
Samuel, 101. 
Jeoffrey, Robert, 109. 
Jephson, Robert, 379. 
Jermin, the Lady, 111, 
Jermy or Jermie: 
r., 143. 
Anne, 97. 
Clement 127. 
John, 92. 
Robert, 106. 
Jermyn Street. See London, 
Jernegan : 
Sir Francis, 142, 145. 
George, 1 
John, 144, 145. 
Jerse 
attacked by French, 851. 
New, 311. 
——, army of, 382 
Jerseys, the Lan on) 800, 311. 


480 INDEX. 

Jerusalem : Kegwin or Kigwi 
Hospital of, 12. { Captain] TL. M. S. ‘Assistance, 
temple of, 47. 139. 
Theobald 'Halteyn's expedition Richard commanding H.M.S. 


12. 
J erusalen H.M. S., 139. 
Jervis, William, 109. 
Jewell, Edmund, 99. 
Joceline, brother of William, the 
Archdeacon, 41. 
John: 
Capellanus, 16, 19. 
the clerk, son "of Robert, 41. 
son of the clerk, 34, 41, '49. 
son of Beatrice, 26. 
Dapifer episcopi, 40. 
parson of Massingham, 53. 
and Thomas, servants of the 
Lady at Blickling, 25. 
Johnes or Johns: 
John, 115. 
Robert, 116. 
Thomas, 449. 
Johnson or "Johnsons : 


Colonel, later General, James, 
171, 175. 
—_, letters rom, 297, 208, 378. 
Governor, 356. 
Jolle, Simon, 9. 
Jones: 
Daniel, 138. 
George Lewis, Bishop of Kil- 
more 
Inigo, 247. 
Mr., $21. 
Jordan, 40. 
Josep or Joseph, John, 47, 48, 49, 50. 
Joyce, Roger, of Wood Dawling, 96. 
Joynes, Robert 
Julyan, John, hs. 
Jurdon : 
Thomas, 36. 


ames . 

Justices of the Peace turned out of 
the Commission (1688), 182, 133. 

Juvenal cited, . 


K 


Kaneto, W. de. See Cheyney. 
Karletune, Walter de. See Carleton, 
Kat or Katt. See Catte. 

Katherine, H.M.S., 138. 

Keating, Mr., Desn of Clogher, 386. 
Keeling : 


R., 75. 
William, of Foulsham, 91. 


Woolwich,’ 189. 
Keith : 
Mr. [Robert], minister at St. 
Petersburg, 222, 244. 
Robert Murray, minister at 
Vienna, letter from, 327. 
Kelling or Kellene: 
landowners in, 107, 111. 
deed relating to, 72. 
Kelly, Thomas, counsellor, 415. 
Keltham, Thomas, of Saxlingham, 116. 
Kemp or Kempe 
ohn, Cardinal Archbishop of 


64. 
Charles of Wood Dawling, 96. 
Edmund, of Irmingland, 68 
ert, his &ccount of swans, 
121, 122. 
Sir Robert 123, 132. 
Kempenteldt, Admiral, 406. 


See Grey. 
Robert de, 12, 13, 19, 46. 
Kent, H.M.S., 138, 
Ke ppel : 
Admiral, 387. 
General, 338. 
George, d ard Karl of Albemarle, 


1 
—— buys Quidenham, 251. 
“Testament Politique,” 


Bi. 
Mr., 338. 
Lady Elizabeth, 185. 


er 
John, 8rd Duke of Roxburgh, 
appointed Gentleman of the 
Bedchamber, . 
William, Srd Marquis of 
Lothian, protests against re- 
peal of Stam Act, 260. 
Kerdestun, Roger de, witness, 15. 
Kerdiston (or ardeston), 44 , 94. 
landowners in, 94. 
Kerebrok. See Carbrook. 
Keritoft or Kerytoft. See Critoft. 
Kerrison, Roger, letter from, 293. 
letter to, ibid. 
Kesewic, Simon de, 14. 
Keswick  (Kestwy Keswyk), 
manor rolls of, 66 86. 67. 130. 
Ketohod, Kethod, Kythod or Kytot : 


John, son of John, 27. 

, son of Nicholas, 27. 
Nicholas, son of Richard, 27. 
William, 24, 26. 

Ketelleye, Roger de, 17. 
Kett or Kette: 
Hugh, Provost of Wymondham 
manor, 
Richard, 64, 90, 
Thomas, of "Ringland, 94. 











INDEX. 481 
Ketteringham : : Kiovia: 
manor rolls of 72. Palatin of, 209, 220. 
rectory of, | Palatinate ob 519. 
Kettler : Kirtling, John 
the family of of, in Courland, xv., Knappe, Stephen, of Wells-juxta 
mare 
Duke "Ferdinand, 202, ‘208, 215. Knapton (Norfolk), landowners in, 
, his death, '206. '208, 215. 97. 
Duke Frederic Casimir, Kneller, Godirey, a freeholder at 
owe 316. kirickenbem, 1 
Knigge, Baron, agent of Pierre 
Y Richard, “Head Borgh," 24. Biren, 


Robert, 'at Blickling, 97. 
Keyler Maj or, & messenger from 
Sir Wm. Howe, 
Keyserling, Count Hermann Karl 
de, ‘the Chancellor,’ Russian 


bassador, 195, 200, 205, 
219, 220. . 
replies to Polish Vice-Chan. 
cellor, . 
Kide : 
Elgar, 46 


——, Elviva, wife of, 46. 
Kilbie, Joane, of Oxnett, 104. 


E Countess of, letter from, 
Kilfenors, Dean of. See Coote. 


Kilkenny : 343. 

M. P. for (1781), 400. 

riots at, 416. 
illaloe : 

Bishop of. See Fowler and 
innery. 
bishopric of, 345. 

Killarney, Protestants of, alleged 
communications of, with Lord G. 
Gordon, 
illigrew : 

poire! Henry, 138. 
Roger commanding H.M.S. 
aphire, 189. 

Kilmarnock, Lord. See Boyd. 

Kilmore, Bishop of. See Cumber- 
land and Jones. 

King, Kinge or P TRES : 

Anth hony, 37 
Robert, 90, 114. 
Thomas, sen. and jun., of Lyng, 


W., 54. 
King William, ship, 150. 
" King Lear,” at the Attic Theatre, 


King’s Bench: 340. 

prison accounts of, 129. 
Kings County, 384. 
King's Professor of 

Trinity College, 409 

Kingfisher, H.M.8., 130. 
Kingfisher ee H3 M. S., 140. 
Kingston or Kyn 

uke of 45 his Light Horse, 


Sir Thomas, 54. 
Kinnoul, Lord, his woods in the 
Highlands, 329. See also Hay. 
Kinsale, camp at, . 


17118 


Physic for 


Knight, ' Mr., . 168. 

Kniht, 'Robert le, 41. 

Knile, Mr. , reports upon election at 
St. "ves, 265. 

Knox's debt of £40,000 in Ireland, 
386, 390. 


Knox, Mr., 411. 
Knut, Adam 37. 


Knyvett or Knivet : 


Joan, daughter of Humphrey, 
Duke of Gloucester, 63. 


John, 65, 66, 127, 132. 
Katherine, . 
Thomas, 63, 102, 124, 125, 127, 
182, 136. 
Philip, 63. 
William, 63. 
, pedigree of, 5. 
Knyvett’s manor. See Wymondham. 


Kolskoy, Russian Port, 
ar MET Brandon bare letter 


Kritoft. See Hevingham, Critoft. 
Kythod. See Kethod, 
Kytot, ibid 


.- 


L 


L—, His Grace of, 408. 
Lacey, La ja 
W., 979. 


Capt. 

Mr. 

Lafeectles * Cant. ), commanding ship 
York, 160. 

Le Grasse, French Admiral in the 
Chesa ak, 396, 397, 399, 400, 410. 
ake, ichard, . ‘of Sparham, 142, 


144, 145. 
Lambart, Richard, 6th Earl of 


Peniston, Lord Melbourne, his 
“flirtation” with Lord North, 


417. 

William, of Weston, 95. 
Lambert : 

David, commanding H.MS. 

N ewcastle, 139. 

General, his order as to Lady 
Hobart’s horses, viir., 89. 
, letter to, 89 
Lambert, Camerarius, 11. 





2H 


482 


Lammas cum Hautebois parva, land- 
owners in, 104 

messe : 

Benedict de, 15. 

Rudolf de, ibid. 

Lampitlond, 14. 

Lancashire PO SE in, to free- 
dom of Iris trade 

Lancaster, 158, 1 

Duchy of: FA 76, 81, 86, 130. 

, account "roils of, 69. 

——, gaol, at Aylsham, petition 

from prisoners, . 

——, the liberty within the 
Hundreds of North and South 
Erpingham, North and South 
Greenhoe, Smythdon, and 
Brothercross leased to Sir 
Henry Hobart, 81. 

— —, list of officers belonging 
to, 

——, Order of t the Court of, 76. 

letter dated, 

Landon, Gédéon post. Baron de, 
Field Marshal of the Austrian 
forces (1788), 4136. 

Land tax, 152, 153. 

Lane: 

Francis, 127. 

Robert, 26. 

Lanesborough, Earl of. See Butler. 

Langcroft, Richard de, 47. 

Langfurlong, 41. 

Langham, landowners in, 108, 111. 

Langle. See Langley. 

Langleo, (Thomas, Bishop of Dur- 


Laun- 





Langlee, 
: 5, 59-61, 62, 121. 
-61, 11 

, oun e 


117. 
d by Robert Fitz 
Roger, 5 


——. bought by Chief Justice 
Hobart, 
—-, lease of, 117. 
Manor: 
—-, Rolls of, 5, 59, 61. 
——, extents and rentals of, 60, 
1-62. 





—, cartulary of, 61. 
—-, deeds relating to, 61-62. 
map of manor, 62 


“marse,” swans kept at, 121. 
Languedoc, 192. 
Langwade : 

lizabeth, 99. 

Samuel, 99. 

William, of Thorp Market, ibid. 
Langwood : 


Mr., of Briston, 112. 

William, of Alby, 101. 
Langworth, ‘Captain, 150. 
Lanke : 

Godwin, 19. 

Margaret, 8. 

Simon, 6 


illiam, 8. 
Lanrake (Cornwall), 146. 


el 


INDEX. 


Lante, Henry, 39. 

Lanyon, Thomas, 29.. 

Lapwing, ship, 150. 

Large, Timothy, of Holkham, 118. 
Larke, Edmund, 25. 

Larkebat, a field called, 14. 
Larwood, Amy, of Wickmere, 105. 
Lascelles, Colonel, 365. 

Laurens (Henry), in the Tower, 408. 
Laverocke, Barnard, of Ringland, 


Lawes, Thomas, of Aylsham, 101. 
Lawson, Henry, of Wells, 14. 
Lawyers’ Corps, the, in North Ire- 
land, 408. 
Layer, " Christopher, of Booton, taken 
prisoner 1695, 49. 
Leake : 
John, commanding 


E agle, 
William, a Holt, 106. 
Leces, Mariota, 39. 
Leche, Mary, wife of Robert, 6. 


H.M.S 


Lechmere, Rev. N icholas, ' letter 
from, 6. 
* "Edward, 125. 
Sir George, M.P. for Devises, 


John, of Burrow parva, 108. 

Stephen, of Hinderingham, 118. 
omas, commanding H.M.S. 
Portland, 139. 

Jr. 159. 


ee 
Elizabeth, 114. 
John, of Wells, 114, 
“ Leod querns, "a grant of land with, 


Leem or Lem, John de, 38, 42. 
Leet or Lete 
J PE , questions to be refer. 


Rolle, 5, " 21. 81, 45, 68, 64, 67, 


Leeward Isles, La Grasse at, 410. 
Logard, Edmund, at Blickling, 87. 


lst Lord Dartmouth, 


Henry Bilson, 160, 252. 

——, death 258. 

William, Hun fea} of Dartmouth, 
Head of the Board of Trade, 


George 
261. 


——, conversation with, 290. 
Legh, Thomas, 
Leghorne, 277, 407. 
Leicester, 56. 
_ rebel army at, 158, 155. 
Leigh : 
Edward, 5th Lord Leigh, pro- 


tests à ta against repeal of Stamp 
“as, 
Leinster, Duke of. sd FitzGerald. 
Leitrim (Leytrim), 365 , 378, 








INDEX. 483 


Leland, Colonel, 887, 301, 392, 400, 


letter from, 326, 406, 408. 
letter to, 387, 388. 
Lem. See Leem. 
Leman Thomas, of Bawdswell, 90. 
Lenard, Comte, 2 
Lennox, Charles, 3rd Duke of Rich- 
280-282. 


Lenoz, MS 138. 
Lenwade Bridge, on road to Nor- 


Lens, Pos 
rd, HM M.S., 139. 
Leopol (Poland). '219. 
Leslie, General, 362. 
proclamation by 
Lestock, Admiral 
martial on, 161. 
Le Strange: 
Edmund, olerk to 
of Norfolk, 195.1 
Hamon, letter from, 82, 83. 
Sir Nicholas, 138, 134, 137, 142 
Letheringsest, landowners in, 109, 


Lethuillier, Smart, 165. 
thun, Mr., 829. 


Richard, court 


jjeutenancy 


Leverin rington : 
t of Salthouse, 107. 

William, of Walsingham, 116. 
Levishaye or Leveshaye : 

Andrew de, 41. 

Henry de, 

William de 41, 42, 73. 
Levota, fil. ill, piscatoris de 

aro am 6. 
Simnel, 25. 

Ferham, West, 52. 


Constantine de, 19. 
Vill of, 78. 
Library belonging to the Hobarts, 


Lichfield, letter dated, 369. 

Lichfield, Lady, 178. 

Liddell "Henry, lst Lord Ravens- 
worth, 378. 

Lieutenancy of Norfolk. See Norfolk. 

Lifford, Lord Chancellor. See 
Hewitt, James. 

Liggons, Thomas 

Ligonier, Lord res" 177, 189. 

Lillington, Mr., at Norwich, 249. 

Liman Lake, naval action at, 434. 

Lin, Samuel, of Letheringsett, 112. 

Lin or Lynn. See Lynn. 

Lincoln, Lord. See Ginton, 

Lincolne, Nicholas 

se Lincolns, ? in Middlesex, 82. 


“Board, the (Ireland), 298. 
. manufacture, address by Trus- 


Linen 


Linge. 
Lings, Robert Capellanus de, 19. 
Lingwood Heath (Norfolk), 133, 


Lisbon, 484, 
Lisbon packett, French seizure of 


800. 
Lisburn (Ireland), 311. 
Lister, William, letter from, 158. 
Listock (Captain), 1 commanding 


H.M.S. 
| Litcham (Luteham) (Norfolk), 142. 
Tatenfield, — . Dean of St. Paul's, 


Litchfield (Staffordshire), ve 

' Litester’s rebellion, note on 

Lithuania: 192, 193, 194, 2^ od, So. 

212-214 216, 218, 290. 

Stolnik of. See Poniatowski. 

Littleton, Thomas, a Justice of the 

King's Common Bench, 55. 

See also Lyttelton. 

Livelode, the recovery of a, 65. 

Livonia : 

xv., 209, 216. 

Chamberlain of, 210. 

Lizard, The, Cape, 362. 

Llandaff, Baron, of Thomastown. 
e Matthew, Francis. 


"Charles, 277. 
wy letters from, 278, 281, 282, 


Philip, Dean of Norwich, 257. 
letters f from, 285, 431, 449, 
Sir Richard, 162. 





Loades, John, of Wiveton, 107. 


Edmund, 100. 
Elisabeth, 93. 
Locksmith, John, of Longham, 108, 


Lookton, Thomas, of Scottowe, 105, 
Loddon ’ (Lodnes) : 141. 

cartulary for, 61. 

church, 148. 

deed relating fo rectory of, 72. 
Loddon, Geoffrey de, 16. 

Loftus, "Henry, ist arl of Ey, 378, 


Lomb or Lombe: 
Edward, of Causton, 193. 
Elizabeth, of Beeston Regis, 100. 


John. n: ‘Cawston, 108. 
William, of Oulton, 104. 
Lomnour, Elward, 


44. 
' London: 75, 82, '89 129, 131, 146, 


| 
| 
| 
i 
| 


. 
E 


157, 159, 164, 171, 179, 212, 

241 244, 268, 279. 294. 299, 

304, 313, 336, 337, 352, 367- 

370, 

address from, for relief, relating 
to export of corn, 167, 

Adelphi, letter dated, 297. 

Albemarle Street, 

——, an Anti-Ministerial Club 
in, 249. 

, the “moral society” in, 
182. 

Assurance, 153. 





484 INDEX. 


London—-cont. 
A 151 in Street, letters dated, 


Berkeley Square, letters dated, 
361, 
Bolton Street, letter dated, 272, 


Bond Street, Lord Buckingham- 
shire’s house in, . 

letter dated, 406. 

Broad Street, Soho, at Galen's 
Head, letter dated, 221. 
Bruton Street, letter dated, 831. 
Cathedral Church of St. Paul's, 

repaired, 

Cavendish ‘Square, letters dated, 
245, 247, 248, 251, 258, 267, 
268, 271, 318, 324. 351. 

Chancery ‘Lane, letters dated, 
152, 157, 158, "169. 

Charles Street, Berkeley Square, 
letter dated, 361. 

Covent Garden, 89, 179. 

* Orown," The, 152. 

Downing Street, letters dated, 
246, 249, 254, 255, 256. 

Drury Lane, 179. 

Edward Street, Manchester 
Square, letter dated, 431. 

" Garraways," letters dated, 
148, 150, 151, 152, 158, 155. 

Grosvenor "Street, letters dated, 





ces Square, letter dated, 


Hill Street, letter dated, 271. 
Hyde Park, 247. 

duel in, 247. 
illuminations | in (1745), 159. 
Inner Temple, letter dated, 159, 


Jermyn Street, letters dated, 
314, 315, 316, 323, 324, 395, 
948, 368. 


Kensington, 149, 170. 
, letter dated, 290. 
——, , gardens, a 'ehaperon for, 
386, 418. 
Leicester House, Lady Suffolk's 
apartments at, 
letters dated, 196, 157, 158, 163, 
, 23 3 7 31 , 9° 
4, 949, 354, 
366, 374. 975, "880, 497, 498 
Merchant Taylors’ Hall, 149. 
Merchants, address from, 148. 
Middle Temple Hall, 154. 
Million Bank, letter dated, 161. 
Newcastle House, 242. 982. 
Newgate Prison, 164, '947. 
N ey man Street, letter dated, 
Northumberland House, letter 


dat 499. 
Pall "Mall. letter dated, 305. 


Parliament Street, letter 
dated, 280, 283. 








London—cont. 
Piccadilly, letter dated, 376, 


Port of, 230. 
Portman Square, letter dated, 
336-337. 


Privy Garden, 362. 

, letter dated, 299. 

reception of American reverses 
in, 

Saint James, 154, 311. 





St. James’ Square, letter dated, 
292, 295. 


Savile Row, 188. 
Spitalfields, 176. 
Tooke’s Court, letters dated, 
152, 157 158 159. 161. 
Tower, the, 159, 967, 408. 
, letter dathd. 406. 
War Office, letter 'dated, 243. 
York Buildings, letters dated, 
278, 281, 983, 984. 





. London or Lundune : 


Bishop of. "ur Se raybroke. 
Henry de, 34 2. 
Henry son of inen de, 41. 
John de 
Reginald de, 10, 19 
Robert, 1 
Simon de, 41. 
London, H.M. 8., 138, 
Londonderry, Governor of, 299. 


Long Island, Colonial forces at, 206. 
Longe: 
Captain Robert, his troop ta 
quarter at Lynn, 133. 
John, 
Robert” 128, 194. 
Mrs. Susan, 102. 
Longfer, widow, 102. 
Lon field, —, M.P. for Cork vity, 


Loon, the, of Feilddawling, 
Lords Lieutenant of Ireland. See 


Bentihck, Grenville, Harcourt, 
Henley, Hobart, Howard, 
Manners. 


_ Lord Mayor [of London], 148, 152, 


a Norfolk corn-factor, 266. 
his address. 878. 
Lords, House of, 171, 175, 176, 244, 
247, 260, 979, 273, 274. 436. 
letter dated, 411 
(Ireland), edness, on the war 
with France, 
Lorewen, &illa, 14. 


Lorne, Lord (1768). See Campbell. 
" Losinga, Herbert, Bishop of Nor- 
wic 
Lothian : 
family, the, v. 
Marquis of. See Kerr. 


Constance, Marchioness of, 


. Lottery Ticket, price of (1745), 151. 





INDEI. 485 


Loughborough, Lord (1781) See Lytot William, 26. 

W edderburne. yttelton : 
Louis XV. of France, 216, 217. Charles, Bishop of Carlisle, 260, 
Louisa, Lady. See Conolly. George, Ist Lord, 241, 263, 281 
Louisbourg, 240. 350. 
Lound Mill. See Saxthorpe. où. banquet at Hagley, 211, 


Lo 
Louth, 327, 358. yw against Repeal of 
Love, Luve: . Sem Nu” Ac p 
Edward, 29. 
Joh John servant of, 28. 


Robert, 26. 
Thomas, of Hanworth, 97. 
Lovell, John, of Hinderingham, 118. | 
Lovesae, Ww. de, 38. M 


k : 

Elizabeth, of Aylsham, 101, : 

Martha, of Scottowe, 106. Macaroni Club, the, at Almacks, 
Richard, 103. 

Robert, of Wickmere, 105. 


Macartnev Sir Geor T ap (afterwards 
Thomas, of Erpingham, 103. » SOL. 


Lord), 
British petenda. ' to St. 


William of Erpingham, 103. 
Lubeck, t X rade with "M cua T. lo ete from, B6. 
uDienskl, 181AU8 ma Q 
Poland, 194, 213, 216, 217, 219. aetna ensign of the Athol 
Lucar, ‘William, taken prisoner | MacDonnel, Ronald William, 6th 
(1695), 142. Earl of Antrim, 310. 
Luckner, Md iu letter to, 324. 
am 
Mackenzie William, 5th Earl of 
Ludham, Thomas, 54. Seaforth, his recalcitrant clan, 
Peter, nr d 980, 442. Madrid, Cabinet at, 363. 
William embassy at, xvi., 272. 
Lumley, Richar OA, gap | of Scar- Maffet, Counsellor, 328-399. 
rough , 
letter from, 304. Magn letter from, 829. 


Lund, Eda de, 48. 
Lundres, John de, 78. 
Alicia, wife of, 73. 


Clement, 114. 
Robert, chief constable, 112- 





Dog Aiehard de, 73. 73. Mahon, Thomas, 379. 

Lutcham. See Liteham. Maldon (Essex): 163. 

Luttrell, Colonel, 355-356. election at, 162. 

Luve. See Love. lst of free burgesses of borough 
Lyhert or Wyhart: letter dated, 162. 


arms of, 441. 
Walter, bishop of Norwich, 31. | Malham, Catherine, of Booton, 102. 
Lynes, marsh at. Malherb, Andrew, 11. 
Lynford, John, 99, 54. Maillard, Peter de, 40. 
Lyng, Lynge or "Linge, Norfolk, Mallet, —, 321. 
landowners in, 93. Malling, —, at Holt, 
swans kept at, 121. Malt tax, riots on count of, 147. 





Lynn (Lin Maltby, —, Norwich manufacturer, 
Ponte Tad. 5383. 194, 135. Maltebi. See Mautby. 

——, mayor of, 134. 135. Man, the Isle of, garrison for, 335, 
—, smallpox at (1688), 134. 336. . 
Lynn or Lynne à, 06. Managrene or Mangrene, a vil, 14, 

Henry, of Twsford, 117. Manchester, Lord. See Montagu. 
John, 93. , Manchester, weavers at. 306. 
Samuel, of Hindolveston, 98. Mannington (Manyngton): 49, 50, 
William, of Bintrye, 91. 
of Hindolveston, 93. dede relating to, 71. 
Lyon, Colonel, of 18th Dragoons, | landowners in, 104. 


. purchased by the  Walpoles, 
Lyon, H.M.8., 138. 147. 


486 


Mann or Manne: 

Sir Horace, 276-277. 

——, letter from, 295. 

Dr. Isaac, Bishop of Cork, 379. 

John, 114. 

John, of Weston, 95. 

Nicholas, 58. 

Robert, of Warham, 115. 

Timothy, 112, 118. 

William, 108, 111. 

Manners, John, Marquess of Granby 
and 3rd Duke of Rutland, 
179, 245, 980. 
Charles, 4th Duke, Lord 
Lieutenant of Ireland, 427. 
Manning, or Manninge: 
Matthew, Capt.-Lieut., Norfolk 
Militia, 196. 

John, of Overstrand, clerk, 98. 
Mansfield, Lord. See Murray. 
Mansoli, operatic singer, 258. 
Manston, letter dated, 298. 
Mantle, John, 116. 

Mapes, Leonard, Capt., Norfolk 

ilitia, 126. 

Marble Hill (@wickenham), ] 146, 174, 

175, 177, 183, 288, 841, , 441. 
Marchmont, Lord. See Home 
Mareschal or Marchal: 

Aileen le, vin. 

J. le, 36, 37, 88, 39. 

William, 41. 

Margatson Thomas, of Sall, 94. 

Marham, 

Mariners wandering, how to deal 

7 

with, 79. 

Mariot, Richard, 87. 

Marker, Thomas, of Sall, 94. 

Market Court Rolls, 6, 64 

Market Harborough, 168. 

Markham, William, Archbishop of 
York, 379. 

Markshall Meroeshalle, Merkes- 
halle), William de, 42, 78. 

Marlborough, Duke of. See 
Churchi 

Marlepitlond, 60. 

Marlesford, 17. 

Marlingforth, Manor Roll of, 70. 

Marriage, entry in homage on, 8. 

Marriott, Hugh, letters from, 152, 
154, 157, 158,” 159, 

Marsh, George, 141, 145. 

Marshall, John, 947, 950. 

Marshalsea or Marshalsye prison, 
accounts of, 77, 129, 

Marsham Norfolk): 29. 40, 41, 42, 


deed and extent relating to, 72. 
landowner in, 104. 

cum Hevingham, 81. 

Regis, ibid. 

rioters at, 269. 


106. 
—, at tration Strayless, x11. 
Robert, 
Robert; letters from, 322-323. 
Robert de, grant of a villain by, 


William 
Marston, John. ensign, Norfolk 
Militia, 126. 
Martham, manor roll of, 70. 
Martham : 
Philip de, 40. 
Robert de, 52, 53. 
Martin or Martyn 
the clerk of ipai 
John, 32. 
pe will o 44. 
Richard, Captain 138. 


-—« n of, 44. 
, his duel with Wilkes, 


Admiral William, 161. 
widow 
Marting, James, clerk, 109. 
Martinique, D’Estaing at, 342. 
devastations of a species of ant 


Marwood, Thomas, 142. 
a 


H.M.S., 139. 
yacht, ' 140. 

Marys, Richard, 100. 

Mason : 


John, 
Richard, Norfolk Militia, 127. 
William, of Trunch, 99 
William, 126. 

Massachusetts Bay Province: 
House of Representatives of, 


Port of (Boston), 292. 
in rebellion, 
Massareene, Countess of (1779), 379. 
Masserano, Prince of, assador 
irom Spain, 443. 


Lady, daughter to Lady Hobart, 


Leonard, 132. 
Massingham (Norfolk), 53. 
Matchett, John, of Gimingham, 97. 
Matelask, Margaret, daughter of 
nes of 
Mat ask (Norfolk) : 
manor roll of, 6, 
landowners 1 in, 
Matles Hong of Wabsinghan, 116. 
Matteshal bert de 
Matthew, parson of be, "hurch of 
Little Rackheath, 52. 
Matthew, Francis, ‘afterwards Lord 
Llandaff, 339. 878. 
letter from, 399. 
Maunsell, Mr., and the living of 
Castle Bellingham, 385. 





INDEX. 


Mausoleum at Blickling, xvau. 
Mautby (Maltebi) : 

Salt works at, 13. 

Robert, persona de, 13. 

Simon, prepositus de, 13. 
Mauteby, Robert, 43, 53. 
Maxwe 

Barry Lord Farnham, 379. 


8. 
May or Maye, À Mai, Meye, Mey: 


William, 113. 
Mayden, Capt. Widiam, copy of a 
testimonial to, 117. 
Maynard, Serjeant his estate 
North Ealing, 147. 
Mayne: 
"Os tain, 138. 
am, Lord Newhaven, 
Ireland, 
his motion in the House 
relating to sugar. 348. 
Mayo, Government of, 415. 
McGuire, Mr., 363. 
MoKensie, Mr. Stuart. See Stuart- 
Mackenzie. 
McPhail, Thomas (Volunteer), of the 
Athol "Highlanders, 348. 
Mead, brewed, 26; sold, 3. 
Meadows, Brigadier, wounded at 
St. Lucia, 343. 
Mecistaw (Poland), the palatin of. 
See Plate 
Mees, Capt. ain George. 138. 
Mehadia ( ungary), 436 
Melbourne, Lord. See Lamb. 
Melcombe Regis ( (Dorset), 360 
Melior, John, 28. 
Melleson, Gabriel, 140. 


Melli 
W., Postmaster-General, 


in 


in 





the younger, a Secretary to the 


256. 
Melton “Constable (Norfolk), land. 
owners in 
Mendham, Waltor de, 41 


Menzies, James, lieutenant of the 
Athol! Highlanders, 
wane HE enry, 17. 


Merchant, Robert, the, 47. 
Meredith, Sir William, 248. 

Mer edyth Mr., 

Mereworth, Mar on or Margaret, 


74. 
Sir joli de, 51, 52, 
Merrion (Mount), dretend), 
Fitzwilliam at, 
Messenger : 
Augustin, of Hackford, 93. 
Edward, of Wood Dawling, 96. 
Metcalfe, Geofrey, bearer of a 
circular letter with bede roll from 
St. Fatth’s Priory, 20. 
Methwolde, manor roll of, 70. 
Metton, landowners in, 160. 


Lord 


oo má 
a ee ES ER um m m E RR 


487 


Mey, le Meye. See May. 
Michell William, clerk Jua. 


Mickelhall or Micklehall. See Sax- 
Michiok., - the Cavaliera, letter of 
condolence 

Middleton, Middelton, Midilton : 

hilip de, 97. 

Thomas de, 33. 

[William] "Bishop of Norwich, 3 
Middlesex: 82, 147, 367. 

election, 286, 287. 
Midleton : 

th in Ireland, 420. 
Midleton, Lord. See Brodrick. 
Migcanik of Lithuania. See Rad- 
Mig ht : 

Jeffrey, of Gunthorpe, 106. 

omas 


Mildmay, Houry, Lord Fitzwalter, 


Miliariis, Wiliam de, 17. 
Militia: 336, 337, 399. 


arms, 

Bill, 239. 

circular letter as to, 238. 

the Norfolk, (1677) 124-127 ; . 


(1688) 133, 184, 137; (1695) 
141-142 ; (1778) 332, 354. 
colours of the several Tegiments, 


estates of under £900 a year 
to be charged to the foot and 
not to the horse, 

list of of officers of, in Norfolk, ix., 


y; Bore 137, 141, 142. 

i 
Elizabeth, of Hanworth, 97. 
Henry, of Wickmere, 105. 


John, 99, 100. 

Robert, 97 

Robert MERE Walter (millers of 
Horsham St. Faiths’ pre 


sented for bad milling), 36. 
Thomas, of Matlask, 100 
William 9. (Wi illelmus  molenda. 
Mills, 6, 15, 21, 23, 29. 33, 34, 39, 
47, 50, , 79. 196. 

Mills, Mr., at Norwich, 287. 
Million Bank, the. See London. 


Millner, John, 106. 
Milverton (Somerset), Hundred of, 


Minere, le: 

Adam, 38. 

John, 38. 
Mingay, John, of Gimingham, 97. 
Ministry, the (of 1777), popularity of, 


Minorca, 239. 
Minsk (Russian Poland), 214. 
Mirovitz, his attempt upon Ivan, 


188. 
a Miser,” the, at the Attic Theatre, 


488 


Mitcham (Surrey), 148. 
Mitchel, —, sister to Dr. Collinges, 


131. 
Mitford (Norfolk), Hundred of, 180. 
Mittau (Courland), 282. 
letter dated, 282. 
Mniszeck Gl. de, Marshall of the 
Polish Court, 193, 194, 195, 204. 


Mocha, 

Mogul, territory of the, 

Mohawk River (North Ainerice, 316. 
Mokronoffski, General, 


retired into Hungary, 218. 

approaches Frederick II. 

proposals, 218, note. 
Moldavia, 435, 436. 
Molesworth, Lady, 173. 

eux or Molyneux: 

Sir Capel, 816. 

“sie of 12th Dragoons, 


with 


a new M.P. in Irish House 
Mr Commons, 427. 

Mrs., a beauty at Dublin, 423. 
Molendarius. See Miller. 
Monasteries, dissolution of, 3, 5, 60. 
Monasterio, William de, 41, 49. 
Money | (Munne, Mune, Muyne, 


yne 
Ambrose, clerk, 115. 
Elisabeth, 112. 
Hugh le, '96. 
John le, 24. 
Martin, 119. 
Richard, 112. 
Richard le, exchanges land with 
Prior of St. Faiths, 18, 14. 
William, of Foulsham, 91. 
Mr., at St. Giles’, Norwich, 257. 
——, his house at Trowse at- 
tacked by mob, 267. 
Monk: 
George, lst Duke of Albemarle, 
testimonials from, 117. 
Captain, 189. 
William le, 87. 
Monk, H.M. S., 
Monmouth, EMS. 188. 
Monmouth Yacht, H.M.S., 140. 
Monmouthshire, 816. 
Monsey (Munsy, Munsoy): 
Robert, 144. 
Thomas of Hackford, 93. 
Monson, John. Lord Monson, resig- 
nation of, 274. 
Monsuer, Roger, 114, 116. 
Monsure, Henry, 116. 
Montagu, Duke of. See Brudenell. 


Montagu : 
Edward: 2nd Earl of Man- 
chester, 88. 


1st Earl of Sandwich, 117. 
John, 4th Earl of Sandwich, 350, 
85, 188, 250, 282, 847, 
979. 442. 
— letter from. 330. n lof 
protests against Repeal o 
Stamp Act, 280. 








INDEX. 


-Dunk, George, 2nd Earl of 
split ax, ” 185, 200, 205, 248, 


letters of, 150, 151. 
protests against Repeal of 
Stamp Act, 260. 
Montague, ship, 138. 
Montcalm de St. vera 
Joseph, Marquis de, 239 
French commander in chief in 
America, letters of, 239, 240. 
relations of, with English | 'Colo- 
nies in America 239, 
Montgomerie, Alexander, iod ‘Earl 
wot Églintoun, 260, 442. nel with 
ntgomery r., his quar wi 
Mr. Conoliy, 420, 421. 
Monymen, Nicholas, of Aylmerton, 


Charles, 6th Earl of Drog- 
hed eda, M Master-General of O 
nanoe, Dublin 

letter from, 4bi 
Morava, the, 435, 


Monta 


Louis 


Moore 


Moray. See Murray. 
Mordant, H. M. S., 139. 
More, J ohn, 
Morel : 
Nicholas, 47, 48, 49, 50. 
William, 


Moris, Roger, 86. 

Morle, Sir Robert, knight, 53. 

Morley family, 944. 

Moreton, Thomas Reynolds, 
Baron Ducie, 379. 

Morristown, 

Morston, landowners i in, 106, 110. 

Mort, Henry, 24. 

Mortimer or Mortymer: 

Ponstantine, 


Morton (Norfolk), 94. 
Morton 
of 65, 38. Aston, 164. 


2nd 


Mose. LS 174, 176, 210, 212, 
236, 255, 
letters dated, 170-178, 294. 


Moseley : 


Sir Edward, 865. 


Moughton, 57. 
Mount Independence, North Amer- 
ica, 411 
Mousehold Heath. on” Norwich. 
Mowting. Thomas, 
Moy, William, of Swannington. 94. 
Moyne. See 
Muddyshift, James” 90. 
Mulbarton (Norfolk ): 
extent of. 72. 
manor roll of, 68. 
militia at, 133. 
Mnletune, Mylo de. 14. 
Mulgrave, Lord. See Phipps. 
Mullers, William de, son of Hugh 
de Mulers, 15. 


INDEX. 489 


Multon, W. (clerk), Bliekling, 29. 
Munden, Richard, 138. | 
Mundesley, landowners in, 97. 
Mundham, church and manor of, 54. 
Munford, John, of Wayborne, 107. 
Mune or Munne. See Money. 
Munnich, Marshal, 189. 

Munsey or Munsy. See Monsey. 
Munster, Province of, in disorder, 


432. 
Muntford, Alice, of Calthorpe, 108. 
Murray (Moray): 
Hon. Alexander, 163. 
Charles, & lieutenant in the 
Atholl Highlanders, 848 


|N 


Colonel, of the Atholl High- . 
| New Jersey, detter dated from, 260. 


landers, 348. 





, uncle to the Duke of 
Atholl, 337. 
David, 7th Viscount Stormont, 
348, 850, 427. 
John, 3rd Duke of Atholl, 335. 
John, ith Duke, 330, 348. 
r 


Mongoe, of Wells, clerk, 114. 
Patrick, 5th Baron Elibank, 


William, 1st Earl of Mansfield, 
271, 273, 284. 
, attack on his house, 367. 
Murrell: : 


Hugh, of Morton, 94 
Thomas, ensign Norfolk militia, 


Mus, Ralph, 48, 50. 
Muster ce. See Dublin. 
Muyne. See Money. 
My es, Richard, 116. 
ylverton. See Milverton. 
Mynn or Mynns: 
Christopher, 92. 
Christopher, of Salthouse, 111. 
, commanding H.M.8. Sap- 
hire, 189. 
Henry, of Guist, 92. 








N 


N., the D. of. See Newcastle. 
Naas, Lord (1780). See Bourke. 
Nabbs, John, 112, 113. 
Nally, Robert, of Irmingland, 68. 
Naples, 806, 434. 
arva, 238. 
Nash, Gawin, 141. 
Nassau de Zulestein, William Henry, 
Earl of Rochford, 347, 348, 378. 
Navigation, Committee of (Thames), 


341, . 
Neal, Nathaniel, letter from, 161. 
Neale, Mr. (of Wellingborough), 152. 
Neister, the, 485. 
Nele, John, 55. 


— — e —— e$ MÀ 


Neptune, H.M.S., 137. 
es : 


Bartolomew de, 18. 
Osmund de, iii 
Nesbit or Nesbitt: 
E., letter to, 385. 
Thomas, 379. 
Netherhall manor, in Essex, 54. 
Netleton, William, 111, 112, 114. 
Neuman. See Newman. 
Neva, the, 175. 
Neve: 


Newcastle, . 
Newcastle, Duke of. Sce Pelham- 
olles. 
Newcastle, borough of, in county 
Dublin, . 
Newcastle, H.M.8., 139. 
Newcastle House. See London. 
Newoome, Wm., Bishop of Ossory, 
Newfoundland: 406. 
French attempt upon, 252. 
Newgate, Edmund, 116. 
Newhaven, Lord. Sce Mayne. 
Newman, Neweman or Neuman: 
Henry le, 38, 39 
John le, 48, 51. 
Nicholas, 48, 49, 50. 
Robert, shepereve, 74. 
Thomas, 103. 
William, 108. 


ewry : 
M.P. for (1781), 400. 
vessel trading to, 319. 
Newspapers : 
Evening Post (Dublin), 424. 
Freeman, 403. 
Freeman's Journal, 421. 
Hiberniam, 403. 
Morning Post, 342. 
New York Gaszette, 805. 


. Newton (Newtune): 


e —— —— — — M —À —ÓM—M—— — — Ha a - 


Daniel, lieutenant, Norfolk 
militia, 126. 

Thomas, Bishop of Bristol, 260. 

Walter the clerk, son of William 


' Master, 12, 41. 
pareon of the church of Booton, 


Richard, son of, 47. 

omas, son of, 15. 

son of Henry de London, 41. 
the tanner, 48. 

Nicholls: 
Will., of Foulsham, 92. 
Richard, ibid., 92. 

Niedzwiesce, & castle belonging to 

Prince Radzivil, 218. 
Nightingale, Mrs., 181, 
Nissa (Servia), 496. 





490 


Barbon 
Duc de, 


ambassador in London, 260. 

Noailles, M. le Marquis de, ambas- 

sador to London, , 904. 

Nockold, Robert, 195. 

Noel, Edward, lst Visoount Went- 
worth, signe protest against 
Stamp Act, 260, 261. 

Noers, Ralph de, 11. 

Nonoes, chamber of. See Poland. 

Nonjurors, 136, 144, 1 

Nonsuch Park, letter dated, 284. 

Nonsuch, H.M. S., 189. 

Norfolk, 1x., 1-75, 132-187, 142, 147, 
185, 186, 238, 290, oly 262. 
266-270, 918, 353, 43 

Committee for (1656), S. 
declares for a free Parliament, 


election, Poll Books (1735), 147. 

gentlemen of manifesto by, for 
reducin ee of the 
office of High orift (1675), 
X., 

Deputy Lieutenants for (1677), 
Ix., 124, ; (1688-0) 134- 
1 


87. 
High Sheriff of, x., 122-124, 268. 
insurrection in, temp. II., 


Lieutenanoy of : 170, 259. 
——, journals of, 1x 
124.'182- 137, 141- 122, Er" "145 
. Lord Lieutenant of X., XI., XIL., 
xuxl., 125, 239 
Militia for. See Militia. 
petition dated, 
politics in, vim, IX., 257. 280. 
287, 973, 375. 
riots in 267-271. 
shrievalty of, 86. 
subsidy roll "for, 20 Edw. III., 
vir., 440. 
swanneries in, 83, 121, 122. 
Norfolk, Henry 7th Duke of. 
Howard. 
Norgate, 14. 
Normandy, 2, 162. 
Norreys, Roger, 18. 
Norris, John. High Sheriff of Nor- 
folk, letter from, 268, 
North : 
Edward, Lord (1554). 
Francie, 1st Earl of Guilford, 


7 
Frederic, Lord, 284, 825, 943, 
349, 851, 357, 359. 861, 372, 
375, 376, "879, 384. 885. 
—, ‘coalition of with Fox, 417, 


419. 

—, illness of, 299. 

William, 138. 
North's Memorials of Lord Keeper 

Guilford, x1. 

North Briton, the. 247-249. 
North Repps, landowners in, 98. 
North River, North America, 305. 


Nivernois,- Louis Jules 
Mancini Mazarini, 


See 


INDEX. 


North Walsham, 3, 133. 
Northampton, vu., 153, 155, 160. 
Northamptonshire, 151. 

Lord Lieutenant of, ibid. 
Northington, Earl of. See Henley. 
Northous, Robert atte, of Ormesby, 

7 , 442. 
Northumberland, Duke of. See 
ercy 


Northumberland, HMS, 138. 
Norton, Thomas, 9 
Norton wie Langley) 60, 61. 
Norwich (Norwyche): 
X., XI., 4, 20, 39, 40, 41, 42, 
43, 54, 57, 67, B6, 89, 110, 198, 
130, 133, 134, 141, 142, 147, 
186, 249, 943. 271, 981, 
286, » 298, 295, 322, 3939, 953, 


rela- 
265, 


address from, for relief in 


tion to to export of corn, 


arms E ge to, 147. 

assises at, at time of Wilkes 
agitation, 286 

Berstreet, 10. 

Castle, 97. 185, 136, 137, 141. 

Chapelfield or Chaplyfeld : town 
house of the Hobarts, 89, 130, 


———, soldiers serving for, 130. 
City gaol, 294. 

Commission at, 274. 

Convent of the Holy Trinity, 40, 


y A gates fired by mob, 


‘Crown,’ the, 441. 

deanery, letter dated, 285. 

diocese of, 20, 57. 

Duke of Norfolk's palace at, 
132, 133, 184. 

elections at, 170, 242, 243, 430, 


hospital, enclosure for, 294. 
“Kings Head" at, 274. 

letters dated, 42, "81, 86, 131, 
242, 266, 269, 270, ' 974, 287, 
293. 312. 

manutastarers of yarn at, 312. 

mayor of, 266 

mayor and aldermen of, Duke 
ff Norfolk’s speech to (1688), 


militia firearms at, 271. 

Mousehold Heath, proposed en- 
closure of, 358. 

politics, 949, 253, 257, 274, 373. 

post coach, 

quakers at, 

riots at, 287 971. 274. 

Saint : 

—— Andrews Hall, 242. 

—— Giles-gates 957, 449. 

——- Martin le Bailey, 10. 

—— Mi , Berstreet, 10. 

—— Olave’s, 58. 

—— Peter Manoroft, 298, 442. 











INDEX. 


Norwich : 
Bishop of, 22, 27, 88, 34, 30, 40, 





—— , barony of 
—, manors of, s 30-85. | 
—-, presented ' for making a 
water-oourse, 27. 
See Bishops Alnwick, 
Armine, Bateman 
Brown, Courtenay bord 
Lyhert, Losinga, Middleton, 
Skerning, Sponser, Turbus, 
Wakering, Walpole, Yonge. 
dean of. See Lloyd. 
Norwich, Richard de, 47. 
Nottingham, he King at, 61. 


riot at, 36 
Nottingham, Lord. See Finch. 
Nougoun. See Nugun. 
Nuers, Symon de, 40. 
N ugent, Robert, afterwards Lord 
Nu ent, Viscount Clare and 
Ear Nugent, 256, 258, 360: 
264, ^ 220, 294, 398, 831, 
at Bristol 2 294. 
etters from 
letters to, 258, 269. 
his son's quarrel with Col. 
Gabbet, 294. 
Nugun “i Nougoun: 


47, 49. 

, Note son of, 46. 

Richard de, 40, 47. 
Nuiun. See Nugun. 

Nutwell, letter dated, 832. 





O 


Oats, price of (1746), 163. 
Oath: 


of Supremacy and Allegiance, 
Act for abrogating, 195, 136. 
“tactts sacrosanctis rangeliis," 
ainst revocation of grant, 
18. 
O'Brien: 
Sir Lucius, letter from, 384. 
——, in Irish House of Com- 


mons, | 
Murrough. Sth Earl of Inchi- 
quin, 378, 379. 
,1n County Clare, 313. 
Nelly, 179. 
Mr., 378. 
Ode: 
Matilda, 50. 9 
Robert, 48, 50. 
William son of ‘Robert 49, 50. 
“ Odes," a tenement called, in Sax- 
thorp, 54. 
Ogincki, Pisarz of Lithuania, 192. 


pum ———OD RA CGEGSPDREQUAÁDSQSÁL LOSOSRLÁULUAA!LIALALuUaJ 





491 


|! Ogle, Mr., 414, 419, 428. 


is to. resign Castle Bellingham, 


in Irish House of Commons, 400. 
Oldhall or Oldhalle : 
Edmund, 53, 69, 78. 
—, TO court of, at Sax- 


thorpe, 45 


W., 4. 
Willium, 64. 
Sir William, releases land in 
Blickling to co-feoffees, 29. 


Oliva, peace ot, 221 
Olley or Ollye: : 


John, , of Fieldawling, 114. 


Robert, 113, 116. 
Olok, Wilham, 84. 
Onega, Russian port, 238. 


O'Ne i: 
moves address in Irish 
Mouse of Commons, 398, 434. 
John, 379. 


Onslow : 
Mr OG. Lor Lord | (ath Baron), 325 
d of the Treasury, 


Opera Club, the, 253. 
Orange ribbon for the soldiers (1688), 


Orange, the Prince of, Norfolk de- 
clares for (1688), 135. 
Orders in Council : 
for seizing the arms of Papists 
id. disaffected persons (1696), 


(1745), 
fo discharging à the same (1696), 


for'a an aocount of Eapists and 


uted Papists, 1 
Orford, , Ear See Russell and 
Wal pol e. 


Orlingbury, 160. 
Orlow or Orloft, Grigori Grigorie- 
vitch, 180, 184, 189, 191. 
character of, 180. 
Ormesby or Ormsby, Great, 54, 73, 


O'Rourke, Count, 379. 
Osborne : 
Sir William, 379. 


Thomas, Earl of Danby, 138. 
Osmund, a witness, 41. 


Ossory, Bishop of. See Hotham and 


Ossory, H. M. S., 138. 

Osten, Adoif Siegfried von der, 213. 

Oulton (Olton, Ouletone. Oweltune), 
129. 


, 9 » 104 


landowners in, 
Oulton Robert, 8." ’ Oweitune) : 


rar "de. 47. 
acke, Thomas, 98. 


Ralph. clerk, 94, 97. 
Thomas, 97. 
Overhall 1 manor, in Essex, 54. 


492 


Ovorstone CN (N orthamptonshire), 148, 


letter bon 
Overstrand re AT landowners in, 
Oweltune. 


Bee Oulton. 
Owen, Mr., 


Owners’ Higdeavour, ship, 139, 
Oxborough, Henry, ie 


Oxburgh (Norfolk), 
Oxburgh, Lt. Col” Norfolk militia, 


126. 
Oxnead (Oxenede, Oxnett), Walter, 
priest of, 12. 
landowners in, 104. 
Oxford, vir. 
Ozf ord, H H.M.S., 139. 
Oxford, Earl of (1527). See Vere. 
— (1777). See Harley. 
Oxicoff, 435-436. 
Oxnett. See Oxnead. 
Oyard, Andrew, at Wymondham, 63. 


Packington, 288 
Page: 

Christopher, of 
Parva, 102. 
John, of Saxthorpe, 104. 

Richard, 1 

Thomas, 108 

Paget, Lady, 339 
Pagrave or algrave : 

Sir Augustin, his manor at 
Wymondham, 80 

Augustin, 99, 111. 

Sir John, Kt., Bart., of Nor- 
wood Barn: 'ngham, 99. 

Richard de, 84, 35. 36, 37, 39. 

Palliser, Captain, in Newfoundland, 
252. 
Palmer or Palmere: 

Edward, of Wytton, 74. 

Geoffrey, of Marlesford, 17. 

——, John and William, sons of, 
grant by, 17. 

Henry, 57, 104. 

Margaret, prioress of Carrow, 

0 


Owen, chief constable, 105, 107. 
Reginald le, 95. 

Richard d? 24, 25. 
Roger, 26 


Sir R., 979. 

William le, de Catton, 16, 

, Juetta, wife of, presented 
for usury, 27. 

Palmerston, Lord. See Temple. 

Pan Zova, Austrian frontier, 426. 

Panbroch. See Pembroke. 

Pane, Henry, 105, 107. 

Panin, Nikita ' Ivanovitch, first 


Barningham 





minister at St. Petersburg, 219. 


letter to, 286. 


INDEX. 


Papists and disaffected persons, 
order in Council for seizing their 
arms and persons, 141, 142, 144, 148. 

Papists : 

or 80 reputed, in Norfolk, lists 
, of, 1 145. 
in Irel and. See Ireland. 

Parc. See Park. 

Pardon to Simon Creppi on a 
conviotion for deceit, 20-81. 

Parfitt, John, of Ringland, 94. 

Parham, Nicholas, Norfolk militia, 


Paris, 238, 251, 301, 404, 434. 
hospital at, 904. 
Peace of. 246, 247. 
Parish overseers, ‘duties of in 16th 
century, 77-78. 
Parish Church, rogues to be con- 
veyed to the, to be whipt, 80. 
Park, Parke or Parkes (Parc): 
Poter atte, 36. 
Richard, 144 
Sir William de, 49, 50. 
William de, 34, 99, 41, 42, 93, 


William atte, assessor of sub- 


J., 
Mr. 
Sir "Peter in America, 805. 
Robert, 47. 
Rickard, 144. 
William, 102, 142. 
Wulvive, 39. 
Parkgate, 297. 
Parkin or Parkine: 
Christopher, of Wickmere, 106. 
John, 1 
Parkings, William, of Coltishall, 103. 
Parlene, Hugh de, 50 
Parlett : 
Gregory, 3rd Militia Foot, 126. 
William, 91. 
Parliamentary pay, 86, 88. 
Parmenter, Thomas, petition of, 88. 
Parly, John, Norfolk militia, 197. 
Parr, Henry, 111 


Parre: 

Henry, 107. 

Robert, of Trimingham, 99 
Parsons, Nancy, 252, 253. 
Partington: 

John, of Walsingham, 115. 

Sara, 


Partriches and fesaunts within the 
waryn of Eynford and Saxthorp, 57. 


Partridge, —, a Norwich manu- 
facturer, 812. 


Passek, M., 191. 











INDEX. 198 
Pastoh (Parston): | Pelham-Holies, Thomas, Duke of 
Clement, of Marlingforth, 70. Newcastle, 148, 157, 170, 243, 
EE ll 
Dorothy, relict of Clement, 99. i al, . 
Edward, 142, 144. | resigns (1745), 157. 
Mr., 145. | (1781), 408. 
Mrs. Frances, 90. . Pell, John, 193, 124. 
Jobn, 70, 145. Pembroke: 
Sir John, 55 . | Earl of. See Herbert. 
Robert Lord gs! count Yar- (Panbroch) Domiuus. See Val- 
mouth, x., 143. ence. 
Sir Robert, of nett. 104. Pennsylvania, president and council 
William, 55, 127, 143 of, 


Sir William, 69, 125. 
Pateshall, letter dated, 404. 
Patronage in Ireland, list of letters 

relating to, 378-37 9. 
Patteson, Jobs? mayor, of Norwich, 
letters from, 265 66, 270, 274. 
Pattinger, Edward, eptain R.N., 


Pattrick, Edmund, 124. 


Paul, Grand Duke of Russia, 188. 
Paul, & bootmaker, 
Paulmy, M. le Marquis de, French 


Ambassador at Warsaw, 216, 217, 
1 
Paultons (Hampshire), Hans Stanley 


letters dated, 286. 


, 99, 100. 
Pay, Christopher, 96. 
Payn or Payne: 


John, 25, 26, 108. 
Robert, Norfolk militia, 127. 
Thomas, 


William, 98. 
Peace establishment for Ireland, 309. 
Peace of mayhem, the consideration 
for a grant, 8, 41. 
Pearle, H.M.S., 139. 
Pearatrae, Robert, of Letheringsett, 
Pearson, Captain, naval commander, 


Peche, William, 11. 
Pechum, Mrs., 190. 

Peddersty. See Saxthorp 
Pedham Hall, & manor yr of Boyton, 


Peers, new Irish, 372. 
Peirson, Pierson: 
General Richard. 316. 
——, in command of 18th Dra- 


goons, 842. 
——, letters from, 315, 378. 
Thomas, 138. 
Peitevin, Richard, witness, 15. 
Peletot : 
o de, 48. 
William de, 48, 50. 
Pelham: 


Henry. 157, 160. 
——, Lord of the Treasury, 256. 
John, at Blickling, 21. 


Pennsylvanian line, the xvurr., 381- 
883. 
Penrith, 152. 
Pensacola (Alabama, N.A.), 362. 
Pensions: 
Irish, 385. 
on Irish establishment, 309. 
Pepper, Dr. Robert, 182. 
Perceval, John, 2nd "Earl of Egmont, 
pat Lord of the Admiralty, 256. 
ercy : 
Lord, arrived from Rhode Is- 


, 905. 
Hugh, '2nd Earl and 1st Duke of 
Northumberland, 254, 271. 
——, letters from, 429. 
———, letters 0 LE 499, 430. 
Perebasar (Persia), 286. 
Perk'ns, Charles, 1273 
Pernau (Esthonia), 233 
Ferrier, Madame, 7 
erriwig, price a a (1672), 11 
Persia, 295-231 
confusion in "336° 
Shah Nadir of, his relations 
with Russia, 230. 
—, protects Elton,, 231, 235, 


236. 
scheme of trade with, 234, 235, 
trade with, 224, 225, 997. 998 
230, 


Persian dread of water, 236. 
Person, John, 


Pery 
Dean, 378, 384. 
Edmund Sexton, 379. 
——., letter from, 297. 


Pesche, William, 15. 
Peter : 
constabularius, 40. 


the third < (Czar), xv., xv1., 201, 


206 

the Great (Czar), 208. 

dapifer, 41. 

William the son of, 19. 
Peterborough, letter dated, 165. 
Peterhoff, 186. 

Petersburg. See St. Petersburg. 
Petition, fine for false 

Petitions, 86, 88, 282, 9 odd 286,287,878 
Petrikau (Poland), tribunal ‘of, 213 
Pettus: 

John, of Thurgarton, 101. 

Sir John, 125, 137. 

Thomas, 81. 





494 INDEX. 


Petty, William 8rd Earl of Shel- | Plan of government (July, 1765), 256 


burne, 290. 
his interview with Lord Buck- 
inghamshire, 272. 

letter from, 271. 

Secretary of State, 263, 286. 
Petty France. See Westminster. 
Eo George Grenville's visit to, 
Peyton 

Charles, 142, 145. 

Sir John, letter from, 89. 
Pheasants, 57, 321. 

Phenire, H.M.S., 139. 
Philadelphia, expedition against, 


Phileby, Adam de, abbot, 61. 
Philip, the bishop's officer, 39, 40. 
Philip, Chaplain de Sancta Fide, 17, 
Philipes or or Fhillipe : 


Canara in North America, 880, 


88 
Captain, 150. 
Phipps, Constantine John, 2nd Lord 
ulgrave, . 
“Phlogiston” of the Convention, 
the, 425. 
Pickenham, South, 85. 
Picroft, Thomas, of Scottowe, 106. 
Piedmontese, the, reported victory 
of, over Spaniards, 159. 
Pierce, William, 141. 
Piers, grants in ‘aid of building, 319. 
Pierson. See Peirson. 
Pikarell, John, 95. 
Pillecrowe. See Pyllecrowe. 
Pillemere, John le, 26. 
Pillory, the, as a punishment, 25. 
Pilyng, Edmund, 48 
Pirmont, waters of, 282. 
Pissesala, le sieur, a gentleman of 
Minsk, 215. 
murdered, 214. 
Pitans : oe, 9 


Geoffrey, 9 
_ Robert, 9 
Pitt : 
Mrs. Anne, her stay in France, 


288. 

Miss H., 441. 

William, 1st Lord Chatham, 159, 
160, 164, 177, 944, 945, 947, 
248, 950, 959. 953, 263, 264, 
265, 275, 287, ‘288. 

——, letter from, 238. 

——, on privilege, 248. 

sals with respect 


E a > rait ton ministry, ; 
——, <r on the Prelimina- 
ries, 24! 5, 


——, un polar i in the cit 
William tthe younger), 4 gr 
——, private character of, 498. 


Plane, James, of Fieldawling, 114. 
Plantations, the : 
minutes and report of Com- 
mittee of Council upon, 289. 
order of H.M. in Council relat- 


ing to, 289. 
trade with England and Ire- 
land, 301-304, 306-810. 
Plater, Palatin of Mecistaw, 193. 
Playford, Henry, of Northrepps, 98. 
Pleydell Bouverie, Jacob, 2nd Earl 
of Radnor, 378. 
Pliny's Natural Ilistory, 438, 439. 
Plomer: 
John le, will of, 49. 
, Agatha, his wife, 49. 
W., will of, 146. 
Ploughman, Henry, 88. 
Pluket, Richard, 19. 
Plumpstead, Bartholomew, 100, 103. 
Plumpstead or Plumstede: 52, 73. 
landowners in, 100. 
u^ illiam Harbord's estate in. 





deeds relating to, 71. 
Plunkett, Arthur James, 7th Earl 
of Fingall, 
his sons at "Vienna, 327. 
Plymouth, H.M.S., 188. 
Plymouth, 162, 398, 861. 
dearth at, 276. 
Poachers at Blickling, 28, 320. 
Pokoc, John, 7. 
Poland, xv. 199-991, 
Chamber of Nonces. 758, 194, 
209, 210, 220. 
constitution of, 199. 215. 
dissidents in, 221, 282. 
election to the crown of, xv., 
179, 218, 219, 220. 
fate of, 298. 
France quarrels with, 216-217, 


general confederation of, 216, 


King of. See Augustus ITT. and 
Poniatowski. 
papers relating to, xv., 192-221, 
primate of. See Lubienski, 
Ladislas. 
relations of, with Courland, 195- 
212, 215, 216, 282. 
Senatus concilium of, 211. 
Sigillum M agestraticum of, 209. 
Pole, De la (William), Earl of 
Suffolk, vr. 
Poles, De la, the, vm. 
Poley, Wiiliam, prior of St. Mary of 
Bnttele, 74. 
Polish : 
danoes, 177. 
nobility, Count Pruhl's claim to, 
Reps uted, 198- 
ublic, the, 190 308. 211, 215. 








INDEX. 


Reginald, UM. 
Polluxfen 
don. 13 3i. 
Polock, Palatinate of, 193, 213, 
Pomerania, 191. 
Pomeroy, Arthur, 379. 
Pomfret, Earl of (1764). 
Poniatowski, Stanislas, 
Lithuania, 194. 
and King of Poland, xv., xvi., 
194, 214, 220, 282. 
letter from XV., 214. 
letter to, 
Ponyng, Edward, of Marlingforth, 
70. 


See Fermor. 
Stolnik 


bee wh. 974. 

, Postmaster-General, 280. 
. resignation of, 274. 
Ponsonbys, the, 403. 

Poor. resolutions and advice upon 

& statute touching the relief of 
Pe the, 76-78. 


"P^ Adam, receiver for Duchy of 
Lancaster, 69. 
Alexander, xiv. 
Cecilia, 42. 
Miss, at Drury Lane, 179. 
John, 42. 
Seyhiva, 42. 
Popham, Sir John, Lord Chief Jus- 
tice, 76. 
Popish recusants, 100, 117, 141. 
* Porearius," 33. 
Porcupine, H.M.S., 162. 
Poroditch, Thomas, ‘of Batheley, 106. 
Porte, the Sublime, 219. 
promises subsidy to Sweden, 292. 
Porten, Sir Stanier, 375, 











Porter : 
Frances, 92. 
Henry le le, 7, 9 i 9, 16. 
Alicia; wife of, 7. 


John, of Suffield, 98. 
; of Bylaugh, 91. 
Thom 


92. 

William, of Foxley, 92. 
Portland, Duke of. See Bentinck. 
Portland, H.M.S., 139. 
Portsmouth, 156, 161. 

Hessians sail from, 290. 

letters dated, 411. 
Portsmouth, H.M.S., 199. 
Portugal, trade with Ireland, 400. 
Possicke, Possewyk or Posswic : 

swans at, 121. 

John de, 11. 

John, clericus de, 13. 
Post letters, 148, 163. 171, 178. 
Potemkin, Prince, 435. 





50. 


Mr., a merchant in Lon- 


of | 


495 


Potter (Fottore Potere) : 


199 
Denier General James, his 
pro to the soldiers of 
the Pennsylvanian line, 382, 
388. 
Ralph le, 38. 
Robert le, 38. 
Potta: 
John, of Mannington, 104. 
Sir John, ibid., 101 
Sir 141. . 
Roger, 123, 124. 
Bir Roger, 135, 136, 137. 
Pounde, Thomas, 5 . 
Povere, John le 
, Powell, Elizabe th. 98 
Powerscourt, 390. 
Fowis, Ear! of. See Herbert. 
ownall, Mr., 260, 261. 
Poynings Law. 363, 364, 391, 909, 


“a ed tub,” 399. 
Poynter Andrew, of Bintry, 91. 
Praed, Humphry Mackworth, 173. 
Praedomes, nch officers in the 
service of the Colonies called, 300. 
Praslin (Prálin), Duc de, 219, '950. 
piiate's Mill," swan kept at, 122. 
ra 
Charles, 1st Baron Camden, Lord 
Chancellor, 272, 988. 
Chief Justice, 250. 
William, of Gt. Witchingham, 


Prattant, Humphry, of Lammas, 104. 

Re Robert 

Preist. See Dict. 

Prente, Henry, $7. 

Pres (the tenement), 60. 

| Presbyterians in Ireland, 491, 424. 

Presentments to manor courts, speci- 
mens of, 6-10, 21-28. 

Presteroft, at Horsham, 7. 


Preston : 
d candidate 
— Norwic 242. 
Jacob. Capt. Ist (militia) Foot, 


Mrs., dau. to Lady Hobart, 143, 
Thomas, Ensign, Ist (militia) 





for 


oot, 
Pretender the. See James-Francis 
Edward. 
his son. See Charles Edward. 
Prettyman, Thomas, Norfolk Militia. 


Price, William, 145. 
Prices, lists of, 199, 163. 
Prichard, a great rogue, at Utrecht, 


Prideaux, Dean, x., note. 
Priest or Preist 
Giles, of Wayborne, 107. 
Martha, of Hempstead, 107. 
Pr: o obert of Roughton, 98. 
e: 
"Beatrice, 24. 
Beside 26. 


496 


Primrose, Robert, of Southrepps, 98. 

Prince Palatin of Russia. See 
Csartoryski. 

Prince Régimentaire. See M 

Prince William e 

Princesse Anne, H 

Princeton, 382. 

Prior, Matthew, quoted, 190. 


Prisman, tain, . 
ore ds 138. 


Pritchard, 
Privateers : 
American, 300, 378. 


247, 218. 
of bishops infringed, 247. 
Privy Council : 
action of. in relation to the em- 
bargo | of corn, 2606,. 267. 
, order of (1145) "148. 


289. 
in Ireland, 371. 
Privy Garden. See London. 
Privy Seal Office, “a sinecure for 
Mr. Pitt,” 263. 
Proby, John Joshua, 2nd Baron 
Carysfort, an Irish minister, 426. 
Protestant Dissenters, address to the 
Lord Lieutenant, 377. 
Protestants in Ireland, 895, 424, 432. 
Provence, Aix 
Provost [of Edinburgh], Stewart, 
the, taken prisoner, 152. 
Prussia : . 
alliance of. with Russia, xv. 
King of. See Frederic IT. 
and Poland, 282, 293, 435. 
Prussian : 
Ambassador, 210. 
cloth in Russia, 224. 22b. 
subsidy, 244. 
Pruth, the river, uM 
Przemysl (Poland), 204 
Puffendorf, 300. 
Pultene ‘William, Earl of Bath, 157, 
Purland: 
Alice, of Warham, 115. 
Jeremiah, 115 
Robert, 115. 
Putton, George, 112. 
Puttocke : 


es, 14. 

ward, of Belough, 102. 

Pyan, William, 18. 

Pycot Richard, 21. 

Pye, Thomas 

Pygotte, Margaret, 
arrow, 70. 

Pyke, John, 109. 

Pyle, Robert, 115. 

Pyllecrowe or Pillecrowe : 








3 


of 


Prioress 


Willem de, 10. 
; Hugh, son of, 10. 


—— ee — ——— ———— — - 


INDEX. 


Q 


Quakers 7° Ireland, address from, 


at Norwich, politics of, 242. 
Quaker Kotch, ship, 140. 
Qualissal, ‘ae de, 28. 


Quebec : 

siege of, 

Queen. 8 Pat sher'ff of, 
ueensberry (ucensberough). Duke 
of. See Douglas. 

Quidenham (Norfolk), bought by 

Lord Albemarle, 251. 
Sir John Holland ‘of, IX. 
Quin : 
Dr., in Ireland, 390, 427, 433. 
Dr. Charles, in ' Ireland, 497. 
Quyit : 
John, 48. 
le, John, 48. 
R 


Rackheath (Rakheythe), (Norfolk): 
Great, church of, 52. 
Little, ibid, 52. 
Rednor, Farl of 1(776). See Pleydell- 
Bouverie. 


| Radsiwil, Prince Miecznik of Lithu. 


ania, Palatin of Wilna, 192, 
193, 194, 209, 218, 214; 218, 
919. 282. C ki, 199. 

op ses the sartoryski, 19 
94. 


Rainstord General, embarks for Leg- 
rn, 407. 

Rake, », He enry 

khoythe." p Rackheath. 


Ralph 
abbot of of Langley, 160. 
the baker 

rector of Keswick, 67. 

son of Lady Ulviva de Itering- 


ham, 49. 
William, son of, 17. 
Ramilies, 74, gun ship, 850. 
6 Rampant Horse ? (inn), the, 129. 
Ramsey, John, 105. 





John, 83. 
Eansome, —, a candidate for the 
mastorship of Wymondham school 








INDEX. 497 
Rant: Regiments—cont. 
Sir Thomas, of Thorpe Market, Grenadiers, 336. 
99. Earl of Halifax’s, 151. 
Sir William, 124, 127, 132, 133, Militia. See Militia. 
141, 142. “The Law," 154. 
raises troop (1090), 142. 8rd, 373. 
William, of Thorpe Market, 99. llth, 394 
Ravenshall (Norfolk), 62. 19th, 378. 
Ravensworth, Lord (1778). See h, 394, 395, 378. 
Liddell. d, 399. 
Rawdon, Lord (1781), 407 S6th. 315 
in North America, 388. 52nd, 324 
Rawlyns manor, in Suffolk, gs G3rd, 324 
Raylye, William, of Twyford, 95 68th, 394. 
Raymer, Thomas, of Bylaugh, 91. 81st, 356, 362. 


Raymond or Raimond: 
Nephew of Bertram the Prior, 


Prior of St. Faith’s, 11, 19. 
Rayner, Thomas, 110. 
Raynesthorp manor of, Keswick, 66, 
Raynham (1 (Norfolk), 128, 129. 


Robert, of Stiffkey, 114. 
Thomas, ibid, 114. 
Reaver, Thomas, 114. 
Rebellion : 
(Scots) of 1639, 86. 
the, of 1745, 148-161. 
, news of the battle of Fal- 
kirk, 157. 
Recruits, Inspector of (Ireland), 354. 
Red Squadron, 187. 
Redgrave, free school at, charter of, 


Redham Hall, manor of, 54. 
Redmayne, Dr. Robert, letter from, 





ham, Geoffrey 
Reepham fham, an cum 
Kerdest eeton (Cardeston) (Nor- 
Ok) : 


landooners i in, 94. 
manor of, 44. 
pham: 

P ohn de, 42, 73. 
Reginal de, 42. 
Roger de, 42. 


Reflection, H. M. S., 138. 
Regency, the, under George III., 
437. 


Regiment 
Athol 
848. 


Carabineers, 314. 

Duke of Bedford's, 151. 

Blue Horse. 369. 

lst Horse, $14. 

Bose’s Hessian, 338. 

Dragoons : 

——, Lord Pembroke’s, 297. 
—, Queen n at Norwich, 269. 


— Toth, 305. 
— —, 18th 342. 
——.” 18th, 300. 324, 333, 394. 


17118 


' Highlanders, 330, 331, 


oo “SSS SA ——námad 


Regiments, 
810, 3 
Reginald. son of Walter, 26. 
Regrating, crime of, 
Reily, Thomes, 144 
Reinham : 
Alan de, 18. 
John de, 18. 
Rendall, 119. 
Rendle, John de, 74. 
Rendlesham, Robert chaplain of, 13 
Rente, Robert, 24. 
Repnin, Prince, 218. 
Repps, John, 132. 
Repton. See Rippon Hall. 
Rescht (Persia), 235. 
Reserve, H.M.8., 139. 
Restauration, H.M.S., 138. 
Retz, Cardinal de, 220. 
Revall (Esthonia), 
Reveshale. See Rvochale. 
Revolution, the, of 1688, 132, et seq. 
Reymer, John, 92, 98. 
; widow of, 98. 
William, 92, 
Reyner, Thomas, Naval Commander, 


Reynolds : 
John, clerk, 98. 
Robert. captain, 138. 
ger "Norfolk Militia 126. 
Roy E Thomas, clerk, 
Rhode Island, 305. 
Rhodope, 495. 


» proposals for raising, 





the parson of Blickling, 26. 
Lor Prior of Horsham, 5. 
the parson's servant, 98. 
Robert son of. 19. 
son of Adam, Thomas and Ralph, 
sons of, 26. 
son of Henry Fitz-Simon de 
London, 41. 
de Marsham, 41. 
son of Simon, 89. 
Richards, John, 192. 
Richardson. his chancery suit, 75. 
Riches, Nicholas, . 
Richmon, Richard, 112. 


2I 


498 


Richmond: 205. 

in relation to Thames naviga- 

tion, 341, 342. 

letters dated trom, 439. 
Richmond: 

Duchess of, 167, 168. 

Duke of. See Lennox. 
Richmond, H. M. 5 99. 
Rideont Georg e, 
Rid sell Cod. P Sparham, 94. 


Cuthbert, 145. 
William, "145. 
Riga, 185, 188, 222. 
trade with, 227. 238. 237. 


Rigby: 
r., conduct in House of Com- 
mons 

Richard, E 279-282, 285. 
succeeds Bilis, 245. 
Right little writ of (close), 23. 
Rikhill, William, 52. 
Ringail, widow, 110. 
Ringer, Christopher, 114. 
Ringland, landowners in. 94. 
Ringstead, John, 117. 





Riots: 
at Bath, 369. 
at Boston (N.A.), 291. 
the Gordon, 336-369. 


at Nottingham, 369. 
Norwich (corn), 267-271. 
on account of the malt tax, 147, 
Rippon or Ripton Hall (Ripetuna). 
See Hevingham. 
Risbrough, Thomas, 101. 
Riveshal or Rivyshall. 


ha 
Roach, Jeremiah, 139. 
Roberson, Robert. captain, 138. 
Robert : 


the cook, 40. 

parson of the charch of Great 
Rakheythe, 52. 

pincerna, 41. 

Ralph. son of, 37. 

Sacerdos de Tirnigges, 17. 

the parson's servant, $7. 

the tanner. 48 

Roberts : 

Francis, 108, 111. 

Colonel, at Dublin, 320. 

Mr. J. a secretary of the 
Treasury 


256. 
Mr., chaplain to Coke family, 
320. 


Robins 
Richard, 103, 104. 


See Ryves- 


Thomas, 108 
Robinson : 
Captain, 150. 
General, returns from New 
or 
Henry. captain. 199. 
John, 
Mr., ‘90. 
Dr. Richard, archbishop of 
Armagh. Lord Primate 


Ireland, 298, 379. 


INDEX. 


Robust, the, ship, 407, 409. 
| Robyn, John, 49. 
' Robyns, Thomas, 64. 


| Rocelin, William, son of, 17. 


| 


| Ro 


Roche : 
Sir Boyle, 379. 
Lady, 379. 
Rochelle [La], 161. 
Rochford, Lord (1779). 
de Zulestein 
Rochfort, George, 2nd Earl of Bel- 
vedere, 378, 442. 
letter from, 314, 378. 
Rockingham, Marquis of. See Went- 
worth. 
Rodney, Admiral Sir G., 361, 362, 
366, 396-100, 402, 405, 410. 


See Nassau 


ger : 
Archdeacon, 40. 
bishop of Norwich. 


ning. 
Master, 12. 
Robert son of, 15. 
Robert son of, Lord of Wark- 
worth, 11. 
son of Simon de Birston, 49. 


See Sker- 


William, Éderman of Norwich, 


William, 139. 

Rogues, Statute of, orders under, 
made at Tlmynster the llth of 
April (1600 circ.) to be confirmed 
at the sessions, &c., 78. 

Rokels Lyttebar, manor of, 65. 

Roland, son of William the priest, 


10. 
Rolfe, Mrs. Mary, of Tuttington, 
105. 


, his work on literature, 


Rolls, the, 152. 


| Roman Catholics : 


of ' 


1 


See Papists. 
in Ireland. See Ireland, 
Romanshoff, General, 434-436. 
Romburge Priory, a cell of St. 
Mary's at York. 57 
me, 
Rook, Rear-Admiral George, 137. 


Rookwood : 
Margaret, of Weston, 95. 
Thomas, 95 


Pr. a brother of Mr. Coke, at 
Dublin, . 
Richard, 109. 
William, 109. 
Roscommon, Baron, title of, re- 


quested, 








Rose 
Andrew, of Antingham, 97. 
Roger, 25. 
Ross. Marl of (1778). See Gore. 
Ross, Major, of the 81st, 356. 
Rostock (Mecklenburg), 231. 


Roughton (Norfolk), landowners in, 
98, 99. 


Rounce, Dennis, of Cromer, 97. 
Thomas, captain, 140. 

Rowland. Mr., at Edgfeild, 111. 

Roxburgh, Duke of (1767). 


Royal Charles, H.M.S., 117. 
Royal Oak, H.M.S., 1 
Royston, Lord. See Yorke. 


Rozamowsky, Alexis Grigorievitch. 


Count, 186. 


Cyril Grigorievitch, Hetman of 


the Cossacks, 184. 
Rozan (Poland), nuncio of, 195. 
Ruby, H.M.S., 139. 
Rudham: 

Ralf de, capellanus. 16. 

Geoffroy de, 19. 
Ruellennus, 46. 
Ruffus : 

Osmund, 40. 

Richard, 41. 

Stephan, ibid. 
Rugge Thomas, 98. 
Rum from West Indies, 307. 
Rungeton, the vill of, 73. 
Runham, manor, 54. 
Rupert, H.M.S., '139. 


Running dogs, liberties to keep, 29. 


Runseye, Roger, 81. 
Runton, lan owners in, 100. 
Rupert, H.M.S. 


upert, Prince, P testimonial by, 


117. 
Russel or Russell : 


Admiral Edward, afterwards 


Earl of Orford, 137. 
Elizabeth, 108. 


Francis, 4th Earl of Bedford, 
84, 85. 


Francis, Marquis of Tavistock, 
afterwards 5th Duke of Bed- 


ford, 429, 442 


Francis, Marquis of Tavistock, 
married Lady Elizabeth Kep- 
185 


pel, . 
John, 4th Duke of Bedford, 151, 


172, 185, 277-285. 


——, protests against repeal of 


Stamp Act, 260, 261 
his re iment, 151. 
Thomas, 1 





Will'am, a citizen of Norwich, 


William, 18, 19. 
Russells, Robert, 101. 


Russia oo woe. à (passim), 246, 250, 
" Aavantitions ‘trength " of. 871. 


company. 222-231. 


college of commerce, 226, 227. 


{ 


INDEX. 499 


Russia—cont. 
Court of, ambassadors’ expenses 
at, 244, 255. 


Czar of. See Iwan and Peter. 

Embassy to, Lord Buckingham- 
shire's, 170-192, 246, 371, 406. 

Empress of. See Anne, 
Catherine II. Elizabeth. 

English treaty of alliance with, 
218, 237, 3/1. 

——, treaty of commerce with, 
218, 222-232, 287. 

—-, , of 1716 (projected), 
224 





——, ——, of 1734, 222, 993. 
294. 996-939. 
, of 1767, 232. 








Grand Duke of. See Paul. 

grievances of English merchants 
in, 223-228, 237. 

, in 1732, 295. 

mediation of, 404-406. 

negotiations ‘of, with Poland, 
197- 199, 205-209, 213-214. 

Prince Palatin of (in Warsaw), 
218. 

preparing for war (1773), 292. 

senate of, 

trade with. xiv.. xv., 222-237, 
309. 


, Lord Buckinghamshire’s 

papers relating to, 222-237. 
trade grievances of, against 

England, 232, 233. 
Vice-chancellor of. See Galitzin. 

Russian : 

auxiliary troops proposed for 

erican war, 295. 

customs, 177. 

exports to Britain, 223, 284, 237. 

policy in Poland and Courland, 
195-212. 

ports, list of ships at (1762), 233 

troops refused quarter in Poland, 
196, 197. 

, in Lithuania, 212. 
uniforms, cloth for, 224, 230. 
weddings, descriptions of, 180- 

183, 189, 213. 

Russians, the: 171. 178. 
at war with Turks, 292. 
exaggerated victories of, 435. 
in Pomerania, 191. 

Rust, Will, 6, 8. 

Rustens or Rusteyns (manor). See 

Wymondham. 

Rut, Henry, 39. 

Ruthyn, Lord de. See Grey. 

Rutland, Duke of. See Manners. 

Rye (Ry), honour of, 36, 37. 

Rydel. Geoffrey, 16. 

Ryder, Thomas, 146. 











| Ryffeham. See Reepham. 
Rygeday, Mavcarct. 16. 


Rynouse, Robert, 20. 
Ry ptonhall. See Rippon Hall, 


500 INDEX. 


Ryssley, Prior John, 20. 
Rystone, Thomas de, 22 
Ryther : 

Joanna wife of John, 44. 


William, “AA, 
Ryveshale or Reveshale, Riveshal 
(Suffolk) : 
deeds relating to, 16, 73. 
Henry de, miles, 16. 
John, his son, 16. 
John de, 
Sir J ohn, T 
Ryvishallmerke, 17. 


S 


Saba (West Indies), taken 386. 
Sackville or Sakeville : 
Jordan de, 49 
Lionel Cranteld, lst Duke of 
Dorset, 148, 57. 
Sir Richard, '"P.C. 
Thomas, Eerl of Doosot, 67. 
Sade, Thomas, 88. 
Sadleir, R. Vernon, 878. 
Sadler, Thomas, 104. 
Sage, Captain, R.A., 410. 
Saint: 
Albans, H.M.S., 189. 
Andrews Hall. See Norwich. 
Audomerus. See Omer. 
Benedict, order of, 20. 
Botolph, ' vill, 28. 
Domingo, 251. 
Dunstan's. See Saxthorpe. 
Edmunds, sacrist of, 
Eustatia (West Indies) 907. 


tak x 
Faith's : 
(See 1 o Horsham St. 
Faith’s.) 
near Norwich, 269. 
Hoa eid, 19 chaplain of, 17. 


ae ind. 
Geo Philip, ibid, 17. beaut : 
rs., a beauty a 
FT 493 





George’s "hes ael 890 

George, fort (Calcutta), 150. 
George (ship), 150. 

Giles. See Norwich. 

Giles in the Fields, Middlesex, 


Helena, 150. 

Hue, George 

Ives Cane) S546. 179. 

. election at, 179, 265. 
James. (See London.) 








John, Lord, 84. 

—, Oliver, Earl of Boling- 
broke (Bullingbroke), 88 

——, Frederick, Sound Viscount 
Bolingbroke, 260 261. 

t Bath x1v., his pro- 

. Peng at Twickenham, 146. 

anulph de, 47. 
J ohnstown Woxtord), borough 





Laurence: 
Thomas, Lord Howth, 406. 
——, his gen, 
Leger, Leger Aldworth, 
Lord Daneraile 379. 
Lucia (West Indies), taking of, 


Malo, privateer from, 162. 
Martin : 
' le Bailey. See Norwich. 
William de, 1 
Martin (West indies), 386 
, taken, 4 
Mary’s. See Tintern and York. 
Michael, H.M.8., 138. 
Michael, Berstreet. See Nor. 
wich. 
Olave's : 
Southwark, a messuage in, 


56. 
Norwich. See Norwich. 
Omer, Thomas, 11. 
Patrick : 
new order of, 419. 
——, chanoellorship of, 386. 


"s 


Cathedral, repair of, (1632), 


Denn of. See Cumberland 
and Litchfield. 
Paul, Henry de, 16. 
Petersburg, VI., XIV., ii 21: 


22 ; dim 

249-951 eed, 404: 

406, 413. 

——, Earl of Buckingham- 
shire’s embassy at, XIV., 


XVI. 
——, Consul General at, 





XVI., 192. 

court of, 174, 180, 
188, 219, 871. 

connection of, with 
| Berlin, 191. 


—, exports in 1762, from, 
284. 


im . 
—À, tethers dated. 178-190, 
954 


——, ‘merchants’ petition 
from, 282-233. 
— —, Seasons at, 181, 182. 


188. 
, summer palace at, 186. 
Phillip’s (Minorca), 407. 
Wein, rif 936 (Ireland), chancellor- 


Woolston’s. See Dublin. 








INDEX. 501 
Sakor, alias Parker, Alice, 58. Saxthorpe—cont. 
Sakeville. See Sackville. landowners in, 104. 
Salisbury: 43, BU. Legate mill in, 47. 
Bishop | of. See Askew and Lound mill in, 47. 
manors in: 
Sall Seule” or Salle) (Norfolk) : Lound hall, 45, 46, 52, 56. 
148, Mickelhalle or Micklehall, 
church at, vu. 45, 46, 56. 
landowners in, 94. rolls. of, "45-46. 


Robert de, 76 

Roger de, 48. 

John de, ee 

Warin de 
Sallamander, HM. S., 140. 
Salmon, James, 139. 
Sait, rant of, at Malteby, 13. 
Saltash, corporation of, 332. 
Salter, "Thomas, 116. 
Salthouse (Salthausen), landowners 

in, 107, 111. 

Salve: 


' 2. 
Cecily 
Salway, Fs ora, letter dated, 


Salwey, Richard, 89. 

Sam and Henry, H.M.S., 139. 
Sambour Poland), 216. 
Sampson, H.M 
Sandford, Colonel, 325 354, 879. 
Sandwich, Farl of. ys Montagu. 
Sandwich, H.M.S., 137. 

Sandy, Hook, the Halifax armament 


296. 
Sandys Samuel, 1st Lord of Omber- 
sley an 157. 
Santee, R. North America, 388. 
Saphire, E M.S., 139. 
Sapieha, Palatiz of Polock, elected 
‘petit général’ of Poland, 198. 
Saratoga, à 315, 316. 
Sartine, de, French minister of 
the Marine, 299. 
Saule. See Sall. 
Saunders: 
family of, 344. 
Grove (co. Wicklow), 345. 
Morley, sheriff of Queen's 
"vg peerage solicited for, 


Saunterson Captain, 140. 

Savere, Ralph E 6, 9 

Savile, Sir e, 248. 

Saxlingham (Norfolk), 121. 
landowners in, 

Saxony, xv., 209. 
Augustus III. of. See Angustus 

King of Poland. 
Charles Christian of. See Charles 
Christian. 

court of, 210. 
and Courland. See Courland. 
trade of, with St. Petersburg, 


, 4, 45, 57, 69, 129. 
'relating to, 4, 46-57. 
free chapel of St. Dunstan's at, 


4, 55, 56. 
“Gate Mille” in, 50. 


| 


Mucolelond in, 47. 

dersty " in, 4, 54. 
private chapel at, 4, 50. 
rentals of, 46. 
view of frank ledge in, 45. 
Sen William de, chaplain, 49. 


Y Sir John, 66. 
Koger, Lord, at Wymondham, 63. 
Sayer, Nicholas, Norfolk militia, 


Severs, Thomas, 108. 
Schade, Thomas, 39. 

Scales, Lord, Chief Steward of the 
manor of Aylsham Lancaster, 67. 
Scambler or Scamler: 

James, 105, 112. 

Mr., at Wolterton, XII. 

Thomas, 104. 
Scarborougl h, Earl of. 
Scarning Skerning), 440 
Scarsdale, Lord. Se Curzon. 
Scatclyn, "Geoffrey, 49 
Sceget. See Schechet. 
Scepter, H.M.S., 139. 
Scethi oh, the vill of. 


Ps Lumley. 


See Setchey. 


39, 
Schechet (or HO Ralph de, 12, 


Schet or Sceth. See Sket. 
Schipper, Adam le, 18. 
Seb irlok, Mariota, wife of William, 


Schomberg, Sir A., 379. 
chroeders, Lt. Colonel, 
Russia in Courland, 

Schuyler, General ,in Americs, 815. 
once, Edmund, 93. 

Scotch corps to be raised (1778), 326. 

Scothoch. See Scottowe 

Scotland: 147, 148, 149, 150, 155, 


treeplanting in the Highlands 
of, 322. 
attitude of, towards Irish trade, 


5 22707 of 


Scott: 
| Henry. 8rd Duke of Buccleugh, 


John, Attorney General of Ire- 
land, afterwards Lord Clon- 

mell, 858, 359, 363. 

Jonas, 115. 

Scottowe  (Skottowe, Skothowe, 

Skothoch or Scothoch (Nor- 

folk), 44, 427, 442. 

deeds relating to, 72. 

landowners in, 105. 


502 INDEX. 
Scottowe : Shepereve, a, 74. 
Gervase, merchant of 15. Shepheard, Robert, 106. 


Robert, ‘the clerk of, 
Stephen de, 24. 
Thomas, 145. 
William, 108. 

W.. 45 


Scots, I advance money ” 
(1656), 88 
Seroope, Thomas, bishop of Dromore, 


Scroutby (Norfolk), 54. 


Scule (or Escole): 13. 
John, 16. 
Robert, son of, 13, 15, 17, 19. 
Simon, '16. 18. 
Walter. 19. 


William, son of, 13. 15, 17. 
Senlt horpe (Skulthorpe), 59. 
Scyet, Richard, 42. 
Seabourn, Thomas, 121. 
Seaforth, Earl of. See Mackenzie. 
Sealth: 
Robert, of Wood Dawling, 96. 
William ibid., 
Senton, William, 
315. 
Secheford, Geofrey de, 19. 
Sedley, Thomas, of Bacton. 94. 
Seebright, Lady, 178. 
Sefred, Robert son of, 13. 


of Walsingham, 


Selot, John, 55, 56. 
Selwyn : 
George, latter from, 438. 
r., 148. 
Semann : 
the smith, Beatrice wife of, 2 


Thomas. clerk, of f Blickling, 29 
Semendria (Servia), 4 36. 
Somigalle or SE (with Cour- 


land), Duchy 108, 99, 204, 
205, 206, 209, 215. See also Cour- 
land. 

Sorasquier, the, in command of 
Turkish army, 435. 


Sotchey (Scethich), deed relating to, 


Serigham Ralph de, 10. 
Severn, River, 

Seymour, Sir Edward, 261. 
Shackle, "Thomas, of Great Witching- 


ham 
Shah | Nadir. Sce Persia. 
Shakerley, Rowland, 56 
Shannon, Earl of. See Boyle. 
Sharrington, landowners in, 109. 
Shaxton, Lucy, 
Shaw : 
Mr., his proposals for a Gaclic 
Dictionary ; 
Mr.. of Kast Barsham, 142, 
Richard, a Popish recusant, 100. 
Shelburne, Earl of. ee Petty. 
Shelley, Mr. J.. 273 
Shelton : 
Charles, Captain, 188. 
Ralph do, 52, 53. 
Shemakha a (Cancasia), 224. 


to the : 


Shepherd, Tom, of Drogheda, 386. 
Sheringham (Norfolk), 142. 
landowners in, 100, 101. 
Sherinton, 112. 
Sherwood, Anne, 100, 116. 
Shiel, James, 379. 
Shillinge, W'iliam, 102. 
Shinkwyn, Mar aret, 93. 
Shirley, Washington, 
Ferrers, 


5th Earl 


| Short, [W illiam] ; 


° Sel 
214 


rector of Bor 3 346. 
letter to, 347. 
letters from, 333, 370. 
Shortgrove, George Grenvilie’s visit 
at, 262. 


Shorting: 
Widow, 108. 
Thomas, 106. 


Shotesham or Shottisham (Norfolk), 


449, 

letter dated, 294. 

All Saints, 145. 
Shovell, Sir Cloudesley. 138. 
Shropham (Norfolk), 145. 
Shuter, Mr., at Covent-Garden, 179. 
Siberia, 208, 
Sidestrand No), landowners in. 


a Pole, attack upon, 213, 


Sigar. Siger, Syger: 
of Oulton, 47. 

. Robert son of, 47, 49. 
Thomaa, 50. 

Sill, Major, 324. 

Sillmott, Captain, 139. 

Simenol, Robert, 50. 

Simolin, M. de, Russian Counsellor 
of State, sequestrates lands and 
revenues of the Duke of Courland. 
195-197. 

Simon, Richard the son of, 89. 

Skeet. Thomas, Norfolk militia, 117, 
126. 

Skerning, Roger de, Bishop of Nor- 

wich, 
See also Scarning. 

Skerret, Myles, 97. 

Sket (Scl: et Soeth) : 

Richard, 18. 19. 
Robert, de Erpingham, 22. 
William. de Einford, 16. 

Skeyton, landowners in, 105. 

Skilling. Edmond, of Reepham, 94. 

Skippon, Philip, of Foulsham, noted 





as “ultra mare,” rx., 91. 
Skothowe = or Skottowe. Sec 
Scottowe. 


Skut, of Iteringham, 47 


Sky pyng, John, 24, 25, - 96. 


Slade load, in the Fen Countr y, 165. 
Slatina (Slavonia), 436. 
Sligo, 389. 
Sloane, Hans, 360, 362, 378. 
letter from, 362. 











INDEX. 503 
Sloninola (Poland), 1 | Spain, 937, 106, 113. 434. 
Smallpox, the, called the ‘Smalls,’ critical state of affairs in, 272. 
182. Spaniards, defeat of, 159. 


159, 
Smith, Smyth or Smythe: 
Andrew le, 43. 
Dame Alice, of Corpusty cum 
Irmi and, 108. 
ME TR r, 329, 330 


Walsingham, al 5. 
Geoffrey, the, 49. ° 
John, clerk, of Runton 100. 
, of Supring, 115. 

, of Antingham, 81, 82, 

Martha, 101. 

Ralph, the, 42. 

Richard, 103. 

Robert, 103, 104. 

Sarra, 42. 

Thomas, 35, 36, 100, 102, 108. 

William, 103, 132. 

William, letter from, 163, 

See also Faber. 

Smyrna Merchant, H.M.S., 139. 
Smvthdon, Hundred of. 81. 
Snetesham, William de, 53. 
Snoring, Great (Norfolk), landowner 


, 332. 
. letter from, 289. 
ph. 98. 


Henry, 101. 
Samuel, 101. 
Somerset : 
corn riots in, 271. 
Poor Law in, 77-80.. 
Somerset, Henry, 5th Duke of Beau- 
ort, 348 











Somerton, "West, deed relating to, 


74. 

Sorrell, John, chief constable, 105. 
106. 

Sosnoffsky, Grand Notary 
Lithuania, 220. 

Soukis. William, 33. 


Souldadaes, H. M.S.. 140. 
South Sea 'stock, 149, 150, 153, 157. 
Southampton, 276, 360. 
letters dated. 276. 342. 360, 362. 
Southerton, Thomas, 132. 
Southgate, Anne, of Elsing, 91. 
Southrepps, landowners in, 98, 
Southwark (Surrey), 54, 55. 
Southwell : 
Major, A.D.C. to the Lord Licu- 
tenant, 
Sir Richard, 57, 74. 
the flocks of, 74. 
Richard. 55, 56. 
alias D’Arcy, 74 
Southwood. or Suthrede. "deed relat- 
ing to, 71. 
Souverayne, H.M.S., 138, 
Spa, 246, 301, 390. 
letters dated, 314, 434, 435. 
Hans Stanley at, 301. 





142. 
Edmund, doctor of physick, of : 


attitude of, in 1780, 363. 
Spanish : 
Ambassador , Marquis D'Alma- 


dovar), 35 
coast, dia i 
embass , 271, 272. 


man of war taken, 962. 
* Spanish Charles." See Townshend. 


' Sparham (Norfolk), arms seized at, 
45. 


= — —— —— - 


= — — — = -— pn 


xm., 142, 1 
landowners in, 94. 
Sparrow, Robert, of Foulsham, 92. 
Speclewood, 308. 


Spelman, Spilman : 


Lord Charles, 983. 

Robert, 141. 
Spendlowe or Spendluue : 

Edmund 

John, 165. 

William, 41. 
Spenser (Despenser, Spencer), Henry 

le, Bishop of Nozwich, 4, 21, 31. 

Spey, the, 159. 
Spice Islands (East Indies), 386 
Spirall, W:lliam, . 
Spirits, English and Irish duty on, 
Spitlehowses, parishes rated for, 77. 
Spithead, 305, P330. 
Spixworth (Spykeswth), Norfolk, 16. 


. Spole, Matilda 


of : 


| 


Spooner, John, of Holkham, 113. 
Sporell. See Spurrell. 

Sporle, John, 114. 

Sporne : 


Alice, 115. 
Matthew, 115. 
Richard, "114, 


108. 
William, 101, 103. 166. 


Spra 
"Admiral, 117. 
Thomas. Captain, 140. 


Spratt, John, 86. 
Springall, Richard, 91, 96. 
Spye, Margaret, daughter of Simon, 


Spykeswth. See Spixworth. 
Squilla, a dissertation on the. 438. 
Stafford : 

Lord. See Howard. 

John, Archbishop of Canterbury. 


Stafford. ship, 150. . 
Staffordshire, 288, 337. 
Stag, The, H.M.S., 390. 


504 


Staingrim, Staingrin, Taingrin or 


Steingrim : 
Archdeacon of Norwich, 41. 
—— of Corpusty, 47. 
——, Edward, son of, 47. 
——, Roger, son of, 47. 


Stallam :' 
Roger de, 13. 
Willi e, 15 


Stamford, Countess of (1706), 144. 
Stampe, George, 118. 
Standforth, Henry, 107. 
Stanford, John de, 19. 
Stanhope, William, Ist Earl of 
Harrington, 148, 155-157. 

Staninghall (Stanighale) : 

William de, 16. 

Ralph de, 18. 
Stanislaw (Poland), 220. 
Stanley : 

Edward, 12th Earl of Derby, 


924. 
Hans, 172, 241, 245, 249, 288, 
362 


'in Anticipation,” 341. 
, his estates, . 
, letters from, 286, 299. 
, letter to 172. 
offer of Spanish Embassy 
to, 272 


, dies at Althorp, 361. 
James Smith, Lord Strange, 249. 
Chancellor of Duchy of 

Lancaster, 245. . 
Stanwick (Northamptonshire), letter 
dated, 15. 
Staples : 


Mr., at Dublin, 421. 
Starling : 

John, Norfolk militia, 125. 

bert, 
Starre, John, 99. 
Staten Island, letter dated, 295. 
Statutes. See Acts. 
' Steble, the parish, at Beer, 347. 
Steedman, —, 110. | 
Steingrim or Stengrim. See Stain- 
grim. 

Stephens : 

Captain, 150. 

Captain James, 150. 
Sterling Castle, H.M.S., 138. 
Steward : 

Captain, 150. 

Michael, 88. 
Stewart : 

James, in Irish House of Com- 


mons, . 
William, of Sall, 94. 
—, the Provost, in custody in 


London, 152. 
Stifkey (Norfolk), 





? 





we 


landowners in, 


Stileman or Styleman: 
Jôhn, 110, 114. 
| Nicholas 124. 
Stirling, Lord (1777. See Aloxander. 


INDEX. 


Stody or Hunworth, 
folk), 344. 

Btody or Studdy, 144. 
landowners in, 107. 

Stóffel, Lieut.-General, 219. 

Stoke, 151, 250. 
letter dated, 291. 

Stokes, John, Prior of St. Faiths. 


Stone, Dr. George, Archbishop of 
Armagh, Primate of Ireland, 254. 
Stopford : 
Edward, 378. 
James, 2nd Earl of Courtown, 
i 


Storer, Mr., 375. 
Storh, Matthew de, 47. 
Stormont or Stourmont : 


y; . 

Lord Visoount. See Murray. 
Stotton, Timothy, 93. 
Stoughton, Thomas, of Lyng, 93. 
Stourbridge (Stirbridge), Cambridge- 

Shire, expenses at Fair, 129. 

Stowe, 262, 283, 277, 278, 280. 

letters dated, 262. 
Strachey, Rev. John, letter fzom, 


Strafford, Earl of. See Wentworth. 

Strange [Lord]. See Stanley. 

Strangers, presentment for enter- 
taining, 6 

Stratford : 

Benjamin O'Neal, process de- 
signed against, in the King's 
Bench, 340. 

Edward, Earl of Aldborough, 


——-, letters from, 338, 340, 344. 
Stratton (Strathonne,  Straton): 

(Norfolk), 42, 43, 44, 78. 

church of, 78. 

deeds relating to, 73. 

letter dated, 322. 

manor of, 7 8. 

(Strawless or Strayless, 
folk), xm. 

landowners in, 


105. 
(Staffordshire), Miss Conolly, of, 


Stratton : 
John, son of Philip de, 42. 
John Phiilip, of, 73. 
Stred, Matthew de, 17. 
Streit or Streyt: 
er, 


Ralph, 38. 
Strong, William, letter from, 165. 
Strumshote fen, swans at, 121. 
Strus, Dominus Johannis de, 19. 
Stuart : 

John, 3rd Earl of Bute, 171. 

173, 174, 250, 265, 285. 
Mackenzie (McKensie), James, 


Stubbs, yacht, 140. 


Nor- 


INDEX. 


Studdy. See Stody. 

Sturmer or Sturman, Henry, 54. 
Styleman. See Stileman. 
Styntone, manor of, 47. 

Styth : 


Roger, 71. 
| Thomas, of Witchingham, 96. 
Subsidy men, 77. 
Subsidies egtrente E 89-117. 


Successe, 
Sucke. See Rte 
Suckling : 
Robert, 124, 125, 182, 145. 
Lieut.- Robert, Norfolk 
Militia 126. 


Sudbury (Suffolk), 41. 
Sudbury, William, clerk, 98. 
Sudley, F Ralph, Lord (1442). See 


te 
Suffield (N orfolk), landowners in, 98. 
Suffield or Suffeild : 

Catherine, of Burrough, 102. 


See 
obart. 

Mary, Countess of, letters from, 
42, 143. 


1 
Suffolk [and Berkshire] : 
Ear! of. See Howard. 
Suffolk, H.M.S., 138. 
Sugar duties, 408, 
Sugar or Suger: 
Barbara 117. 
John, 117. 
Suggate, "Elisabeth, 100. 
Sukke or Sucke : 
Nicholas, 24 
Robert, Reginald son of, 24. 


Henrietta, Countess of. 


Sundlood. 
Supplies, Cento of, E 

Sun ly 139. 

gham o or Bullingham fen and 
ry swans at, 121. 

Surrey, 55, 148, $7 


Sussex, . 

Sussex, Earl of (1758). 

sustend (Norfolk), landowners in, 
101 


Suthelmham. See Elmham, South. 

Suthwode. See ano uthwood. 

Sutton, Blyth, 88 

Svein Geoffrey le 

Swaffham (Norfoli, "iss, 142, 144. 
races 

Swaine, ober 100. 

Swallow, H.M.S., 139. _ 

Swallow. aed 96, 118. 

Swan, John, purchase of swans of, 


Swanington (Norfolk), 
in, 94. 


See Yelver- 


landowners 


505 


| Swans, 83, 121. 


atin 


anton : 

landowners in, 104. 

Morley, 144. 

Novers, landowner in, 108. 
Swardeston (Swerdeston) (Norfolk), 

account roll of, 70. 

rectory of, leased, 71. 
Sweden: 171, 189. 

aristocracy in, 298. 

old Government of, 293. 

Swolos thee for war (1773), 292. 

es, the: 

Livonia in the possession of, 209. 

strategy of, 494. 
Swedish Majesty, His. See Gustavus 
Swedish : 

quarrel, the 

trade with St Petersburgh, 234. 
Sweetman : 

Captain, 379. 

Mr., 442. 


Swerdeston. See Bwardoston, 
Sweyne, Brice 
Swi or Swyft: 

J onathan, XIV. 

_ Peter, 


Spas James, 113. 
denham, Richard, 52. 
Sydney; Robert [Lord], VIH. 
yger. See Sigar. 
‘ Symneles,’ a house in Irmingland, 


Symonds c or Symons: 


John. of Suffie Id, 


05. 
Sympeon, Y William, 108. 
plane en 
Syrer, Ra ph le, 7 . 
Szymakourki, —, bribed to break 
the Polish ‘diet, 194. 


T 


‘Tabby’ silk, 118, 120, 176. 
Tacolneston (Norfolk) : 
deeds relatin to, 72. 
manor rolls of, 68 
Talbot : 
Gilbert, 64. 
John Chetwynd, 
837. 


Thomas (Norfolk militia), 127. 
Tailage, 


of Ingestre 


506 


Talmash, William, 139. 
Tamar River, the, scheme for em- 
banking, 289. 
Tamiseh R. [or Temes], the (Hun- 
gary), 436. 
Tanner: 
Nicholas, the, 48. 
Robert, the, 48. 
William, the, 48, 49, 50. 
Taplow Court, 378. 
Taroslaw, 203. 
Tartars, trade with, 229, 235. 
Tartini, Guiseppe, musician, 276. 


Tasburgh : 
Beaumont, 142. 
Thomas, 53. 
Taseburg, Ralph de, 15. 
Tateshall, Joan de, 63. 


Tatishall, 64. 
Taunton (Somersetshire), 79. 
Taverham or Thaverham (Norfolk), 
6, 12, 21, 54. 

Taverham : 

Augustine de, 12. 

Baidwin de, 21 

William, 21. 
Tavistock, 162. 
Tavistock, Marquie of. 
Tavy, River, the, 322. 

fishing rights in, 346. 

scheme for embanking, 289. 
Taylor: 

Jervas, 144. 

Katherine, 109. 

William, 142, 144. 

W., & husbandman, 88. 
Taylour, Thomas, Ist Earl 

Bective, 379. 

Tea destroyed at Boston, 291. 
Tebard, William, 55. 
Templars, suppression of, 72. 
Temple: 

Anthony, 56. 

Henry, Viscount Palmerston, at 

the Treasury (1777), 325. 


See Russell, 


of 


Lord. See Grenville. 
Richard, lst Lord Cobham, 157. 
Templum Gerosolomitani. See 
Jerusalem. 


Tennant. James, of Roughton, 98. 
Termernikoff (Russia), 233. 
Thanet, Earl of. See Tufton. 
Thasher, Richard, 106. 
Thaverham. See Taverham. 
Thelveton, 145. 
Themelthorp (Thimblethorp), land. 
owners in, 95. 
Thetford (Norfolk), 67. 
Thetford : 
drew, 32. 
John, will of, vir., 44. 
Thetfords, the, 8. 
Thetis, H.M.S., 380. 
Theobald : 
* Dominus," 12. 
; Edward and Henry, his 
brothers, 19. 
. Walter, 12. 
Thirning. See Thurning. 





INDEX. 


Thirsk (Yorkshire), mayor of, 238. 
Thirston, Seth, 139. 
Thomas, abbot of Tintern and con- 

vent of St. Mary, grant by, 57. 
Thomastown (Ireland), 339. 
Thompson or Tompson: 

Alderman, candidate for Ncr- 

ich, 222 243 


Sir C., 405. 
John, Ist Lord  Haversham. 
quotation by, 176. 
Newswriter, 9 
Nicholas, 97. 
Robert, 87. 
Thorisby, Edward, ensign Norfolk 
militia, 126. 
Thornage (Norfolk), landowners in, 


— 
9 


(Norfolk 


near Norwich, Papists at, 145. 
exchanged for a manor at 
Blickling, 1. 
Market, landowners in, 99. 
Thorpgate, Agnes de, 24. 
xton or Threkeston, deed relat- 
ing to, 71. 
Throckmorton, Bass., 81. 
Thrigby (Norfolk), 141. 
Thumereil, franchise of, 34. 
Thurgarton (Norfolk), landowners 
in, 101. 
Thurlow, John, stands for Norwich, 


reports on Norwich manufac- 
tures, 312 
Thurning (Thirnyng, Tirninge, Tirn. 
inges or Tirnigges) (Norfolk) : 
15, 17. 
landowners in, 95. 
Alexander, persona de, 17. 
Humfrey de, 17. 
William, 52. 
William, priest of, 17. 
Thuraby, John Hervey, letter from, 


Thursford, landowners in, 116. 
Thurston: 

Alexander, 81. 
amond, Lieut. 
militia). 125. 

, of Drayton, 94 
Thurtone, 61. 
Thwayt or Twayet (Norfolk), land- 
owners in, 105. 
Thynne, Thomas, 8rd Viscount Wey- 
mouth, 260, 280. 282, 335. 
352, 356. 
letter to, 316. 
Tibenham. Stephen de. 18. 
Tibtot or Tibtoft, arms of, 441. 
Titchwell (Tichewell), 54. 


(Norfolk 








INDEX. 507 
f * Anticipa- | Townshend: | 
B res author o mee Charles (2nd Viscount), 224, 
Ticonderoga, N. America, SL. Hon. Charles, 241, 243, 245, 251, 
Ace 114. 252, 266, 975, 286, 299. 
y 115. ——, "Chancellor of ' Exchequer, 
Tighe, Edward, 374, 379, 442. 266, 
dio, Ta from, 390, 393, 398, 4100, , guardian of Duke of Buc. 
402, 408, 497. 432. | eleu 
letters to 892, 394. ——; lettera from, 241, 243, 
a “mixed subject, " 398. 266, 267. 


Tilney, Tileny 
Frederic, 


Widow, 109. 
Tilson, Mr., 285. 
Timber, growth of, 322, 323. 
Timolin, Union of, 
Timperley, Henry, 142. 
ntern 


Abbey, 57. 
convent of St. Mary of, 57. 
Tipperary, M.P. for, 339. 


Tylney : 


Benedict de, 47. 
Warin de, 47. 
Tithings, swearing-in to, 27. 
Tithing men, 78, 79. 
Toads, shower of, 182. 
Todinam, Thomas, witness, 6. 
Toft Monks (Norfolk), 145. 
Toke, John, 112. 
Tolke, John, 104. 
Tolye, William, 54. 
Tomlinson or Thomlinson, 408. 
John, letters from, 319, 303. 
" minutes for a letter to Mr. 
Harbord from, 
Tompson. See Thompson. 


Tonson : 
Colonel, 378. 
W., 378 


Tooke, Mr., of Bishop Stortford, 


Toperoft (Norfolk), 141, 145. 
Toppais, Eudo, 42 
Toppesfield, Robert de, 13. 


Torald or Turold, —, bishop's chap- 
lain, 40, 


Torey, Thomas, Lieut. Norfolk 
itia, 196. 





Totinger : 
Godfrey, 49. 
Ralph, 49. 
Tottenham, P., 379. 
Tottenhill (Totnell Heath) (Norfolk), 


Tottergill, Dr., 168. 
Toulon : 
French navy at, 338. 
battle of. 161. 
Tower, the. See London. 
Tower, James, 102. 
Towler, Mrs., at Dublin, 389. 


pc 
—— — —— cn ee — — 


Charles, called “Spanish Char- 
les,” afterwards Baron Bayn- 


ing, 258. 
Chavhey "lettore from, 159, 160. 
Mrs., 160. 
famuy, 373. 





, politics of the, 

George (1st Marquess), 3 372, 373. 

, protests against repeal of 
Stamp Act, 261. 

——, letters Foca, 238, 239, 


—, ' Vicero of Ireland, 283. 
George, Lord Ferrers de Chart- 
ley ond Marquis Townshend, 


General, 184, 186. 
Horatio (1st Viscount), 129. 
letter to, 198. 

J oseph, 159. 

Trade : 
American. See America. 
Armenian. See Armenian. 
French. See French. 
Irish. See Ireland. 

, Sackville Hamilton 


Lords of, 929, 375 
Persian. See Persia. 
Prussian. See Prussian. 
Russian. See Russia. 
Tartar. See Tartars. 
Transilvania, 435, 436. 
Traydon, Thomas Captain, 138. 
Trees, pruning of, 
Troffrey, Roger, quaker, letter from, 








on, 


Trentall, foundation for singing, 2, 


Trenton, 382. 
letter dated, 384. 
Tresham, Thomas, 55. 
Trevenant, John, Bishop of Here- 
ford, feoffeo, 69. 
evor: 
Mrs. Mary, portrait of, 143. 
Lord Chief Justice, 143. 


. Trevor-Hampden : 


Robert, 4th Lord Trevor and 
Viscount Hampden, 179, 262. 
——, protests against repeal of 





Stamp Act, 
. superseded as Postmaster- 
General, 256. 
Mary Constantia, 179. 
Trice, Richard,  Lient. Norfolk 


militia, 196. 
Trimingham, landowners in, 99. 


508 


Troitzka 

Troushill xdg - "Netter dated, 815. 
Trowse (near Norwich), riots at, 267. 
Trophy, Matthew 198. 

Trumney (Ireland), 329. 

Trynch (Norfolk), landowners in, 70, 


Trunch, John, forfeits for treason, 
Truro (Cornwall), 146. 
Trusse 


d ward, 74. 

William, 74. 

——, letter from, vmn., 76. 
Trussels, the. at Weybourne, VI. 
Trustees of forfeited estates, 146. 
Tryon, Major-Gen. W., 806. 

Tuam, M.P. for (1789), 415. 
Tubbing or or Tubbinge : 
n, clerk, 108, 115, 

Judith, 11 8. 

Peter, ‘118. 

Philip, chief constable, 112, 118. 

Sodio: Tia, 114. 

er, 

William 124. 

——, Capt. - Lieut. 

militia, 1 
Tuckfield, Mr. , 285. 
Tudeham, John de, 42 

fton, Sackville, 8th Earl 
Thanet, letters from, 
Tukeby, William de, 16. 
Tungate, Benedict de, 16. 
Tunstead, Hundred of, 499. 

manor roll of, 70. 
Turbary, Jm ht of, 47 
Turbus, W Here, Bichop of Norwich, 


40. 
« Turokish quarrel,” the, 293. 
Turkill, the sons of, 4 
Turkish envoy to Russe. 190. 
Turks : 
trade advantages of, 228. 
at war with Russians, 292, 
—— with Austrians (1788), 


435, 
Turk’s Island, 952. 
Turner: 
C., 379. 
Sir John. 449. 
Thomas, a prisoner in Aylsham 
gaol, 89. 
William, 124. 
Turin, letter dated, 434. 
Tuscany, 396. 
Tuttington, landowners in, 1056. 
view of frank kpledge for, 68. 
Twayet. See Thwayt, 
Twickenham: 146, 499. 
letters dated, "841. 
Lady Suffolk's estate in, 146. 
manor of, 1 
——;, list of freeholders, etc., 
of, 148. 
river banks at, 341. 
T wiss (of Norwich), 339 


Norfolk 


of 


435. 
494 


, 


| Va 


, 


INDEX. 


Twyford (Norfolk), landowners in. 
Tyger, ship, 165. 


T re, H.M.S., 189. 
Tyler : 
Stephen, 55. 
Thomas, 44. 
Wat, 


Ier Se Tilney 
eby, e, 
Tyrel or Tyrrell : 
Hugh, 50. 
John, 138. 
Sir J ohn, his will and marriage 
settlement, 146. 
—, Martha, daughter of, m. 
Sir Thomas Dru 148. 
Juliana, daughter o Robert, 50. 
Matilda, 50. 
Robert, 50 
Walter, oF Mannington, 48-50. 
Tyrone, Ear! of (1779). See Beres- 


Tyvile or Tyvill, Ralph de, 14, 67. 


U 
Ufford, Robert d 
Ukase relatin to ‘trade (1762), 232 
Ulfe, Elizabeth, 100 


Upminater 163. 
Hall eter dated, 150. 


well, 
EM rk, “Sir Thomas, Chief Baron 
_ of the "Exch uer, 
rwin, John, 141. 
Utherd, Barnard, 105. 
Uther, Roger, of Oley, 110. 
Utrecht, 244. 


V 


rants, laws De der VA 76. 
an, John, clerk, 1 
Valence: 


Dominus de, 46 
we of Pembroke 


Vantguard, lone, hi Tos. 
Varna, 

Varsovie. See Warsaw. 
Vathecke, Anne. 102. 


! Vau han, —, 241. 944, 252. 


,' 241. 


Welsh campai 
in relation 


Vaurses, "Ne a memori 
to, 904 





INDEX. 


Vaux (Waus, Vallibus, Wallibus) : 14. 
Alexander de 14, 67. 
Alexander, ' son of, 14, 67. 
John de, 67 


Ralph de, 67. 
Vawle, Mary, 1 108. 
Veer. See Vere. 


Venables-Vernon, George, 2nd Baron 


Vernon, . 
Vendeval. See Wendenval, 
Venice, 
Venetian : 
eyes, * morbidezsa," of, 255. 


trade with St. Petersburg, 284. 
Venner, Robert, 139. 
Vepnell, John, 


Verdon, | ein Gl "Norfolk militia, 
under sheriff, x1., 89. 
Vere or Vee 


de Earl "of Oxford, at Waborne, 


John, knight, manors of, 74. 
John ‘de, Earl of Oxford, manors 


of, 74. 
——, Elizabeth, wife of, 74. 
Lady de, 69. 
(Vere Beanclerk), Lord (1766), 


Vereeker, Lieut. of the 5th Dra- 
goons, 314. 
yor eons, William, 44. 
rit, Philip de, 13. 
Vermonters the, 382. 
Verney, Sir Thomas de, 60. 
Vernon: 
Admiral, 156, 161. 


TI ) . 
Lord (1788). See Venables- 
Vernon. 
Vesey, Thomas, 1st Viscount de 
Vesci . 
Veys, William 88. 
Victory, H.M.8., 138. 


Viellas, Garcifer, 7. 
house in Upgate, Horsham, 8. 

Vienna, 404, 406, 4 

letter dated, 327. 
Villeins, grant of, in Hegletun, to 

St. Faith's priory, 18. 

Vincent, Francis, 116. 
Virginian “Resolutions” in 1765, 


visir, the Grand, 435, 4936. 


VO (Poland), 219, 
Volunteer, character of an Irish 
Presbyterian, 421. 
Volunteers: 356, 357, 366, 376. 
as legislators, 410. 
review of Trish, 889. 
Votier, John, Captain, 140. 
v John, 108. 


ro elle his troop, 314, 
Lieut. Col. letter from, 389. 


Major, 333 834. 
. letters from, 369, 379, 380, 


509 


W 


Wabourne (Waborne, 
VII. 
abuttal of manor in, by peram- 
bulation of bounda, 69. 
canon of, 76. 
manor rolis of, 69. 
landowners in, 107, 111. 
Wade: 
General George, 147, 162, 155. 
Gilbert, 11. 
John, 197. 
Wadham, John, 62. 
Wages, harvest ( 1696), 129. 
Wagstaffe, Nicholas, 115. 
Waite, Thomas, Privy Councillor in 
Ireland, 351. 
Wakering (John), Bishop of Nor- 
wich, 31. 
Waldegrave : 
Lady, 1 


Wayborne), 


Lady, 258. 
Lord (J ames yond Earl Walde- 


ave), 249. 
John, hd ^ acl (1766), signs 
rotest against repeal of 


amp Act, 260, 261 
Wale, Barnaby, imprisoned, 141. 
Waler, John e, 24. 
Wales, Prinoess of (Augusta), 285 
Waleys : 
enry le, 14, 15. 
Nicholas ‘le, '15. 
Walker, Richard, 92. 
Walkerel, a witness, A0. 
ullace, ‘Sir James, in command at 
Cancalle Bay, 351. 
Wallachia, 485, 436. 
Waller, Richard, 28, 54. 
Wallett, William, 114. 
Wallibus, Alexander de. 
Wallington, 145. 
Walmode en, Amelia de, Countess of 
Yarmouth 
Walmsley, “rigade Major 333. 
Walpole or Wa "poole 
George, 3rd Earl of Orford, 853. 
, Lord Lieutenant of Nor- 


239. 
Colonel Horatio, 144. 
family, and the Lord Lieuten- 
ancy of Norfolk, 239. 

———, exalted in Norfolk, 378. 
——, purchase Mannington, 147. 
Horace [afterwards 4th Darl of 

Orford], 175, 176, 288. 442. 
——., letter from, 7. 
Horatio} (afterwards 1st Baron 

Walpole, of Wolterton), 224. 
Lord (Horatio 2nd Baron, of 

Wolterton), 1 
—, letters from, 819, 439. 


See Vaux. 





510 INDEX, 


Walpole—cont. 
and Townshend party in Nor- 


R{alph]. Bishop of Norwich, 30. 
Robert (1675), 123, 124. 
deputy lieutenant of Nor- 
— folk, 125, 133, 136, 197. 
ar Robert, 212. 


John, 145. 

Dr., in Irish House of Commons, 
Walshan : 

North, 133, 142. 144. 

South, 78 141, 145. 
Walsingham : 


Great, landowners in, 116. 
Little, landowners in, 115. 
Waye, the, 54. 
Walsingham, Mr., 481. 
Walsoken 
Walter, Willie son of, 35, 36. 
Walter, nepos Episcopi, 40. 
Walton, Sir George, will of, 147. 
Waitrim near Bray (Ireland), letters 
dated, 390 
Wandelard, Robert, 40. 
Wangford, "William, 54. 
Warburton, Dr. [William], Bishop of 
Gloucester, 260. 
breach of his privilege, 247. 
ard : 
Alderman, 98. 
rnard, Ist Baron Bangor, 


James, 110. 119, 113. 
John, ']st Viscount Dudley and 
Ward, 260. 
Mr., of Stoke, 151. 
W., ‘officer in Ordnance Depart- 
ment, Dablin, 339 
Sir W., 
Wardell, Robert. 138. 
Warden. Robert, “ worstedman,” 20, 
58, 59. 
Warden Meadows, 122. 
Wardeyn, Andrew, 27. 


Wardrobe, list of a gentleman's 
(1673), 117-121. 
Wardship : 
conveyance of, 75. 
grant of a 


Warham (Norfolk), landowners in, 
wil (Guarinus) hostiarius, 40. 
Warkhouse, —, 112. 
Warley, military camp at, 342. 
Warner : 
John, 108, 106. 

189. 


Lee, 

Warnes: 
Edmund, 102. 
Edward, nit: 


War ar) (Heats) 156. 
Warr Spight, H. 1 
Warrants, General, 248. 


Warren, 180. 
Warren's Point (Ireland) pier at, 319. 


Warsaw (Var sovie), XVI., ; ; 
19 


letters dated, 200, 205, 209, 212, 
214, 216, 218, 219. 
Warwick ire, 832. La 204 
ashington enera eorge , 
369. $99. j 


* Dictator of America," 300. 
in command of army, 311, 396. 


399, 
| Wasselkey, "John, of Wells, 114. 


! Waters: 


Ben, Captain R.N., 138. 
John, Captain 139. 
Watker, John, 109. 
Watson, Robert, clerk, 108. 
Watts (Wattys): 150. 
John, son of Thomas, 98. 
William, 111. 


Waus. See Vaux 
Waxham, 50, 74. 
Wayborne. See Waborne. 


Wayegrave, Thomas, 37. 
ayne, General. in command of 
Pennsylvanian line at Morristown 


381- 
Wayneflete, Wil, Bishop of Win- 
chester, 4, 54, 55, 


3 


Wayt or Wayte (Guet, Guyet) : 
Alice, 39. 


Matilda, 39 

Peter, k^ 

Roger, 41. 42. 

Thomas, 36. 

William, 56. 
Webb, Thomas, 115. 
Webster : 

John, 87. 

William, 108. 
Wedderburne, Alexander, 

Loughborough, 379, 


Lord 
letter from, 372. ^ 


: Wederall, Robert son of J ohn, 28. 


Weg, Mr., 358. 
Wekythyil, John, 73. 
Welch, Mrs., indicted, 249. 
Weld: 
Gascoigne, 124. 
James, of Sherringham, 142. 
Nathaniel, 127. 
Thomas, 127. 
Welderen, Count and Countess de, 
287, 37 9. 


Wellingborough, Northamptonshire, 
letter dated, 158, 


Wellington (Willington) (Somerset? 


shire), House of 
Wells, William, 90. 


elis : 


rrection at, 79. 


Somersetshire 
juxta mare Welles) (Norfolk), 
110, 111. 
landowners in, 114, 
Welsh, —, of Ludham Hall, 141. 
Wembury (Devon), 8 





INDEX. 


Wendenval or Wendeval : 
amily, 4. 
Avelisa or Helvisa de, 4, 46, 48, 


50. 
Sir Robert, 48, 50. 
Wendlnge, William de, 16, 
Wentworth : 
Charles Watson, 2nd Marquis of 


360, 28 967 256, 273, 277, 


280, 281, 36 
his ministry, 256, 279. 
John, 99 


Thomas, Earl of Strafford, 288. 
Viscount. See Noel. 

Werkworth, Robert Fitz-Roger, Lord 
o 

Werrington, donative of, 429, 430. 

Werthe, Royner de, chaplain, ‘16. 

Wessel Grand Treasurer of 
Polish Crowne 204. 





West Meon (Hants), 156. 
Westaker, 18. 
Westcote, Nicholas, 55. 
Westfeld, 18. 
Westminster : x., 257, 343. 
Duke Street, letters dated, 304, 


election of 1750, 163. 

Hail, 161, 247, ou. 

Petty France 

Whitehall, °° bors dated, 89, 
Westm John 91. 


West morland, La dy, 338. 
Westmoreland, Duke of (1863) (sic), 


Weston: 142. 

landowners in, 95. 
Westport, Lord (1780). See Browne. 
Westport "House, letter dated, 419. 
Westwinch, 73. 


Weymouth, 860. 

Weymouth, Lord. See Thynne. 
Whalley, Edward, abbot of St. 
Mary, Yor 


511 


. Whitwell : 


Whateley, Thomas, superseded as a | 


secretary to the T reasury, 256, 
letters from, 280, 283-284. 
Wheler, Sir Francis, Captain R.N., 





Whipping of rogues to be conducted 
by advice of minister, &c., 80. 
Whiteacre, Richard, 108. 
White, James, 108. 

White Mill, 122. 

Swan, Swaffham, 133. 
Whitehall or Whytehall. 

+ minster. 
White's Club, 249. 

* young and old,” 254. 
Whiteacre, Richard, 108. 
Whitlingham, swans at, 121. 
Whittlesey, the king’s acres in. 
Whitwell THuuitewelle] Nortel, 

landowners in, 96. 


See West- 


Henry, 108. 
Richard de, 17. 
Sir Wiliam de, 42. 
Whuell, Francis commander, 140. 
Wichin; ham, Bertrand de. See 
Witchingham. 
Wickelingham A hitlingham ?) 121. 
Wickes, Rice, 9 
Wickham, Honey, commander, 139. 
Wicklow, 345, 375. 
gover nor of, 340. 
Wickmere (Wikemere, 
Wykmer), 
landowners in, 105. 
wieburg, a Russian port, 233. 
Wife, faint against, of husband 
(Hors amd 
Wiggett or Wiggot : 
Edward, 97. 
Francis, 102. 
Roger, 126. 0 
Wight, 
Wighton (Wyton). 137, 144, 
landowners in, 116. 
vicarage, of, 431. 
Wikemere. See Wickmere. 
Wilbraham, Sir Thomas, 85. 
ild : 


Edward, 92. 
John, 91. 
Nicholas, 109. 
Wildgos, Nicholas, 74. 
Wildun, William, 25. 
Wilkes 18 2175 I. 175, 179, 181, 


arrest of, 248. 
compared with D’Eon, 250. 
his duel with Martin, 247. 
essay on * Woman," 217, 249. 
and the North Briton, 247-949. 
outlawry of, 248, 253. 
Wilkins, William, carver, 441. 
Wilkinson, Thomas, will of, 29. 
William, Roger son of, 19. 
W illes, Chief Justice, 154, 157. 
Wiiliam : 


Wickmer, 


Archdeacon, the, 4 

Bishop of Norw um "See Turbus, 
Chaplain, 46. 

the priest of Heletun, 10. 
Pistor, 


priest of Tirniggos, 17. 
prior of Holy Trinity, Norwich, 


son of Baldwin de Thaverham, 


son of Ralph, 17. 

son of Roger, 19. 

son of Simon, 34. 
William III., King, 192, 331. 
Williams : 

a leader in the Boston town 

meeting, 
John, 


| Williamsburg, Washington at, 402. 
Wiliins, William, 441. 


Willington. See Wellington, 


512 INDEX. 


Willis, Henry Wolsey, Woolsey, Woloy : 
Wilmington ath America), 387. Bridget, of Ingworth, 104. 
Wilna, 192. 327. 
Palatin of. See Radsiwill. | Joka. M "Thwayt, 105. 
wi ribunal of, 218, 214. | Thomas, of t Erpingham, 103. 
ilson : illiam, 
Nicholas, 100. | Wolterton (Woltertone), landowners 
William, 101. | in, 105. 
Wiltam, Peter, 37. | Wolterton, Roger de, 24, 49. 
Wilton, Nicholas, 124. Wolton, Mr., 111. 
Wiltshire, corn riots in, 271. Wood : 
Winagh (Ireland), letter dated, 384. Robert. 124 
Winchelsca, ship, 1 h ! Thomas, 142. 
Winchelsea, Earl of - See Finch. Wood Dalling or Dawling, 1 and- 
Winchester : owners in, , 
(Winton), 425. li t, 70. 
W., Bishop of. See Wainflete. manor ro: o 144 
Winchester (ship), 150. non-jurors in, 
Windham or Wyndham, 353. Wood Norton (Norfolk), landowners 
Ash, in, 
Charles, 2nd Earl of Egremont, Priory lands in, 73. 
Fran death, u Woodford, "Rer. Matthew, let 
rancis, 1 or v. atthew, letter 
Sir be oF Fabr: of Cromer, 97. from, 2/8. 
John, of Felbrigge, 100. Woodford (Essex), 252. 
Thomas, 129 136. T. Wotton. 189, 187, 14 142. 
illiam, - 
and Norfolk politics, X., XI. Edward, 197 197 3 3 
Windsor Castle, H.M. S., 138. Francis, 63. 
Winne, Robert, s. John, As 125 
Winnington, 1 ilip, , . 
Winpou, William de, 13. Roger, s 56, 74 
rton, Norfolk, ir 1nomas, ov, (i. 
Wisterton or Wynterton, Norfo Woodrow, John, 100. 
Winton. See Winchester. Woods : 243 
Wisbeach, 129. Thomas 141. 
Wise, Edmaad, 87. Woodton, 141, 145. 
: Woodward : 
Robert, Captain R.N., 138. . Dr. Richard, Dean of St. Ma- 
Sir William, 287. cartin Clogher, and Bishop of 
Witchingham (Wychingham) : Cloyne (1781), 379. 492. 
Bertrand de, 18, 15. _ d 
, letters to, 405, 413, 420. 
Sir William de, 43. —À 
letters from, 379, 410, 
Witchingni Great, e. a E 494-496. 498, 430, 
— —, landowner 
Little, ibid, 97. ——,; his book on Ireland, 432. 
Witham, deed relating to, 71. “a Napper Tandy in 
Withers, Robert, 98. — Lawn ? 885. 
Witton, Wytton: 71, 72, 74. Mr., 153. 
Richard de, 16. ——, at Covont Garden, 179. 
Wiveton, 144. Wool. trade in relation to Ireland, 


Wa de Iteringham, the Lady, Wool er, William, 139. 
Woburn (Bedfordshire), 277, 279, 280, | Woolsey. See Wolsey. 


Wodehouso. See Wocdhouse. Woolwich, H.M.S., 139. 

Wodeman, John, 25. Woroestor, 241. 

Wodrow, Henry, 109. oronzow : 

Wodziecki M., Bishop of Przemysl, Count, ann ggrsncellor of 
204. Aiexender Romanovitch, Rus . 

Woide, M., Charles Godfrey, envo H 
of the dissident nobility in Poland, ini ECCE St. James’. 
letter from, 221. Wor sley:' 

Woley. See Wolsey. Edward, 109. 


Wollowiez, nuncio of Sloninola, 195. | R., 378. . 
Wolodkowitz, 213, 214, i Sir Richard, 378, 





INDEX. 518 


Wortes or Worts: 


ohn, 97. 

Richard, 99. 

William, 99, 107. 

W., 125. 

Wortley, James, 115. 

Wotelond, 41. 

"Wotton (sic) (Norfolk), 52. 

Wotton (Buckinghamshire), 256, 263, 
264, 277-280, , 288. 

letters dated, 249, 261, 263-265, 
Wotton: 

John, 44. 

Thomas, of Waborne, 107. 
Wrantham, Simon, clerk, 42. 
Wrchipe, Thomas, 24 
Wright : 

Captain Charles, 142, 145. 

Thomas, 105, 133, 144 

"Willism, commander, 140. 
Wrongrey, Robert, 126. 

Wrotham Park, letter dated, 367. 
Wroughton, Thomas, 192. 195. 
British envoy to Elector of 
Saxony, xv. 
resident at Warsaw, xvi., 209. 
letters from, 195, 197, 209, 212, 
216, 218, 219. 
Wychingham, William de. See 
Vitchingham. | 
Wydo, rector ecclesie de Corpesti, 


18. 
Wygate, 17. 
Wykmere. See Wickmere. 
Wylles, Dennis, 60. 
Wymondham, 5, 63-66, 80, 130, 145. 
abuttal of lands in, 66. 
Barnak, Calthorp, Crunquelle, 
Cromuell, Cromwell or Crom- 
welle, Gresaugh, Greisheighe, 
Grisaugh or Grysheigh, Gun- 
vile, Rusteyns, Sutton, Nor- 
ton, Silfield, Wattlefield 
Knyvetts, and  Grisaugh 
Knyvetts, manors in, 63-65. 

common rights at, 65. 

leet jury of, 80. 

Regi 


Wynter: 122. 


17118 


Y 


Yallop: 
harles, 142, 145. 
Giles, 142, 145. 
Robert, 98. 
Sir Robert, 142. 
Yardley, 155. 
Yarke (on the Caspian), 235, 
Yarmouth, Great (Yernemouth or 
Yormuth), 54, 60, 74, 141, 142, 147, 


Yarmouth: 
Henry de, 22. 
Lady. See Walmoden, 
Lord. See Paston. 
Yates, Mrs., at Drury Lane, 179. 
Yaxley: 
Richard, 107. 
Robert, 101. 
Samuel, 107. 
Walter, of Hevingham, 31. 
Yelverton: 4. 
Barry, M.P. for Carrickfergus, 
400, 412, 415. 
— —, Attorney - General, 425, 
426 


Ela wife of Sir William de, 56. 

Henry, Earl of Sussex, letter 
from . 

John de, 52, 53. 

Margaret de, 62. 

William, 48, 55, 56, 440. 

William, Justice C.P., 64, 55, 56. 

Yernemouth (or Yermuth), Great, 
See Yarmouth. 

Yevele, Henry, of Southwark, 55. 

Ynglose. See Inglose. 

Yvinus de Sudgate de Hegletune et 
Isabella, grant of, to priory of 
St. Faith's, 18. 

Yonge. See Young. 


Edward Augustus, Duke of, 258. 

John, Cardinal Archbishop of. 
See Kemp. 

William chbishop of. See 
m. 


York: 
Abbey of St. Mary's at, 57. 
Colonial forces at, . 
Island, 897. 
York: 
New, 300, 311, 326, 369, 398, 


401. 

2 

—, letters dated, 401, 409, 411. 
River, 899, 401. 

town, 402. 

, siege of, 407, 410. 

, letters dated, 411. 

York, ship, 138, 150. 








2K 


514 


INDEX. 


Yorke : 


Hon.. Charles, Attorney General, 
5, 442. 

Mr., 258. 

Sir Joseph, Ambassador at the 
Hague, 177, 221, 292, 295, 
312, 969. 

—, his review of situation in 
1778, 292, 293 


Philip, 1st Earl of Hardwicke, 
—, as Lord Chancellor, 157, 
188. 


Philip, Lord Royston, 245. 
, and 2nd Earl, letters from, 
177, 292, 295, 311, 


his jgriew of Mitre tion in 
ET 





Yorkshire, 150, 178, 288. 


Young, Yonge or Yongue: 
| Pall, B 139. 
| 


Bishop of Norwich, 287, 


1 
Sir William, 160. 
Youngman, Thomas, 106, 111. 
Yve, Robert, 8 


A 


| Zamoycki, Palatin of Inowraclaw, 
|. 398. 


| Zartoryski. See Csartoryski. 








i 
CIRCULAR OF THE COMMISSION. 
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 


Pugzic Recorp OFFICE, 
CHANCERY LANE, 
Lonpon, W.C. 


His Masesty THE Kina has been pleased to ratify and 
confirm the terms of the Commission issued by Her late 
Majesty, appointing certain Commissioners to ascertain what 
unpublished MSS. are extant in the collections of private 
persons and in institutions which are calculated to throw light 
upon subjects connected with the Civil, Ecclesiastical, Literary, 
or Scientific History of this country; and to appoint certain 
additional Commissioners for the same purposes. The present 
Commissioners are :— 


Sir R. Henn Collins, Master of the Rolls; the Marquess of 
Ripon, K.G., the Earl of Crawford, K.T., the Earl of 
Rosebery, K.G., the Earl of Dartmouth, Lord Edmond 
Fitzmaurice, M.P., Lord Alverstone, G.C.M.G., Lord 
Hawkesbury, Lord Lindley, Lord Stanmore, G.C.M.G., 
Sir Edward Fry, Mr. John Morley, O.M., M.P., Sir H. C. 
Maxwell-Lyte, K.C.B., and Prof. C. H. Firth, LL.D. 


The Commissioners think it probable that you may feel an 
interest in this object, and be willing to assist in the attainment 
of it; and with that view they desire to lay before you an outline 
of the course which they usually follow. 


If any nobleman or gentleman express his willingness to 
submit any unprinted book, or collection of documents in his 
possession or custody, to the Commissioners, they will cause an 
inspection to be made by some competent person, and should 
the MSS. appear to come within the scope of their enquiry, the 
owner will be asked to consent to the publication of copies or 
abstracts of them in the reports of the Commission, which are 
presented to Parliament every Session. 


To avoid any possible apprehension that the examination of 
papers by the Commissioners may extend to title-deeds or other 
documents of present legal value, positive instructions are given 
to every person who inspects MSS. on their behalf that nothing 
relating to the titles of existing owners is to be divulged, and 


be 
Il 


that if in the course of his work any modern title-deeds or 
papers of a private character chance to come before bim, they 
are to be instantly put aside, and are not to be examined or 
calendared under any pretence whatever. 


The object of the Commission is the discovery of unpublished 
historical and literary materials, and in all their proceedings 
the Commissioners will direct their attention to that object 
exclusively. 


In practice it has been found more satisfactory, when the 
collection of manuscripts is a large one, for the inspector to 
make a selection therefrom at the place of deposit and to obtain 
the owner's consent to remove the selected papers to the Public 
Record Office in London or in Dublin, or to the General Register 
House in Edinburgh, where they can be more fully dealt with, 
and where they are preserved with the same care as if they 
formed part of the muniments of the realm, during the term of 
their examination. Among the numerous owners of MSS. who 
have allowed their family papers of historical interest to be 
temporarily removed from their muniment rooms and lent to the 
Commissioners to facilitate the preparation of a report may be 
named :—His Majesty the King, the Duke of Rutland, the 
Duke of Portland, the Marquess of Salisbury, the Marquess 
Townshend, the Marquess of Ailesbury, the Marquess of Bath, 
the Earl of Dartmouth, the Earl of Carlisle, the Earl of Egmont, 
the Earl of Lindsey, the Earl of Ancaster, the Earl of Lonsdale, 
Lord Braye, Lord Hothfield, Lord Kenyon, Mrs. Stopford 
Sackville, the Right Hon. F. J. Savile Foljambe, Sir George 
Wombwell, Mr. le Fleming, of Rydal, Mr. Leyborne Popham, 
of Littlecote, and Mr. Fortescue, of Dropmore. 


The cost of inspections, reports, and calendars, and the 
conveyance of documents, will be defrayed at the public expense, 
without any charge to the owners. 


The Commissioners will also, if so requested, give their 
advice as to the best means of repairing and preserving any 
interesting papers or MSS. which may be in a state of decay. 

The Commissioners will feel much obliged if you will 
communicate to them the names of any gentlemen who may be 
able and willing to assist in obtaining the objects for which this 
Commission has been issued. 


° R. A. ROBERTS, Secretary. 








HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 


REPORTS OF THE ROYAL COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED TO INQUIRE WHAT PAPERS 
AND MANUSCRIPTS BELONGING TO PRIVATE FAMILIES AND INSTITUTIONS ARE 
EXTANT WHICH WOULD BE OF UTILITY IN THE ILLUSTRATION OF HISTORY, 
CONSTITUTIONAL LAW, SCIENCE, AND GENERAL LITERATURE. 


Date. — | Size | No. Price. 


8. 
1870 | First Rerort, WITH APPENDIX . -| f'eap [[C. 55] | 1 
(Re- Contents :- - 
printed ENGLAND. House of Lords; Cambridge 
1874.) Colleges ; Abingdon and other Cor- 
porations, &c. 
ScorLanr. Advocates’ Library, Glas- 
gow Corporation, &c. 
IRELAND. Dublin, Cork, and other Cor- 
porations, &c. 


1871 | SECOND REPORT with APPENDIX ie 
INDEx TO THE FIRST AND BECoND RE- 
PORTS - - . - - » (C. 441]| 3 10 

Contents : — 

Exncrzaxr. House of Lords; Cam- 
bridge Colleges ; Oxford Colleges ; 
Monastery of Dominican Friars at 
Woodchester, Duke of Bedford, 
Earl Spencer, &c. 

ScorLAND. Aberdeen and St. An- 
drew’s Universities, &c. 

IRELAND. Marquis of Ormonde; 

Dr. Lyons, &c. 


— — 


1872 | Tarp REPORT WITH APPENDIX AND 
- INDEX - - 

printed Contents :— 

1895.) Exnczaxr. House of Lords; Cam- 
bridge Colleges ; Stonyhurst Col- 
lege; Bridgwater and other Cor- , | 
porations ; Duke of Northumber- 
land, Marquis of Lansdowne, Mar. | 
quis of Bath, &c. 

| 


" (C. 673); 6 0 


ScoTrAND. University of Glasgow : 
Duke of Montrose, &c. 

IRELAND. Marquis of Ormonde; 
Black Book of Limerick, &c. 





1873 | Fov&TH Report, WITH APPENDIX. 
Part I. . - - - - » 
Contents :— 

ENGLAND. House of Lords.  West- | 

minster Abbey; Cambridge and 
Oxford Colleges ; Cinque Ports, | 
Hythe, and other Corporations, | 

Marquis of Bath, Earl of Denbigh, 
&c | 
| 





(C. 857] 6 8 


SCOTLAND. Duke of Argyll, &c. 
IngLAND. Trinity College, Dublin ; 
Marquis of Ormonde. 








D 
ee) | rn nr à E EE —— 
y | 


1878 
1876 


FounrH Report. Part Il. Inpex - f'cap 
FrrrH REPORT, WITH ÁPPENDIX. PART I. - » 
Contents :— 
ENcLAND. House of Lords ; Oxford 
and Cambridge Colleges; Dean and 
Chapter of Canterbury ; Rye, Lydd, 
and other Corporations. Duke of 
Sutherland, Marquis of Lansdowne, 
Reginald Cholmondele , Esq., &e. 
ScorLAND. Earl of Aber een, &o. 


» | Drrro. Parr II. Invex 


1877 | Srxrm Report, WITH APPENDIX. Par I. 
Contents : — 

Exczanr. House of Lords: Oxford 
and Cambridge Colleges ; Lambeth 
Palace ; Black Book of the Arch- 
deacon of (Canterbury ; 
Wallingford, and other Co 
Lord Leconfeld, Sir Reginald G 
Sir Henry Ingilby, &c. 

Scortawp. Duke of Argyll, Earl of 

| 


Bridport, 
als oa ; 
raham, 


Moray, &o. 
IngLAND. Marquis of Ormonde. 

(Re- | Drrro. Pant Il. Inpex " 
printed 

1898.) 

1879 | Sevenrs Report, wirH APPENDIX. Parr I. » 

(Re- Contents :— 
printed House of Lords; County of Somerset; 


1895.) Earl of Egmont, Sir Frederick Graham, 


Sir Harry Verney, &c. 








Drrro. PaRTII. APPENDIX AND INDEX | " 
printed| Contents :— 
1895.) Duke of Athole, Marquis of Ormonde, 

S. F. Livingstone, Esq., &c. 


1881 | Ercxrx Report, WITH APPENDIX AND INDEX. |  ,, 
Part I. 
Contents :— 

List of collections examined, 1869-1880. 

; ENGLAND. House of Lords ; Duke 

of Marlboro ; Magdalen College, 

Oxford ; Roy: Colles of Physicians; 

Queen  Anne's Bounty Office; 

Corporations of Chester, Leicester, 


IRAN. Marquis of Ormonde, Lord 
Emly, The O’Conor Don, Trinity 
College, Dublin, &c. 


1881 | Dirro. PagrII. APPENDIX AND INDEX 
Contents :— | 
Duke of Manchester. 
1881 'Drrro. PART III. APPENDIX AND INDEX 7 " 
Contents :— 
Earl of Ashburnham. 


| 
. [Besgional Price. 


so > 
o 


(C. 857 
[C. 1453] 


J 
© 


[C.1745]| 8 6 
| 
i[C.2102]| 1 10 
(G-2840] 7 6 
| 
.[C. 2340| 3 6 
i.] 


| 

fh C.8040], [Out of 
| print.] 
u 
LE 

| 


[C. 8040! [Out of 


print.] 


(C. 3040; (Out of 
ü.] print.) 





Date. — 








Parr I. - - 
printed Contents :— 
1895.) St. Paul's and Canterbury Cathedrals ; 
Eton College; Carlisle, Yarmouth, 
Canterbury, and Barnstaple Cor- 
porations, &c. 
1884 | Drrro. Parr II. Appenprx AND INpex - | 
(Re- Contents :— a 


printed | ENGLAND. House of Lords. Earl of 
1895.) Leicester; C. Pole Gell, Alfred Mor- 
rison, Esqs., &c. 
Scorzanr. Lord Elphinstone, H. C. 
Maxwell Stuart, Egq., &c. 
IRELAND. Duke of Leinster, Marquis of 
Drogheda, &c. 
1884 | Drrto. Parr ill. APPENDIX AND 
INDEX - - - - - 
Contents :— 


Mrs. Stopford Sackville [re-issued, 
revised and extended as [Cd. 1892]. 


1888 | CALENDAR OF THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE 
(Re- Marquis or BALISBURY, K.G. (or Cercrn 


pn M88.) Paszr I. 1306-1571. - - 
1895 
1888 Drrro. Part II. 1572-1582. . - 
1889 Drrro. Part ID. 1588-1589. 
1892 Drrro. Part IV. 1590-1594. 
1894 Drrro. Pant V. 1594-1596. 
1896 Drrro. Parr VI. 1596. 


1899 Drrro. Parr VII. 1597. - 
1899 Drrro. Parr VIII. 1598. - | 
1902 ; Drrro. Parr IX. 16599. - - | 
1904 Ditto. Part X. 1600. | 
1885 | TgNTRH REPORT - | 
This is introductory to the following : — | 
| 


1885 | (1.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - 
(Re- Earl of Eglinton, Sir J. 8. Maxwell, 


printed Bart., and C. S. H. D. Moray, 
1895.) C. F. Weston Underwood, G. W. 
Digby, Esqs. 


1885 | (2. APPENDIx AND INDEX - - 
The Family of Gawdy. 

1885 | (8. APPENDIX AND INDEX  - 
Wells Cathedral. 


1885 | (4.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - 
Earlof Westmorland ; Capt. Stewart; 
Lord Stafford ; Sir N. W. Throck- 
morton; Sir "Pp, T. Mainwaring, 
Lord Muncaster, M.P., Capt. J. F. 
Bagot, Earl of Kilmorey, Earl of 
Powis, and others, the Corporations 
of Kendal, Wenlock, Bridgnorth, 
Eye, Plymouth, and the County of 
Essex; and Stonyhurst College. 
1885 | (b. Appenprx AND INDEX - 
- Marquis of Ormonde, Earl of Fingall, 
printed Corporations of Galway, Waterford, 
1895.) the Sees of Dublin and Ossory, the 
Jesuite in Ireland. 


9 


9 








1883 | NmwrH REPORT, WITH Ammo m box. | | lea 
(Re- [(C.9773] 5 2 





[C. 3778 | (Out of 
ii.] print.) 


[C.3777] 


[C.5463] 
[C.5889 
v.] 
[C.6823] 
(C.7574] 
Dien 
[O.92461 
Itc. 946'7] 
[Cd.928] 
Irca. 2052) 
[C.4548] | [Out of 

print.] 
[C.4575]| 8 7 


D RO 2 D ND ED ND © © 
o 0 0 0 00 Mm 


to 


[0.4576 | 1 4 
(C.4576 | [Out of 
ii.] print.] 
[C.4576] | (Out of 
print.) 


[4576 i.]| 2 10 


Date. 


1887 


1887 


1887 


‘1887 


1887 


1887 
1887 
1887 


1888 


1890 


1888 


1888 


1889 
1888 , 
1891 
1889 
1890 
1891 


1891 


(6.) APPENDIX AND INDEX 

Marquis of Abe avenny; ; Lord Braye; 

G. F. Luttrell; P. P. Bouverie; 

W. Bromley Davenport; R. T. 
Balfour, Esquires. 


ELeventH Report - - 
This is introductory to the following : — 


(1.) APPENDIX AND INDEX 





h 


- | 
H. D. Skrine, Esq. Salvetti Corre- | 


spondence. 


(2.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - - - 
House of Lords. 1678-1688. 


(8.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - - - 
Corporations of Southampton and 
Lynn. 
(4.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - 
Marquess Townshend. 


(5.) APPENDIX AND INDEX 
Earl of Dartmouth. 


(60. APPENDIX AND INDEX  - 
Duke of Hamilton. 


(7.) APPENDIX AND INDEX 
Duke of Leeds, Marchioness of 
Waterford, Lord Hothfield, &c.; 
Bridgwater Trust Office, Reading 


Corporation, Inner Temple Library. : 


TwrLrTH Report - - 
This is introductory to the following : — 


(1.) APPENDIX 
Earl Cowper, K. G. (Coke MS8., at 
Melbourne Hall, Derby). Vol. 1. 


| (2) APPENDIX 
Ditto. Vol. I 


, ($.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - - =: 


me ee — 


Ditto. "Vol. III. 
| (4. APPENDIX 
Duke of Rutland, G.C. B. Vol. I. 
(5.) APPENDIX AND INDE - - 
Ditto. Vol. II. 
(60. APPENDIX AND INDEX - 
House of Lords, 1689-1690. 
(7.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - . 
B. H. le Fleming, Esq., of Bydal. 
(8. APPENDIX AND INDEX 
Duke of Athole, E. T., and Earl 
of Home. 
(9.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - 
Duke of Beaufort, K.G., Earl of 


| 


Donoughmore, J. H. Gurney, W. | 


W. B. Hulton, R. W. Ketton, G. A. 
Aitken, P. V. Smith, Esqs. ; louces. 
of Ely ; Cathedrals of Ely, Glouces- 
ter, Lincoln, and Peterborough, 
Corporations of Gloucester, Hi nr 
Ferrers, and Newark ; Southwell 
Minster; Lincoln District Registry. 





8vo. 


31 


LA 


LA) 








| 


Sessional 
No. Price. 
8. d. 
[C.5249] 1 7 
[C.5060 | 0 3 
vi.] 
[C.5060]! 1 1 
| 
[C.5060 | 2 0 
i.] 
[C.5060 | 1 8 
ii.) : 
[C.5060 | 2 6 
ii] ; 
[C.5060 | 2 8 
iv.] 
[C.5060 1 6 
v.] 
[C.5612]] 2 0 
[C.5889]| 0 3 
[C.5472]| 2 7 
[C.5018]| 2 5 
[C.5889 | 1 4 
i.] 
[C.5614]| [Out of 
print.) 
[C.5889 | 2 0 
DES 
[C.5889 | 2 1 
tid 
[C.58899 | 111 
iv.] 
:[C.6338]| 1 0 
ce. 6338 | 2 6 
i.) 








vil 





Bessional' Price. 








Date. —— Size. No. 
- | 
s. d. 
1891 | (10.) APPENDIX - -| 8vo. |[C.6838| 111 
The First Earl ot Charlemont. Vol. I. ii.) 
1892 | THIRTRENTH REPORT  - . » (C.6827]| 0 
This is introductory to the following: — 
1891 | (1.) APPENDIX - - - " [(C.6474]| 3 0 
Duke of Portland. Vol. I. 
(2. APPENDIX AND INDEX. 
Ditto. Vol.II. - - - - - ” [C. 6827; 2 90 
i.) 
1892 | (3.) APPENDIX. 
J. B. Fortescue, Esq. 4 of Dropmore. 
Voll. - » (C.6660]| 2 7 
1892 | (4.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - " (C.6810]| 2 4 
Corporations of Rye, Hastings, and 
Hereford. Capt. F. C. Loder- 
Symonds, E. R. Wodehouse, M.P., 
J. Dovaston, Esqs., Sir T. B. Len- 
nard, Bart., Rev. W. D. Maoray, and 
Earl of Dartmouth (Supplementary 
Report). 
1892 | (5.) APPENDIX AND INDEX. 
House of Lords, 1690- 1691 . - ° "9 [C.6822] 2 4 
1893 | (6.) APPENDIX AND INDEX. 
Sir W. Fitzherbert, Bart. ; The Delaval ” [C.7166]| 1 4 
Family, of Seaton Delaval ; Earl 
of Ancaster; and Gen. Lyttelton- 
Annesley. 
1893 | (7.) APPENDIX AND INDEX. 
Ear] of Lonsdale - - - - - ” (C.7241]| 1 8 
1898 | (8.) Appznprx AND INDEX 
The First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. II. » (C.7424]| 111 
1896 | FouRTEENTE REPORT  - - » [C.7983]| 0 8 
This is introductory to the following :- — 
1894 | (1. APPENDIX AND INDEX 
Duke of Rutland, ".C.B. Vol. III. ” (C.7476]| 111 
1894 | (2.) APPENDIx. 
Duke of Portland. Vol. II  - - »  |[C.7569]| 2 8 
1894 | (3.) APPENDIX AND INDEX. 
Duke of Roxburghe ; ; Sir H. EH. » [C.7570]| 1 2 
Campbell, Bart. ; Earl of Strath- 
more; and Countess Dowager 
of Seafield. 
1894 | (4.) APPENDIX AND Inpex. 
Lord Kenyon - - - - - » (C.7571]| 2 10 
1896 | (5.) AprxwDr. 
| J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Dropmore. " [C.7572] 2 8 
Vol. II. 
1895 | (6.) APPENDIX AND INDEX 
House of Lords, 1692- 1698 - - - » [(C.7578] 111 
(Manuscripts of the House of Lords, 
. 1693-1695, Vol. I. (New Series.) See 
H.L. No. b of 1900. Price 2/9). 
Ditto. 1695-1697. Vol. II. See H.L. 
No. 18. 1908. Price 2/9. 
1895 | (7) APPENDIX. 
Marquis of Ormonde - - - - » (C.7678]| 1 10 
17118 2L 


Vill 


| | | | 
Date. —— Size. Seesional Price. 





1895 | (8. APPENDIX AND INDEx. 
Lincoln, Bury 8t. Edmunds, Hertford, | 8vo. |{C.7881] 
and Great Grimsb Corporations : | 
The Dean and Chapter of Wor. | 
cester, and of Lichfield; H 
Bishop's Registry of Worcester. 
1896 | (9.) ApPzNDIx anp Inpex. 
Earl of Bu hamshire; Earl N " [C.7882]| 2 6 
Lindsey ; Earl of Onslow; Lord 
| 


ma 
Gt 


° Emly; T. J. Hare, Esq.; and J. 
Round, Esq., M.P. 
1895 | (10.) APPENDIX AND Inpex. 
Earl of Dartmouth. Vol. II. American 
' Papers. 
1899 | FrrreENTH REPORT  - - 
This is introductory to the following :- — 
1896 | (1.) APPENDIX AND INDEx. 
Earl of Dartmouth. Vol. II. - - 


1897 | (2.) APPENDIX. 
J. Eliot Hodgkin, Esq. - - - 


1897 | (8.) APPENDIX AND INDEX. 
Charles Haliday, Esq., of Dublin; 
Aots of the Privy Council in Ireland, 
1556-1571; Sir William Ussher’s 
Table to the Council Book; Table 
to the Red Council Book. 


1897 | (4.) APPENDIX. 
Duke of Portland. Vol. IV. - 


»  |[C.7883] 
»  |[C.9295] 


© t 
~ © 


bé 
ot 


»  |[C.8827] 


[C.8364] 


» [C.8156] 
1897 | (5.) APPENDIX AND INDEX. 
The Right Hon. F. J. Savile Foljambe - 
1897 | (6.) APPENDIX AND Inpex. 
Earl of Carlisle, Castle Howard 


o 
o 


5 ||e.sssn | 


1897 | (7.) APPENDIX AND Inpex. 
Duke of Somerset: Marquis of 
Ailesbury ; and Sir F.G. Puleston, Bart. 


1897 | (8.) APPENDIX AND INDEX. 
Duke of Buccleuch and Queensberry, 
at Drumlanrig. Vol. I 


»  |[C.8552] 


pt 
e 


» | [C-8558] 1 4 
1897 | (9.) APPENDIX AND INDEX. 


J.J. Hope Johnstone, Esq., of Annandale »» |[0-8554] 


» — I[C.9472) 


»  |[C.8829]| 1 4 


I(C.9468] | .2 11 
[Cd.3448] 0 8 


IM Hm 
o o 


1899 | (10.) Shrewsbury and Coventry Corporations; 
Bir H. O. Corbet, Bart., Earl of Radnor, 
P.T. Tillard ; J. R Carr-Ellison ; Andrew 
Kingsmill, Ésqrs, 


1898 | Manuscarprs IN THE Wetan LANGUAGR. 
Vol. I.—Lord Mostyn, at Mostyn Hall. 


1899 Vol. I. Part II.—W. R. M. Wynne, Esq. 
of Peniarth. 

1905 Vol I. Part IIL ——Peniarth. Sir T. 
Wiliams; John Jones; Robert! 
Vaughan. 

1902 Vol. II. Part I.—Jesus College, Oxford ; »  ([Cd.1100 
Free Library, Cardiff;  Havod; 
Wrexham;  Llanwrin; Merthyr: 
Aberdár. 

1908 Vol. II. Part II.—Plas Llan Stephan; »  |(Cd.16921 
Free Library, Cardiff. 

1905 Vol. II. Part III.—Panton; Cwrtmawr. . 








j= 
© 


oma 
eo 


4 — ([Cd.2444], 


e 
ao 





IX 


1899 | Manuscripts of the Duke of Buocleuch 
Queensberry, K.G., K.T., at Mon 
House, Whitehall. Vol. I. 


1908 | Ditto. Vol. II. (PartI) - 
1908 | Ditto. Vol.II. (Part IL.) - - - 
1908 | Ditto at Drumlanrig Castle. Vol. II. - 


1899 | Ditto Marquess of Ormonde, K.P. at 
Kilkenny Castle. Vol. II. 


1902 | Ditto. New Series. Vol. I. 
1903 | Ditto. Vol. II. - - 


1904 | Ditto. Vol. III. - - - 
1904 | Ditto Mrs.Stopford-Sackville. Vol. I. - 


1899 | Ditto Duke of Portland, K.G. Vol. V. - | 
1901 | Ditto. Vol. VI., with Index to Vols. III.-VI. | 
| 
| 


$8 


1901 | Ditto, Vol. VII. - - - -, 


1899 ; Ditto J. M. Heathoote, Esq. - 2! 
1899 | Ditto J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Dropmore. 
Vol. III. 


1899 | Ditto F. W. Leyborne-Popham, Esq. - 
1900 | Ditto Mrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley - | 
1900 , Ditto Lord Montagu of Beaulieu | 
1900 Ditto Beverley Corporation - - - " 


1901 | Ditto Various Collections. Vol. I. - | 
i Corporations of Berwick-on-T weed, 
Burford and Lostwithiel; the Counties 

of Wilts and Worcester; the Bishop of | 

Chichester ; and the Dean and Chapters of 
Chichester, Canterbury and Salisbury. 


1908, | Ditto. Vol. II. — - - - - | 
Sir Geo. Wombwell; the Duke of Norfolk ; 
| Lord Edmund Talbot wire Shrewsbury | 
' papers); Miss Buxton, Mrs. Harford and 
Mrs. Wentworth of Woolley. 


1904 Ditto. Vol II. - - - - 

T. B. Clarke-Thornhill, Esq.; Sir T. 

j| Barrett-Lennard, Bart.; Pelham R. 

| Fapillon, Esq.; W. Cleverly Alexander. 
sq. 


1902 , Calendar of the Stuart Manuscripts at 
' Windsor Castle, belonging to His Majesty 

ihe King. Vol. I. 
1904 | Ditto. Vol. II. - - - - 





1902 . Manuscripts Colonel David Milne-Home of 
. Wedderburn Castle, NB. 


Size. 


8vo. 


99 


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Sessional . 
| No. Price. 


s. d. 
[C.9244]| 2 7 


[Cd.980]| 1 10 


[Cd.980-i]| 1 11 
[Cd.1827]| 1 1 

















[C.9245] | 2 0 
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[C.9466]: 2 9 
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(Cd.788]| 2 3 
[C.9469]| 1 3 
[C.9470], 3 1 
[C.9471]| 1 6 
[Cd.282]| 2 0 
[04.283] | Dl 
[Cd.284]; 1 0 
pone 2 0 
[Cd.932]| 2 4 
I[Cd.1964] 1 6 
(Cd.927]| 2 11 
[022189] 2 9 

l4 


[Cd.931] | 




















Date. — Size, | Sessional! pi, 
—————— LLLÁ—— 
8. d. 
1904 | Manuscripts Marquess of Bath at Longleat, 8vo. |[(Cd.2048] 1 
Wiltshire. Vol. I. 
1904 | American Manuscripts in the Royal ” (Cd.2201] 2 8 
Institution of Great Britain. Vol. I. | 
1904 | SrxreentH Reporr (containing a list of the ” [Cd.2209] 0 9 
owners of Manuscripts upon whose collec- 
tions Reports have been made to July, 
1904). | | 
1904 | Manusoripts of the Earl of Mar and Kellie | ,  [Cd.2190] 2 7 
at Alloa House, N.B. | 
1905 | Ditto J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Dropmore. | " [Cd.2253] 2 6 
Vol. IV. 
Ditto Lady Du Cane - - - " (ed.2867; 2 6 
1905 | Ditto Marquess of Lothian, at Blickling ! » [Cd.2319]| 2 2 
Hall. 
Ditto Dean and Chapter of Wells - - » [In the 
press.) 
Ditto Marquess of Ormonde. New Series. » (In the 
0 . press.) 
Ditto Earl of Verulam JEDE T [In the 
press.] 
| 
Ditto Earl of Egmont. Vol. I. - - = ” [In the 
" press.) 
Ditto. Ditto,  Vol.I. PartIl. » | [In the 
| press.] 





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